Feature
Opinion: Of competence and Olaiya’s inclusion in Tinubu’s cabinet
Opinion: Of competence and Olaiya’s inclusion in Tinubu’s cabinet
By: Kemi Daniels
Professor Abideen Olaitan Olaiya is a member of the APC Presidential Campaign Council (PCC) that secured the victory of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu as President -elect of Nigeria. His political trajectory dated back to the mid 90s. He contested for the position of APC National Secretary in 2022, he was the running mate to Late Otunba Adebayo Alao-Akala in the 2019 gubernatorial race in Oyo state.
He hails from Oke Oluokun, Ibadan and bagged his Ph.D in Agronomy from the University of Ibadan in 2006.
His political experience dated back to 1995/96 when he contested for Chairman of Ibadan South East Local Government through the Zero party platform and subsequently under GDM and PDP. He contested for the Oluyole Federal seat in 2007 under Labour party with Former Governor Rashidi Ladoja as the leader.
He joined ACN in 2010 under the leadership of Chief Lam Adesina to produce Late Chief Abiola Ajimobi as Governor of Oyo State. Professor Olaiya together with Otunba Alao-Akala rejoined the APC in a political merger in 2019 to support the party in Oyo State. He has since contributed to the development of the party in all ramifications.
Olaiya, 56, lectures at the Department of Plant Physiology and Crop Production, Federal University of Agriculture, Abeokuta.
Tinubu’s Government of National Competence and the overwhelming choice for Ministries Lead
A few days after the ‘almighty’ 2023 Presidential election was won and lost, some individuals called Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu to form a government of National Unity to persuade the aggrieved and chart a call for unity in the country. This statement caused a swift flashback to the fearless statement of MKO Abiola where he promised the then Abacha’s Military Junta to form a Government of National Unity in an effort to reclaim his mandate of June 12, 1993. Were the circumstances similar in 2023? Of course, NOT. Did we need a Government of National unity? Yes, but we need to even step more further. And here the concept of competence sets in.
A Government of National Competence; first or second agenda?
No doubt, one of Asiwaju’s unique selling points is his talent for hunting talent. No one in the history of Nigeria’s political success has achieved better than him in regard to building a strong team and mentoring them to become leaders. To date, his Commissioners back in his governorship years is super relevant after 20 years. So, one’s attention was drawn to a statement credited to Asiwaju Bola Tinubu that he would form a government of national competence, this is a welcome development as against the proposed government of national unity.
An author once said “The secret behind the success of Dubai is in its leadership. Dubai Ruler, Sheikh Mohammed knows what he wants, and it is impossible for these projects to happen without his consent and personal supervision. It is obvious that he is giving men and women in Dubai full powers, but, at the same time, he holds them accountable for the outcome and the promises they make.” On this premise, it is certain that the first task for Asiwaju is not forming a government of National competence, rather, it is to have a clear understanding of what he wants for Nigeria. Thereafter, getting the team to deliver comes next.
Renewed Hope: Action Plan for a Better Nigeria
In answering the question of what Tinubu wants for Nigeria, let us take a quick look at what Tinubu’s plan entails as contained in his manifesto for Nigeria entitled Renewed Hope . The 80-page action plan is fully loaded with beautiful thoughts. It’s an action plan that needs a serious-minded team to execute. In some cases, these plans had their goals and intended solutions. Of all the plans, the flawless plan’s vision for Agriculture in Nigeria is superb. It’s actually fascinating, to say the least. The promise to bring back the commodity board which had been abandoned for so long, the creation of grain reserves and food storage, rural infrastructural development, irrigation, access to finance, farm cooperative among others are well thought out.
That’s just on agriculture, he still have unambiguous plans on national security, economy, power, oil & gas, education, and health care among other very important sectors.
The cabinet formation and list of competence
It is an open secret that the race for appointment in the Tinubu’s government has begun. The struggle is in two categories, presidency and ministerial. Under the presidency, we have the following as offices to be filled – Chief of Staff, CoS, Secretary to the Government of the Federation, SGF, Special Advisers, SAs, and Senior Special Assistants, SSAs.
The name of the likes of Nasir El-Rufai, Abdullahi Ganduje, Femi Gbajabiamila, Babatunde Fashola, James Faleke, Wale Edun, Dimeji Bankole, Abike Dabiri-Erewa, Bayo Onanuga and several others are all over the media space.
Flowing from names being touted in the media, it is expected that the bulk of people that will work in the presidency and in the cabinet are Tinubu’s core loyalists and competent members of the party.
For ministerial lobbying, this area comes with many complexities, scheming, and state political peculiarity. Notwithstanding all these, Asiwaju must look deep for productive personalities and not replicate a retirement benefit for former governors or political big-wigs.
Oyo State and her long list of ministerial aspirants
Oyo state stands out amongst others being a pacesetter with regards to Ministerial nomination permutations. It is going to be another form of battle royale reminiscent of internal intense party primaries. The scheming, no doubt, is similar in many other states as well.
The mere fact that Teslim Folarin of APC was unable to unseat the incumbent Seyi Makinde of PDP during the March 18 governorship election in Oyo state had made the ministerial contest even more competitive among the gladiators. Folarin has a national political war chest within the APC, and many had speculated that he may be compensated for losing the Guber race by a ministerial nomination. But this reminded me how Sunday Dare was appointed minister and Adebayo
Adelabu of APC who lost to Makinde of PDP in the 2019 governorship election was not compensated. Sunday Dare, the current Minister of Sports got the slot instead as an Asiwaju’s boy, and so he can’t be written off too in the new dispensation. The likes of Sen. Soji Akanbi, Prof. Adeolu Akande, Adebayo Shittu, KK Raji, Prof. Abideen Olaiya, Engr.Rauf Olaniyan, èrstwhile Deputy Governor to Seyi Makinde and many others are names on the radar.
Of all the names being bandied around, Prof. Abideen Olaiya stands out going by his credential in politics and profession as a good catch for Asiwaju’s passionate drive for Agricultural revival and food stability. Olaiya has the pedigree to do the magic in the agriculture ministry especially at this critical time when Asiwaju needs extraordinary performers and technocrats. More importantly, the Ministry of Agriculture had been managed by all kinds of non-agricultural experts since 1999. Aside Dr. Akinwumi Adesina, who had his degrees in Agricultural economics, no other minister till date can be said to have background in core agricultural discipline.
Ministries of Finance, Power, Education, Petroleum, Health, Foreign Affairs, Labour, and Employment are also ministries that deserve expert and committed individuals.
Olaiya preference stemmed from the fact that he is a loyal member of the party that have severally sacrifices his ambition for party success. He stepped down for APC governorship candidate in 2019 in Oyo state without any compensation . He was also asked to step down for national secretary at the last APC convention with the promised of refund not yet fulfilled till date by the party.
Olaiya was a strong supporter of Asiwaju presidential project, belonging to several support groups and PCC.
He is sincere and dedicated advocate of good governance with an NGO, Political Awareness Group (PAG) formed to his credit.
He is a competent professional in the field of agriculture, education, value reorientation and Youth development.
Olaiya is not just an ordinary Academic farmer but has personal farms scattered around Oyo, Ogun, Osun and Ondo States as well as supplying farm products and practical trainings/consultancy services to the farming communities.
Prof Olaiya was also involved in the establishment and management of private educational institutions from basic to tertiary levels, contributing immensely to attainment of millennium development goals in educational sector.
For competence in all ramifications and well suited personality for any presidential and cabinet position, Olaiya towers above his peers especially from Oyo state with intimidating credentials and academic excellence that fits in into Asiwaju’s Renewed Hope agenda for Nigeria.
Kemi Daniels , a public analyst, writes from Ibadan.
kemidaniels@yahoo.com
Feature
DEMOCRACY AND THE COURAGE TO BELIEVE
DEMOCRACY AND THE COURAGE TO BELIEVE
By: Barr. Jonathan Abakpa
Democracy remains the hallmark of a people’s aspirations. At its very essence, democracy is about the will of the people, their hopes, their voices, their choices, and their collective vision for society. There may be differences in perspectives, competing ideologies, and divergent opinions on how democracy should function, but beneath these differences lies one enduring truth: democracy is about people.
Today, democracy has become the most widely accepted system of government worldwide because it recognises the dignity and agency of citizens. In Nigeria, this democratic journey has endured for twenty-seven uninterrupted years. This milestone deserves recognition. It reflects resilience, progress, and Nigerians’ determination to continue choosing dialogue over dictatorship, ballots over bullets, and participation over exclusion.
Yet anniversaries are not merely occasions for celebration; they are moments for reflection. They compel us to ask difficult questions about whether democracy is delivering on its promises and whether citizens still believe in the democratic project.
In his Democracy Day address, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu spoke directly to Nigerian youth, urging them to believe in Nigeria and its future. It was a powerful call to optimism. Indeed, no nation can prosper if its young people lose faith in the possibility of change. Young people are not merely beneficiaries of democracy; they are its custodians, innovators, defenders, and future leaders. However, belief cannot be demanded; it must be earned.
Democracy is strongest when citizens trust the process, when they see their voices reflected in governance, and when they feel protected by the institutions created to serve them. Citizens believe in democracy not simply because elections are held, but because they can see evidence that the system works for them.
The President rightly observed that democracy without security is a failed democracy and reassured Nigerians that his administration is working to improve the nation’s security architecture. This recognition is important because security is not separate from democracy; it is one of its foundations. Freedom loses meaning when people live in fear.
Yet, even as these assurances were being made, the nation continues to confront painful realities. Reports of kidnappings, attacks on communities, and the abduction of innocent children remind us that many Nigerians still wake up uncertain of their safety. The image of children stolen from their homes and communities is not merely a security concern; it is a challenge to the very promise of democracy.
How can young people fully believe in the future when the road to school is uncertain?
How can citizens confidently participate in governance when fear dictates their movements?
How can democracy flourish when survival becomes a daily struggle?
There was another moment in the President’s Democracy Day address that deserves reflection. In recognising distinguished Nigerians with national honours, the President rightly celebrated individuals whose contributions have shaped the nation’s democratic journey. Such recognition is important. Nations must remember those who have served and sacrificed for the common good.
Yet democracy grows beyond elections, political offices, and moments of official recognition.
The girl who walks miles to school through uncertainty and insecurity because she refuses to let her future be stolen.
Democracy is also sustained by countless Nigerians whose names may never appear on an honours list, but whose courage keeps the nation alive every day.
They are the heroes of our democracy.
The young woman who refuses to surrender her dreams to discrimination, exclusion, or violence.
The student who studies by candlelight, convinced that education remains a bridge to a better tomorrow.
The young entrepreneur who wakes every morning uncertain of the next fuel price increase, transportation cost, electricity tariff, or economic shock, yet still chooses to create, innovate, and persevere.
The farmer who plants despite fear.
The teacher who inspires despite limitations.
The health worker who serves despite inadequate resources.
The men and women of our armed forces and security agencies who stand between chaos and order often pay the ultimate price in defence of Nigeria’s territorial integrity and sovereignty. Many die with little recognition beyond folded flags, grieving families, and silent prayers. They, too, are heroes of our democracy.
And then there is Leah Sharibu.
Her story transcends politics. In the face of terror, captivity, and unimaginable pressure, she remained steadfast in her convictions. Her courage speaks to the very essence of freedom; the right to believe, to worship, and to live according to one’s conscience without fear. Whether one shares her faith or not, her resilience embodies the ideals of a Nigeria where diversity is respected and freedom of belief is protected. She remains a symbol of what a truly free society should represent.
The President also stated that the responsibility of this generation is to sustain democracy and ensure prosperity. That responsibility is indeed ours. But democracy and prosperity cannot be improved by citizens alone. Government, institutions, civil society, and communities must all play their part.
For young Nigerians, sustaining democracy means participating, organizing, voting, advocating, innovating, and holding leaders accountable. For the government, sustaining democracy means ensuring that citizens can live, learn, work, and dream in safety.
For democracy is not merely the absence of military rule.
It is a mother who sleeps knowing her children will return safely from school.
It is a young girl who walks to class without fear.
It is a farmer who tills his land without the sound of gunfire in the distance.
It is a student whose ambition is greater than his anxiety.
It is a nation where hope travels farther than fear.
It is where the ballot carries more power than the bullet.
It is where disagreement does not become violence.
It is where diversity is not feared but celebrated.
It is where every citizen, regardless of faith, ethnicity, gender, or status, can live freely and with dignity.
It is where the dreams of young people are not interrupted by violence.
As Nigeria marks twenty-seven years of uninterrupted democracy, we must celebrate how far we have come. But we must also confront how far we still need to go. The true test of our democracy will not be measured only by the number of years it survives, but by the number of lives it secures, opportunities it creates, freedoms it protects, and dreams it preserves.
If young people are to believe in Nigeria, then Nigeria must become a country where believing is rewarded by evidence, not merely encouraged by words.
The task before this generation is not simply to sustain democracy. It is to deepen it, strengthen it, and make it meaningful for every citizen. And that journey begins with ensuring that every Nigerian can move freely, speak freely, worship freely, dream boldly, and live safely.
Only then can democracy truly fulfil its promise.
Barr. Jonathan Abakpa
Human Rights Lawyer
DEMOCRACY AND THE COURAGE TO BELIEVE
Feature
My Binoculars: June 12, The Fragile Security of Nigeria and This Unending Damnation Called Ransom for Commercial Banditry
My Binoculars: June 12, The Fragile Security of Nigeria and This Unending Damnation Called Ransom for Commercial Banditry
By: Bodunrin Kayode
Most residents in Nigeria are so used to the old ways of doing things that they think that mere agitation for the release of one set of captive will be the end of this lingering sing-song that has been let loose in the land by theses scare cat criminals called bandits. Release our students has become a mere social album released intermittently because even the political leaders are busy trying to solve this damnation from the head instead of from the root. The interagency corporation in terms of intelligence sharing has equally become so weak that the policy itself has deteriorated to a mere chorus either in a staccato or crescendo format to suit the ears of foreign watchers like the Americans who seem to care. We also know that the disparity between the vocal range of the department of State Service (DSS) and the military is so wide that it will take the grace of God for them to continue to sing in harmony as was preached by General Chris Musa before he was dropped as Chief of Defense staff. Until they all find their bearings harmoniously, these criminals extorting Nigerians in the savannah will continue to have their say with impunity. Abductions and kidnappings will surely linger for a long time until this government swallows its pride and requests for massive help from willing friends or mercinaries to take out these criminals in the bush once and for all.
Very few State actors within the general security network bother about taking these criminals out of their hide outs as long as their loved ones have been freed from their grips. These urchins can continue to stay in the savannah and now some parts of the rain forests in the South West of the country carrying out their criminality on vulnerable people to make them cry. Some of the residents they have humiliated include political, military and traditional rulers and they don’t care a hoot about our common humanity. Yet the Federal government in the last eleven years continue to treat their known sponsors like sacred cows who should not be touched.
For some of these reasons, I don’t believe that the release of captives this weekend will ever stop another set of residents from being captured in two weeks time. This is because these criminals will always get more vulnerable people to monitor especially in our largely unmanned forest terrain and pick them up like hawks clutching their preys in their claws. Poor residents, desperate to free their loved ones empower these criminals with “anything they want” under the sun besides humongous amounts of cash making them richer by the days.
It’s a very sad reality that any layman can see the lacuna in our communities for easy capture of our people because of the way our security architecture is designed. Off course the bottom line of all this hide and seek game is the demand for more money because the whole phenomenon has become an industry for the criminals who keep prospering while fighting for a “known cause” against the rest of us. From Boko Haram to Lakurawa, Biafran and even Islamic State of West African Province (iswap) fighters, they all have fixated known causes not hidden to keen observers in the country.
How to stop these criminals from prospering
Security managers have to stop doing things the same way they are used to doing them after the civil war and move to the next known level of sophistry. The key intelligence people must move from manual to the highest form of digital sophistication and collaborate with the big players in the world to get results. The military intelligence and the cyber tech squad must increase their romance.
By this I also mean that, trainers in the Nigerian Defense Academyy (NDA) for instance should go beyond the conventional ways they are used to doing things and incorporate asymmetric formations into their curriculum the way institutions like West Point and Sandhurst have done even before the commencement of the rebellion against organized governments by extremists in many parts of the world. The earlier the better for our security network which is heavily appropriated in trillions of naira yet grossly underfunded each fiscal year. This gives rise to the inability of defense managers most times to being unable to buy the basic and advanced Intel equipment for utilization to fight back. Even when the British and American troops on ground have been enabling our personnel with some of these rare equipment within the last decade, the effect in terms of optics is minimal compared to a situation where our men will own and operate theirs. For us residents who live and work in the “Hadin Kai” theatre, we know that the British have been doing their best with theses Intel supports but it has never been enough to cover even 10 percent of the vast forests which stretches up to the Tumbus islands of the lake Chad or way beyond the Mandara mountains down to the central African region. Most commanders in the Frontline have operated under a trial and error basis when it comes to descerning critical Intel. But thank God, the collaboration with the Americans have started yielding tangible fruits beyond some reasonable doubts.
Key intelligence agencies have to start acting in real time to save more lives if they are supported with these expensive equipment to respond to assist the ten agencies now dishing out intels. This is because responding in real time is key to stop these criminals from their lingering operations in the country. Consequently, it is only the right intelligence that can take out the estimated 30,000 criminals the Americans alerted the nation about and not necessarily brute force known to the military.
Our dedicated operatives also have to stop clamoring for half bread by ensuring that our political servants in government and service Chiefs go after and take out all 30,000 of the criminals as has been revealed by those who have the right equipment to see the bandits as they roam about our bushes with impunity. Mark my words if the security operatives do not move to the next level in terms of Intel sharing and management, many more will have to be abducted. Hundreds more will suffer in the process and die before the next June 12 democracy day. And please don’t ever ask me why. Nigeria has a lot of fixing to do in the security sector for residents to sleep with both eyes closed.
Bodunrin Kayode wrote in from Maiduguri.
My Binoculars: June 12, The Fragile Security of Nigeria and This Unending Damnation Called Ransom for Commercial Banditry
Feature
Africa Forward: When Africa Stops Showing Up as a Guest
Africa Forward: When Africa Stops Showing Up as a Guest
By: Michael Mike
Nairobi Summit may have signalled the beginning of a more equal Africa-Europe relationship. The real test is whether investment finally replaces dependency.
By Senator Iroegbu
Something shifted in Nairobi last week. It was not the numbers, though the numbers were striking. It was not the speeches, though some were worth hearing. What shifted was the room’s geography — and the logic behind the conversation. For the first time, France and an African country co-chaired an Africa-France summit on African soil, with President Macron and President Ruto standing side by side as equals, not host and supplicant.
For decades, Africa’s engagements with major global powers have followed an almost predictable script. African leaders are invited to Paris, Washington, Beijing, Moscow, Brussels, or New Delhi. Red carpets are rolled out. Grand declarations about “strategic partnership” are made. Communiqués are signed. Photographs are taken. Then everyone flies home, while very little changes for ordinary Africans.
The imbalance was often visible even in the choreography of these summits. Africa appeared less like an equal negotiating bloc and more like a guest invited to seek assistance, security guarantees, investment, or development aid.
The Africa Forward Summit, held in Nairobi on May 11 and 12, broke that script in key important ways. Nairobi appeared different in tone, structure, and ambition. For once, the summit was held on African soil, not in Europe. For once, the conversation shifted from aid to investment, from dependency to co-production, and from diplomatic rhetoric to commercial engagement. That distinction matters greatly, inspiring confidence in the possibility of meaningful progress.
Over two days, €24 billion in commitments were announced: €15 billion from French sources and €9 billion from African investors, with a focus on real projects that can inspire trust and motivate further action. According to figures announced at the summit, investment and financing commitments were unveiled across sectors, including energy transition, digital infrastructure, artificial intelligence, agriculture, healthcare, maritime development, industrialisation, sports, and logistics.
More importantly, the summit focused less on political symbolism and more on practical business partnerships. French and European companies openly discussed co-investing and co-producing with African firms inside Africa itself. Still, the true measure of success will depend on the accountability and follow-through of these commitments.
If implemented seriously, that could become the summit’s most consequential outcome.
Africa does not lack resources. Africa does not lack markets. Africa does not lack entrepreneurial energy or youthful talent. What the continent has historically lacked is equitable access to capital, technology transfer, industrial partnerships, and financing systems that support value addition and manufacturing. The summit’s emphasis on co-production rather than extraction is therefore significant.
Again, it is worth noting that Africa’s resource wealth and youthful ambition are evident. Still, the true test of the summit’s success lies in measurable outcomes-such as increased local industrial capacity, technology transfer, and fair financing structures-that can demonstrate real progress and build trust in future initiatives.
Nigeria has already emerged with one practical example. French hospitality giant Accor and Shoreline Group signed a Letter of Intent to develop Nigeria’s first national hotel platform, with a planned $300 million investment targeting 10 hotels across eight Nigerian cities by 2030. The initiative will also establish a hospitality training academy to support skills development and job creation. That is the kind of partnership Africa should encourage: investment tied to infrastructure, skills transfer, employment, and long-term economic activity rather than mere extraction of profit.
The summit also launched the Africa-France Impact Coalition, a business platform bringing together major African and French companies with combined operations worth over €100 billion and employing hundreds of thousands across the continent. Discussions covered artificial intelligence, renewable energy, healthcare manufacturing, agriculture, digital connectivity, and infrastructure.
If this approach survives beyond speeches and summit declarations, it is crucial to establish clear monitoring and evaluation mechanisms to ensure commitments lead to real change. This could signal the beginning of something Africa urgently needs: a genuine scramble for African industrial development rather than another scramble for African raw materials. Still, Africans should approach this new enthusiasm with cautious optimism rather than emotional excitement. While history advises caution, the progress made in Nairobi offers a foundation for genuine change, encouraging a hopeful outlook for Africa’s future.
France carries a uniquely complicated relationship with Africa, especially in Francophone West and Central Africa. The issue is no longer colonialism in its formal sense — that chapter is closed. The deeper issue is that the post-colonial relationship never fully evolved into genuine equality. Some African governments outsourced large parts of their security architecture and strategic decision-making to Paris. Paris, in turn, became deeply embedded politically and militarily in several former colonies. Both sides participated in that arrangement and paid a price for it.
Mali illustrates the contradiction vividly. In 2013, when jihadist forces threatened Bamako, France intervened militarily and was initially celebrated as a saviour. A decade later, those same French forces became the primary targets of nationalist fury, accused by military juntas of exploitation and neo-colonial manipulation. Wagner arrived. The French departed. It was a melodrama, and like most melodramas, it contained real grievances buried beneath the theatre.
The lesson is not that France is good or bad. The lesson is that framing any external partner in those terms is a strategic error. External powers-whether the US or China, East or West, EU, France or Russia-are neither saviours nor permanent enemies. They are here to advance their strategic interests. Africa’s responsibility is therefore not emotional attachment or ideological hostility — it is strategic negotiation, empowering Africa to shape the terms of its own development.
To this end, Africa can no longer afford military protectorates disguised as partnerships. Neither can it afford exploitative mercenary arrangements or forms of economic engagement that quietly transfer strategic infrastructure, ports, airports, logistics corridors, and mineral assets into foreign control without strengthening domestic productive capacity. The continent needs partnerships rooted in mutual benefit, commercial realism, and respect for sovereignty.
Accordingly, this is why France’s apparent recalibration matters. France’s evolving role as a gateway to facilitating mutually beneficial partnerships can empower Africa, emphasising that this is a strategic opportunity rather than charity. If Paris is genuinely shifting away from paternalistic diplomacy toward facilitating business partnerships, industrial co-investment, and private-sector collaboration, that is potentially good news not only for Africa and France but for Europe more broadly. Europe needs markets, growth opportunities, energy partnerships, and supply chain diversification.
Africa needs investment, industrialisation, infrastructure, technology, and jobs. The interests are complementary.
But Africans have heard promises before. This is why the true judgment of the Africa Forward Summit will not be made through speeches, declarations, or summit communiqués. It will be made through implementations and answering these questions. Will the announced projects materialise? Will African firms genuinely become co-producers rather than junior subcontractors? Will financing become fairer and more accessible? Will technology actually transfer? Will industrial jobs be created on African soil? Will Africa’s AI, healthcare, logistics, agriculture, and manufacturing sectors truly advance? Like Saint Thomas, Africans should believe not merely what they hear, but what they eventually see.
Still, Nairobi may have offered an important glimpse into what a healthier Africa-Europe relationship could look like: less aid dependency, less geopolitical theatre, less paternalism, and far more equal partnership, investment, production, and shared prosperity. If that shift proves genuine, then the Africa Forward Summit may eventually be remembered not as another diplomatic gathering, but as the moment Africa stopped showing up as a guest and started negotiating as an equal partner.
We will be watching. The continent will be watching whether, five years from now, there are factories, hotels, data centres, and solar plants on African soil, built with African hands, owned in African names. That is the only summit result that matters.
Iroegbu is a journalist and a geopolitics, security, and public affairs analyst.
Africa Forward: When Africa Stops Showing Up as a Guest
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