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Opinion: Of competence and Olaiya’s inclusion in Tinubu’s cabinet

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Opinion: Of competence and Olaiya’s inclusion in Tinubu’s cabinet

By: Kemi Daniels

Professor Abideen Olaitan Olaiya is a member of the APC Presidential Campaign Council (PCC) that secured the victory of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu as President -elect of Nigeria. His political trajectory dated back to the mid 90s. He contested for the position of APC National Secretary in 2022, he was the running mate to Late Otunba Adebayo Alao-Akala in the 2019 gubernatorial race in Oyo state.

He hails from Oke Oluokun, Ibadan and bagged his Ph.D in Agronomy from the University of Ibadan in 2006.

His political experience dated back to 1995/96 when he contested for Chairman of Ibadan South East Local Government through the Zero party platform and subsequently under GDM and PDP. He contested for the Oluyole Federal seat in 2007 under Labour party with Former Governor Rashidi Ladoja as the leader.

He joined ACN in 2010 under the leadership of Chief Lam Adesina to produce Late Chief Abiola Ajimobi as Governor of Oyo State. Professor Olaiya together with Otunba Alao-Akala rejoined the APC in a political merger in 2019 to support the party in Oyo State. He has since contributed to the development of the party in all ramifications.

Olaiya, 56, lectures at the Department of Plant Physiology and Crop Production, Federal University of Agriculture, Abeokuta.

Tinubu’s Government of National Competence and the overwhelming choice for Ministries Lead

A few days after the ‘almighty’ 2023 Presidential election was won and lost, some individuals called Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu to form a government of National Unity to persuade the aggrieved and chart a call for unity in the country. This statement caused a swift flashback to the fearless statement of MKO Abiola where he promised the then Abacha’s Military Junta to form a Government of National Unity in an effort to reclaim his mandate of June 12, 1993. Were the circumstances similar in 2023? Of course, NOT. Did we need a Government of National unity? Yes, but we need to even step more further. And here the concept of competence sets in.

A Government of National Competence; first or second agenda?

No doubt, one of Asiwaju’s unique selling points is his talent for hunting talent. No one in the history of Nigeria’s political success has achieved better than him in regard to building a strong team and mentoring them to become leaders. To date, his Commissioners back in his governorship years is super relevant after 20 years. So, one’s attention was drawn to a statement credited to Asiwaju Bola Tinubu that he would form a government of national competence, this is a welcome development as against the proposed government of national unity.

An author once said “The secret behind the success of Dubai is in its leadership. Dubai Ruler, Sheikh Mohammed knows what he wants, and it is impossible for these projects to happen without his consent and personal supervision. It is obvious that he is giving men and women in Dubai full powers, but, at the same time, he holds them accountable for the outcome and the promises they make.” On this premise, it is certain that the first task for Asiwaju is not forming a government of National competence, rather, it is to have a clear understanding of what he wants for Nigeria. Thereafter, getting the team to deliver comes next.

Renewed Hope: Action Plan for a Better Nigeria

In answering the question of what Tinubu wants for Nigeria, let us take a quick look at what Tinubu’s plan entails as contained in his manifesto for Nigeria entitled Renewed Hope . The 80-page action plan is fully loaded with beautiful thoughts. It’s an action plan that needs a serious-minded team to execute. In some cases, these plans had their goals and intended solutions. Of all the plans, the flawless plan’s vision for Agriculture in Nigeria is superb. It’s actually fascinating, to say the least. The promise to bring back the commodity board which had been abandoned for so long, the creation of grain reserves and food storage, rural infrastructural development, irrigation, access to finance, farm cooperative among others are well thought out.

That’s just on agriculture, he still have unambiguous plans on national security, economy, power, oil & gas, education, and health care among other very important sectors.

The cabinet formation and list of competence
It is an open secret that the race for appointment in the Tinubu’s government has begun. The struggle is in two categories, presidency and ministerial. Under the presidency, we have the following as offices to be filled – Chief of Staff, CoS, Secretary to the Government of the Federation, SGF, Special Advisers, SAs, and Senior Special Assistants, SSAs.

The name of the likes of Nasir El-Rufai, Abdullahi Ganduje, Femi Gbajabiamila, Babatunde Fashola, James Faleke, Wale Edun, Dimeji Bankole, Abike Dabiri-Erewa, Bayo Onanuga and several others are all over the media space.

Flowing from names being touted in the media, it is expected that the bulk of people that will work in the presidency and in the cabinet are Tinubu’s core loyalists and competent members of the party.

For ministerial lobbying, this area comes with many complexities, scheming, and state political peculiarity. Notwithstanding all these, Asiwaju must look deep for productive personalities and not replicate a retirement benefit for former governors or political big-wigs.

Oyo State and her long list of ministerial aspirants

Oyo state stands out amongst others being a pacesetter with regards to Ministerial nomination permutations. It is going to be another form of battle royale reminiscent of internal intense party primaries. The scheming, no doubt, is similar in many other states as well.

The mere fact that Teslim Folarin of APC was unable to unseat the incumbent Seyi Makinde of PDP during the March 18 governorship election in Oyo state had made the ministerial contest even more competitive among the gladiators. Folarin has a national political war chest within the APC, and many had speculated that he may be compensated for losing the Guber race by a ministerial nomination. But this reminded me how Sunday Dare was appointed minister and Adebayo
Adelabu of APC who lost to Makinde of PDP in the 2019 governorship election was not compensated. Sunday Dare, the current Minister of Sports got the slot instead as an Asiwaju’s boy, and so he can’t be written off too in the new dispensation. The likes of Sen. Soji Akanbi, Prof. Adeolu Akande, Adebayo Shittu, KK Raji, Prof. Abideen Olaiya, Engr.Rauf Olaniyan, èrstwhile Deputy Governor to Seyi Makinde and many others are names on the radar.

Of all the names being bandied around, Prof. Abideen Olaiya stands out going by his credential in politics and profession as a good catch for Asiwaju’s passionate drive for Agricultural revival and food stability. Olaiya has the pedigree to do the magic in the agriculture ministry especially at this critical time when Asiwaju needs extraordinary performers and technocrats. More importantly, the Ministry of Agriculture had been managed by all kinds of non-agricultural experts since 1999. Aside Dr. Akinwumi Adesina, who had his degrees in Agricultural economics, no other minister till date can be said to have background in core agricultural discipline.

Ministries of Finance, Power, Education, Petroleum, Health, Foreign Affairs, Labour, and Employment are also ministries that deserve expert and committed individuals.

Olaiya preference stemmed from the fact that he is a loyal member of the party that have severally sacrifices his ambition for party success. He stepped down for APC governorship candidate in 2019 in Oyo state without any compensation . He was also asked to step down for national secretary at the last APC convention with the promised of refund not yet fulfilled till date by the party.

Olaiya was a strong supporter of Asiwaju presidential project, belonging to several support groups and PCC.

He is sincere and dedicated advocate of good governance with an NGO, Political Awareness Group (PAG) formed to his credit.

He is a competent professional in the field of agriculture, education, value reorientation and Youth development.

Olaiya is not just an ordinary Academic farmer but has personal farms scattered around Oyo, Ogun, Osun and Ondo States as well as supplying farm products and practical trainings/consultancy services to the farming communities.

Prof Olaiya was also involved in the establishment and management of private educational institutions from basic to tertiary levels, contributing immensely to attainment of millennium development goals in educational sector.

For competence in all ramifications and well suited personality for any presidential and cabinet position, Olaiya towers above his peers especially from Oyo state with intimidating credentials and academic excellence that fits in into Asiwaju’s Renewed Hope agenda for Nigeria.

Kemi Daniels , a public analyst, writes from Ibadan.
kemidaniels@yahoo.com

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NIGERIA’S 2027 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION: A PIVOTAL MOMENT FOR DEMOCRACY

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NIGERIA’S 2027 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION: A PIVOTAL MOMENT FOR DEMOCRACY

By: Austin Aigbe

Nigeria’s 2027 presidential election is emerging as one of the most consequential political moments since the return to civilian rule in 1999, with the potential to shape Nigeria’s democratic future and influence regional stability in West Africa. Far more than a routine electoral cycle, the contest is a decisive test of democratic resilience, institutional credibility, and national cohesion.

Against the backdrop of persistent insecurity, economic hardship, elite realignments, and widespread public disillusionment with governance, the election will shape not only Nigeria’s political future but also the trajectory of democratic governance in West Africa. At stake is whether Nigeria’s democracy can transcend entrenched patronage politics and elite domination, or whether elections will continue to function primarily as instruments for redistributing power among competing political elites.

Political Context and Elite Realignments
As preparations for 2027 intensify, Nigeria’s political landscape is already characterised by
heightened elite manoeuvring. Defections across party lines, coalition-building, and strategic repositioning dominate the political space. These developments reveal a persistent feature of Nigeria’s political system: weak party institutionalisation. Political parties often operate less as ideologically coherent organisations and more as platforms for elite negotiation and personal ambition.

This pattern reflects Nigeria’s broader political economy, where access to state power is closely tied to access to resources, protection, and influence. Patronage networks remain central to political competition, with loyalty to powerful individuals rewarded through appointments,
contracts, and informal privileges. In such a system, electoral victory is existential. Frequent office losses often translate into political marginalisation, loss of access to resources, and vulnerability to prosecution or exclusion.

Consequently, elections are framed as “do-or-die” contests. This mindset not only distorts
democratic competition but also incentivises practices—such as vote-buying, institutional
manipulation, and violence—that undermine democratic norms. The intense elite realignments ahead of 2027, therefore, signal not ideological contestation, but a struggle for survival within abpatronage-driven political order.

Electoral Integrity and Institutional Challenges Nigeria’s 2027 presidential election’s credibility will depend on how effectively institutions like INEC implement reforms such as the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic result transmission, which aim to enhance transparency and accountability amidst ongoing institutional challenges.
However, technology alone cannot resolve deeply embedded structural challenges.

Institutional capture remains a major concern. Allegations of selective enforcement of electoral rules, politicised deployment of security forces, and inconsistent judicial outcomes continue to erode public confidence. For many citizens, elections appear procedurally democratic but substantively compromised, with outcomes perceived as negotiated through elite influence rather than determined by voter choice.

This gap between form and substance is critical. While electoral processes may meet technical benchmarks, democratic legitimacy depends on whether institutions act independently and impartially. Without credible enforcement of rules and sanctions, electoral reforms risk becoming symbolic rather than transformative.

Security, Violence, and Political Intimidation
Security challenges threaten to undermine the election, and raising awareness of the risks of violence can motivate the audience to prioritise stability and safety in the electoral process.

Historically, electoral violence in Nigeria has been instrumental rather than incidental. Political actors have used intimidation, thuggery, and inflammatory rhetoric to suppress opposition strongholds and manipulate outcomes. The persistence of armed non-state actors further complicates the environment, as elections can become flashpoints for broader conflicts.

The normalisation of violence reflects the high stakes of patronage politics. Where political office determines access to resources and protection, violence becomes a rational—though destructive—strategy. Without credible deterrence and accountability, the risk remains that insecurity will again undermine the integrity of the 2027 election.

Economy, Governance, and Public Discontent
The 2027 election will take place amid widespread economic hardship. Rising inflation, unemployment, fuel subsidy reforms, and declining purchasing power have intensified public frustration. For many Nigerians, democratic governance has failed to deliver tangible improvements in living standards, deepening scepticism toward political institutions.

This socio-economic context presents both risks and opportunities. On one hand, economic vulnerability increases susceptibility to vote-buying and inducements, reinforcing patronage politics. On the other hand, sustained hardship may fuel demands for accountability and reform, particularly among young and urban populations increasingly exposed to alternative political narratives.

Public discontent thus represents a volatile variable. Whether it translates into apathy, protest, or meaningful political engagement will significantly shape the character of the 2027 election.

Youth, Civil Society, and Democratic Agency
Nigeria’s youthful demographic plays a vital role in the electoral landscape. Energised by social media and civic engagement, young voters are increasingly prepared to confront established political norms.

Their advocacy for electoral transparency, good governance, and institutional reform has shifted public conversations, even though significant structural obstacles persist. Civil society organisations (CSOs) and election monitors are crucial for protecting the integrity of elections. Their ability to oversee campaigns, track provocative statements, document violations, and collaborate with security agencies will significantly affect public confidence in the electoral process.

Nonetheless, civil society faces significant challenges, including regulatory constraints, funding shortages, and potential intimidation. The success of civil society’s involvement in the 2027 elections will hinge on its capacity to extend its oversight beyond election day, including ongoing monitoring of party primaries, campaign financing, institutional conduct, and postelection accountability.

Regional and International Implications
Nigeria’s 2027 election has regional implications: a credible, peaceful process could strengthen democratic norms across West Africa, while instability could embolden authoritarian tendencies in neighbouring countries already facing coups and democratic erosion.

While international observers will monitor Nigeria’s 2027 election, the limited scope of external influence underscores that the country’s democratic consolidation primarily depends on domestic institutions, political elites, and citizen engagement, raising questions about sovereignty and
legitimacy.

Conclusion: A Defining Moment
Nigeria’s 2027 presidential election represents a defining moment in the country’s democratic journey. It will test whether electoral reforms can transcend elite manipulation, whether institutions can assert independence, and whether political competition can occur without violence.

More fundamentally, it will determine whether Nigeria’s democracy can evolve from a system dominated by patronage and power struggles into one anchored in accountability, participation, and the rule of law.

The outcome of the election will shape not only Nigeria’s political future but also broader regional perceptions of democratic viability. For Nigeria, 2027 is not merely an election—it is a referendum on the credibility and sustainability of the democratic project itself.

Austin Aigbe, a Development and Electoral Specialist, writes from Abuja, where he closely observes the intricate dynamics of politics and governance in

Nigeria. With a keen interest in the intersections of development, democracy, and
electoral processes, Aigbe analyses the challenges faced by Nigeria since its transition to civilian rule in 1999. His insights
highlight the persistent militarisation of political systems and its implications for democratic consolidation in the country

NIGERIA’S 2027 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION: A PIVOTAL MOMENT FOR DEMOCRACY

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Russian Houses and the Quiet Trafficking of Africa’s Youth into a Foreign War

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Russian Houses and the Quiet Trafficking of Africa’s Youth into a Foreign War

By: Oumarou Sanou

What is unfolding across parts of Africa under the banner of cultural exchange is not diplomacy. It is not education. And it is certainly not benign soft power. It is a calculated, morally bankrupt system that exploits African vulnerability and converts cultural trust into military manpower for a war Africans neither started nor consented to fight.

Russia’s so-called cultural centres, branded as Russian Houses, have become part of a shadow infrastructure feeding Moscow’s war in Ukraine. They operate not as neutral spaces for language, literature, or artistic exchange, but as recruitment-adjacent nodes in a broader ecosystem of deception, labour exploitation, and ideological manipulation. For Africa, this should ring alarm bells far louder than they currently do.

Cultural diplomacy, in its classical sense, seeks to persuade, not conscript. It aims to shape perception, not bodies. Yet what investigations now reveal is a disturbing mutation: culture repurposed as camouflage, education as bait, opportunity as a trap. Young Africans are not being won over by ideas alone; they are being funnelled—sometimes coerced—into a war zone through a system that thrives on deniability and desperation.

The tragedy is not only that Africans are dying on foreign battlefields. It is that many never knew they were enlisting in a war at all.

Across Nigeria, Uganda, Kenya and beyond, testimonies tell a consistent story. Men are promised jobs—mechanics, security guards, supermarket workers. Visas are arranged with suspicious ease. Travel is routed through familiar transit hubs. And once inside Russia, the script changes. Passports vanish. Military camps appear. Training begins. Protest becomes futile. Escape becomes a gamble with death.

This is not migration gone wrong. It is deception by design.

At the centre of this system sits Rossotrudnichestvo, the Russian state agency overseeing Russian Houses worldwide. Unlike the British Council or Goethe-Institut, its operations follow an opaque franchising model, allowing private actors—including those linked to Russia’s security and mercenary ecosystem—to run cultural centres under a unified brand. The result is plausible deniability for Moscow and zero accountability for victims.

This model matters. It allows the Russian state to benefit strategically while evading responsibility politically. When things go wrong—and they do—it is always someone else’s fault: a local agent, a private company, a misunderstanding. Meanwhile, African families bury sons who left home seeking work, not war.

Even more troubling is how ideology and narrative conditioning are woven into this machinery. Russian Houses increasingly host militarised events, glorify Russia’s armed forces and normalise the Ukraine war as a civilisational struggle. They amplify Kremlin-aligned media while silencing dissent. These are not cultural spaces; they are echo chambers preparing minds—and sometimes bodies—for mobilisation.

Religion, too, has not been spared. The expansion of the Russian Orthodox Church’s African Exarchate, particularly in countries where Russian security influence is already present, adds another layer of concern. Faith-based engagement, theological training and church-sponsored labour projects have, in documented cases, intersected with recruitment and war-related labour pipelines. When spirituality becomes a corridor to coercion, the ethical collapse is complete.

What makes this especially dangerous is Africa’s structural vulnerability. High youth unemployment, weak labour protections, porous oversight of migration, and limited intelligence coordination create fertile ground for such operations. When survival becomes the priority, scrutiny becomes a luxury many cannot afford.

But Africa cannot afford this silence.

This is not about geopolitics alone. It is about sovereignty. It is about the value of African lives in a global system that too often treats them as expendable. It is about whether African governments will continue to look away while foreign powers exploit desperation under the cover of culture.

Regulation must replace naivety. Cultural centres should not operate without transparency, oversight and clear legal boundaries. Labour recruitment pathways must be scrutinised, especially those linked to conflict zones. Intelligence and immigration services must treat these networks not as isolated incidents but as a pattern that demands a coordinated response.

Most importantly, Africans must reclaim the narrative. Engagement with global powers should be grounded in dignity and mutual respect, not deception and disposability. Cultural exchange must never be allowed to become a conveyor belt to war.

From Dostoevsky to drone strikes, something has gone profoundly wrong. If Africa does not confront it now, the continent risks losing not just its youth, but its moral authority to protect them.

Oumarou Sanou is a social critic, Pan-African observer and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, regional stability, and African leadership dynamics. Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com

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Steadily Expanding Institutional Opening-Up to Forge New Prospects of China-Nigeria Win-Win Cooperation

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Steadily Expanding Institutional Opening-Up to Forge New Prospects of China-Nigeria Win-Win Cooperation

By: Yu Dunhai, Chinese Ambassador to Nigeria

In October this year, the Fourth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China was convened in Beijing. The session reviewed and adopted the Recommendations of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China for Formulating the 15th Five-Year Plan for National Economic and Social Development, outlining a grand blueprint for China’s development over the next five years, pointing the way forward for Chinese modernization.

The session also laid out plans for improving the institutions and mechanisms for high-standard opening-up, explicitly putting forward “steadily expanding institutional opening-up”. Unlike the opening-up centered on the flow of goods and factors, institutional opening-up, as a hallmark of high-standard openness, focus more on rules, regulations, management, and standards. It is more comprehensive, systematic, and stable, representing a more advanced form of opening-up.

In recent years, the transformation of the global trading system has been accelerating. On one hand, trade in developed economies has weakened, while the Global South has become the main driver of global trade growth. On the other hand, the WTO-centered multilateral trading system has faced increasing challenges, and mega-free trade agreements promoted by developed economies have gained an advantage in reshaping global rules. These trends indicate that the global economic governance system is struggling to keep pace with an evolving landscape.

In this context, steadily advancing institutional opening-up will enhance China’s participation in the reform of global economic governance. By firmly supporting the WTO-centered multilateral trading system and steadily expanding institutional openness in rules, regulations, management, and standards, China will strengthen its leadership and agenda-setting influence in shaping international economic and trade rules. Meanwhile, China will also participate more comprehensively in WTO reform and the adjustment of global economic and trade rules, contributing more public goods to the world.

Since December 1, 2024, China has granted zero-tariff treatment to 100% of products from all least developed countries (LDCs) with which it has diplomatic relations, covering 33 African nations. In June this year, China further extended this zero-tariff policy to include all 53 African countries that have established diplomatic ties with it. These measures reflect the consistent implementation of the principle of “mutual benefit and win-win cooperation” in guiding China-Africa relations and highlight China’s firm determination to adapt to the evolving international landscape and strengthen multilateral economic and trade relations.

Moreover, China’s zero-tariff policy toward African countries will help reshape the trade landscape between China and Africa, elevating Africa’s position in international trade and global supply chains. It will also support African nations in achieving industrial chain upgrading, moving beyond a “resource-export” economic model, and accelerating their industrialization and modernization, further illustrating the great significance of strengthening cooperation among Global South countries.

China and Nigeria share a long-standing and profound friendship. In recent years, bilateral relations between our two countries have grown rapidly. Last September, during the meeting between President Xi Jinping and President Bola Tinubu in Beijing, the two heads of state elevated the China-Nigeria relationship to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership. China supports Nigeria in playing a greater role in international and regional affairs and stands ready to strengthen coordination with Nigeria through multilateral mechanisms. Together, the two sides will advance solidarity and self-reliant development of the Global South, advance world multi-polarization and economic globalization, and contribute to a more just and equitable global governance system.

China is also willing to advance high-quality cooperation under the Belt and Road Initiative and work together with Nigeria to align the “Ten Partnership Actions” of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) with President Tinubu’s “Renewed Hope” Agenda and his administration’s “Eight Priority Areas.” To further this goal, China also stands ready to implement the zero-tariff policy through the negotiation and signing of the Agreement on Economic Partnership for Shared Development. Furthermore, China is willing to walk hand in hand with Nigeria on the path to modernization, strengthen strategic synergy, expand all-round cooperation, deliver more tangible outcomes, and serve the development needs of both countries.

Steadily Expanding Institutional Opening-Up to Forge New Prospects of China-Nigeria Win-Win Cooperation

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