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Over 800,000 People in Nigeria, Other Sahelian Countries May Resort to Survival Sex, Early Marriage to Meet Needs – WFP

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Over 800,000 People in Nigeria, Other Sahelian Countries May Resort to Survival Sex, Early Marriage to Meet Needs- WFP

By: Michael Mike

Lack of funding for humanitarian assistance in Nigeria, and other countries in the Sahel, may make over 800,000 people in desperate need resort to engaging in survival sex, early marriage, or joining non-state armed groups, the United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) has raised the alarm.

The WFP which in June kicked off a large-scale emergency food and nutrition assistance operation in the Sahel, in a statement lamented that a funding crunch means it will only be able to assist just over half of the 11.6 million initially targeted.

It said this may leave millions stranded without aid as the lean season sets in and hunger starts to peak, noting that @Mali and Chad will be hit the hardest, with 800,000 people at risk of resorting to desperate measures to cope, including engaging in survival sex, early marriage, or joining non-state armed groups.”

The statement explained that: “WFP’s lean season response works to boost national governments’ efforts in tackling hunger as they grapple with the combined effects of conflict, the climate crisis, and soaring costs of food and fuel. WFP had initially targeted 11.6 million women, men and children – out of 19.2 million people in humanitarian need – in Burkina Faso, Chad, Central African Republic, Cameroon, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, and north-eastern Nigeria from June to September 2023.

“But funding constraints have forced WFP to roll out assistance for just 6.2 million of the most vulnerable people – with a focus on refugees, newly displaced people, malnourished children under 5, pregnant women and breastfeeding women and girls.”

The WFP Regional Director ad interim, for Western Africa, Margot Vandervelden, was quoted in the statement to have said:
“We’re in a tragic situation. During this year’s lean season, millions of families will lack sufficient food reserves to sustain them until the next harvests in September and many will receive little to no assistance to tide them through the gruelling months ahead. We must take immediate action to prevent a massive slide into catastrophic hunger.”

She added that: “We need a twin-track approach to stop hunger in the Sahel – we must address acute hunger through humanitarian assistance, while tackling the structural causes of food insecurity by increasing investments in resilient food systems and expanding government social protection programmes.”

WFP lamented that food insecurity has reached a 10-year high in West and Central Africa, affecting 47.2 million people during the June-August lean season – including 45,000 people in Burkina Faso and Mali facing catastrophic hunger according to the March Cadre Harmonisé analysis. Malnutrition rates have also surged, with 16.5 million children under 5 set to be acutely malnourished this year – an 83 percent rise from the 2015-2022 average.
 
It stated that conflict remains a key driver of hunger in the region, leading to forced population displacements that have emptied out entire villages and limit communities’ access to land for farming; conflict is also spreading across the region and into coastal countries risking a spread of instability into new and previously stable areas. In just six months, the number of people fleeing violence in the Central Sahel and seeking refuge in four Gulf of Guinea countries has nearly quadrupled, rising from 30,000 in January to 110,000 people in June.

According to the statement, WFP’s lean season response aims to provide life-saving food and nutrition assistance to families facing acute hunger at a time when food stocks dwindle. However, proactive investments in prevention and smart longer-term solutions can significantly reduce reliance on such emergency actions. These solutions include resilience-building activities, social protection programmes and anticipatory actions like climate insurance pay-outs.

In 2023, climate risk insurance pay-outs from the African Risk Capacity (ARC) totalling US$15.4 million enabled WFP to provide cash transfers to 490,000 people in Burkina Faso, The Gambia, and Mali who were impacted by drought in 2022. This response allowed farmers to recover from the impacts of droughts as they were able to meet their basic needs including purchasing food for their families and providing seeds for the next planting season.

The statement further revealed that WFP’s integrated resilience programme in the Sahel focuses on participatory watershed planning, land recovery and rehabilitation, and support for smallholder farmers – with links to school meals and nutrition activities. The programme has shown promising results, with participant households demonstrating increased capacities to withstand shocks and coping better during lean seasons. In Niger, for example, 80 percent of villages that received WFP resilience support did not require humanitarian assistance in 2022- unlike other villages in the same areas. This success meant that about half a million people did not need humanitarian food aid thanks to the long-term investments in resilience strengthening. Expanding these activities will be crucial in preventing emergency needs from escalating.

In partnership with UNICEF, WFP is also implementing a social protection programme in Chad, Burkina Faso,  Mali, and Mauritania, contributing to strengthening national systems, supporting millions of people through cash-based transfers and complementary services. The programme also contributes to strengthening national capacity to anticipate and respond to climatic and other shocks that lead to humanitarian need.

WFP, said in the statement that US$ 794 million is required to ensure adequate response to the emergency needs across the five Sahel countries over the next six months (July- December 2023).

 The United Nations World Food Programme remains the world’s largest humanitarian organization, saving lives in emergencies and using food assistance to build a pathway to peace, stability and prosperity for people recovering from conflict, disasters and the impact of climate change.

Over 800,000 People in Nigeria, Other Sahelian Countries May Resort to Survival Sex, Early Marriage to Meet Needs- WFP

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Interrogating the Russian Model in Africa

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Interrogating the Russian Model in Africa

By Oumarou Sanou

In recent years, Russian influence in Africa has expanded at a striking pace and with strategic precision. From Bamako to Bangui, Niamey to Ouagadougou, Moscow has presented itself as a dependable alternative partner; one that claims no colonial guilt, imposes no lectures on governance, and attaches no democratic conditionalities to cooperation. In a region fatigued by insecurity and disillusioned with Western engagement, that message has resonated.

But beyond the rhetoric of “Saint Russia” and the carefully cultivated image of a geopolitical “Saviour of Africa” -a narrative amplified across social media-a more fundamental question demands attention: what exactly is the Russian model offering Africa, and does it truly align with the continent’s long-term aspirations for democratic governance, economic transformation, and social stability?

Africa’s post-independence experience has been shaped by recurring governance challenges: corruption, authoritarian leadership, fragile institutions, and predatory elites. These weaknesses have stunted the growth of an empowered middle class, undermined entrepreneurship, and limited inclusive development. After decades of experimentation, the lesson is clear: sustainable progress rests on accountable leadership, institutional strength, rule of law, and political alternation.

If governance reform remains Africa’s unfinished project, then the value of any external partnership must be measured against whether it strengthens or weakens that trajectory.

The issue is not Russia as a nation. Every sovereign state has the right to pursue its interests abroad. The concern lies with the regime’s political structure, which is implicitly promoted as a model. Contemporary Russia is characterised by prolonged executive dominance, limited political alternation, and significant concentration of economic power among a narrow elite. President Vladimir Putin has led the country for a quarter of a century. Opposition space is restricted. Independent media operates under heavy constraints. Wealth is concentrated, and outside a few urban centres such as Moscow and St. Petersburg, economic dynamism remains limited.

This is not an emotional or ideological critique; it is a structural observation. A governance system marked by entrenched oligarchic influence and constrained civic space is unlikely to export a blueprint that empowers pluralism, fosters institutional independence, or nurtures a broad-based middle class, precisely the ingredients Africa needs.

In the Sahel, Russia’s expanding footprint has coincided not with democratic revival, but with the consolidation of junta-led regimes. Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, now bound together in the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), have sharply pivoted toward Moscow. Yet these countries rank among those with the highest terrorism-related casualties globally. Despite bold promises, insecurity persists and, in some cases, has worsened. Instability increasingly spills beyond their borders, affecting coastal West African states, including Nigeria.

The central question, therefore, is not whether Russia should engage Africa; it can and should, like any global actor. The real question is whether the nature of that engagement strengthens institutions or merely reinforces regime survival.

Partnerships anchored primarily in security cooperation without parallel institutional reform risk deepening political stagnation. Leaders become insulated from domestic accountability. Civic freedoms shrink. Economic diversification slows. Investors hesitate. Youth populations, already restless, lose faith in systems that offer neither alternation nor upward mobility.

Nigeria offers an instructive contrast. Its democracy is imperfect and often turbulent. Corruption remains a challenge. Electoral processes are contested. Yet Nigeria has witnessed peaceful transfers of power between parties. Civil society is active. The press is vibrant and frequently critical. Courts retain the authority, however unevenly exercised, to check executive excess.

These achievements should not be dismissed. They represent the fragile but essential infrastructure of democratic governance.

It is, therefore, troubling when foreign missions publicly attack Nigerian and African journalists for critical reporting, which is a model Moscow is championing in the AES and seeks to extend to other African countries. A model that seems to suppress critical voices and press freedom. Is that what Africa needs? Media scrutiny is not hostility; it is a cornerstone of democratic accountability.
Reciprocity is the foundation of diplomatic respect. One must ask: would any major power accept a foreign embassy publicly disparaging its journalists on its own soil? The answer is an absolute no, but this is what Russia has done and continues to do across Africa. Nigeria’s democratic gains must not be undermined by external pressure.

Against this backdrop, Africa should resist emotional alignment with any global power, whether East or West. The continent’s future cannot be reduced to proxy rivalries or anti-Western symbolism. Strategic autonomy must be grounded in institutional resilience, not in the romanticisation of external patrons.

If Russia seeks genuine partnership, it must demonstrate respect for sovereignty not only in rhetoric but in substance; by investing in long-term economic value chains rather than narrow extractive concessions; by encouraging transparent governance rather than opaque security arrangements; by engaging societies, not merely regimes.

Africa’s demographic reality makes the stakes even higher. The continent’s youth bulge demands inclusive growth, entrepreneurial opportunity, and institutional trust. Development flourishes where citizens can speak freely, build businesses, and hold leaders accountable. Political systems defined by prolonged executive dominance and limited alternation do not historically generate diversified, innovation-driven economies.

Nigeria stands at a crossroads. It can retreat into political immobility or deepen its democratic experiment. The latter path is imperfect and demanding, but it is the only one capable of building durable institutions. Consider the example of former French President Nicolas Sarkozy, who faced conviction and imprisonment for legal violations. Regardless of one’s assessment of France’s foreign policy, the principle demonstrated was clear: no leader is above the law. Institutional accountability, not personality rule, is the foundation of governance maturity.

Africa’s future will not be secured by replacing one dependency with another, nor by elevating any foreign power to messianic status. True Pan-Africanism is not the echoing of external talking points; it is the deliberate construction of institutions that serve African citizens.

Russia itself is not inherently a threat. But the uncritical adoption of its current governance model, particularly in fragile states with histories of authoritarianism, risks deepening political stagnation and security deterioration.

Nigeria, as Africa’s largest democracy, bears a responsibility, not to antagonise any nation, but to champion democratic resilience across the continent. The real question is not whether Russia can offer Africa a partnership. It is whether Africa is prepared to interrogate the governance model embedded in that partnership.

If Africa’s ambition is prosperity, stability, and dignity for its people, the path forward must begin and end with accountable governance.

Oumarou Sanou is a social critic, Pan-African observer and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, regional stability, and African leadership dynamics. Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com

Interrogating the Russian Model in Africa

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UK Abolishes Visa Stickers for Nigerians, Introduces Mandatory eVisas from Feb 25

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UK Abolishes Visa Stickers for Nigerians, Introduces Mandatory eVisas from Feb 25

By: Michael Mike

The United Kingdom will from 25 February 2026 stop issuing physical visa stickers to Nigerian travellers, replacing them entirely with digital eVisas in what officials describe as a major overhaul of the country’s immigration system.

Announcing the change in Abuja, UK Visas and Immigration (UKVI) said all new Visit visas granted to Nigerian nationals will now be issued electronically, marking a decisive step in the UK’s transition to a fully digital border regime.

Under the new system, successful applicants will no longer receive a vignette pasted into their passport. Instead, they will access proof of their immigration status online through a secure UKVI account.

The British government stressed that the application procedure itself remains unchanged. Nigerian applicants must still complete the standard online process, attend a Visa Application Centre to submit biometric data and meet all existing eligibility requirements. The only adjustment is the format in which the visa is delivered.

Authorities clarified that Nigerians currently holding valid visa stickers will not be affected by the new policy. Their visas will remain valid until expiration and do not require replacement solely because of the transition.

British Deputy High Commissioner in Abuja, Gill Lever, said the move is designed to simplify travel while enhancing security.

“We are committed to making it easier for Nigerians to travel to the UK. This shift to digital visas streamlines a key part of the process, strengthens security and reduces reliance on paper documentation,” she said.

According to UKVI, the eVisa system is expected to shorten processing timelines since passports will no longer need to be retained for visa sticker endorsement. Travellers will also be able to view and manage their immigration status online at any time, from anywhere.

Officials highlighted the added security benefits of the digital format, noting that unlike physical stickers, eVisas cannot be lost, stolen or tampered with. The system is also designed to provide real-time verification of immigration status.

Once a visa is approved, applicants will be required to create a free UKVI account to access and share their eVisa details when necessary.

The policy shift signals a broader modernization of the UK’s border management framework and places Nigerian travellers among the first groups to experience the fully digital visa rollout.

For frequent travellers, students and business visitors, the reform represents a significant procedural change—one that replaces paper documentation with an online immigration record as the new standard for entry clearance into the United Kingdom.

UK Abolishes Visa Stickers for Nigerians, Introduces Mandatory eVisas from Feb 25

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Nigerian seeks repatriation after alleged forced recruitment into Russian military

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Nigerian seeks repatriation after alleged forced recruitment into Russian military

By: Zagazola Makama

A Nigerian citizen, Abubakar Adamu, has appealed to the Nigerian government for urgent repatriation after claiming he was lured to Russia under the pretext of civilian employment and coerced into military service.

Adamu’s legal representatives stated that he traveled to Moscow on a tourist visa issued by the Russian Embassy in Abuja, under the promise of employment as a civilian security guard. However, upon arrival, his travel documents were reportedly confiscated, and he was compelled to sign enlistment papers written entirely in Russian, without the assistance of an interpreter. He later discovered that the documents enrolled him into the Russian Armed Forces.

A formal notice submitted to Nigerian authorities cited several legal positions, including the doctrine of Non Est Factum, which argues that Adamu did not understand the nature of the contract he signed, and fundamental misrepresentation, alleging that he was deceived into military service. His lawyers also highlighted potential violations of international law, including forced military conscription and deprivation of personal freedom.

According to the brief, Adamu remains stranded at a Russian military camp, refusing deployment to combat zones in Ukraine. He is reportedly seeking immediate intervention from the Nigerian government to facilitate his safe return and reunite him with his family.

The allegations come amid broader reports of African nationals being conscripted into the Russian military. A CNN investigation reported that Nigerians, along with citizens from Ghana, Kenya, Uganda, South Africa and other countries, were allegedly recruited under promises of high salaries, signing bonuses, and eventual Russian citizenship.

Upon arrival, many were forced into military service, provided minimal training, and in some cases deployed to combat zones against their will. Reports further indicate racial abuse, inhumane treatment, and coercion.Reports indicate that this is part of a growing pattern in which African nationals are being lured to the frontlines to sustain Russia’s war efforts.

Ukraine’s foreign minister, Andrii Sybiha, disclosed last year that more than 1,400 citizens from 36 African countries are reportedly fighting for Russia in Ukraine, with many being held in Ukrainian camps as prisoners of war. Kenya’s Ministry of Foreign and Diaspora Affairs has similarly reported that over 200 of its nationals may be in Ukraine, having been deceived by online recruitment networks advertising fake jobs.

The human cost of the recruitment drive remains largely unknown. It is unclear how many Nigerians have died while fighting for Russian forces, and Russia has not formally responded to reports of Nigerian casualties.

But speaking at a press conference in Abuja, the Russian Ambassador to Nigeria, Andrey Podyelyshev, denied that the recruitment was state-sponsored. “There is no government-backed programme to recruit Nigerians to fight in Ukraine.

“If illegal organisations or individuals are involved in such activities, they are acting outside the law and without any connection to the Russian state,” he said. Podyelyshev added that Russia would investigate any reported cases if provided with concrete evidence.

Zagazola warned that the case draws attention to the serious risks to Nigerian citizens traveling abroad for employment. Their is a need for stronger government oversight, diplomatic intervention, and public awareness to prevent exploitation and ensure the safety of nationals in foreign jurisdictions.

Adamu’s legal team has formally demanded that Russian authorities immediately cease his military deployment, return his confiscated travel documents, and facilitate his repatriation to Nigeria.

The Nigerian Ministry of Foreign Affairs has yet to comment on Adamu’s appeal, leaving families and civil society groups calling for immediate diplomatic action and repatriation of their citizens caught in what is described as a transnational human rights and labor exploitation crisis.

This incident calls for urgent examination about the protection of Nigerian citizens abroad, the oversight of foreign employment schemes, and the responsibilities of international partners to safeguard human rights. Without decisive government intervention, more Nigerians may fall victim to similar coercive recruitment tactics, potentially placing them in life-threatening situations far from home without any help

Nigerian seeks repatriation after alleged forced recruitment into Russian military

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