UMTH, PCC Strengthen Ties to Improve Service Delivery and Protect Public Rights

By: Dr James Bwala

The administration of a large teaching hospital is a complex responsibility. Beyond providing medical treatment, a hospital must coordinate hundreds of employees, respond to patients and their relatives, manage public resources, and ensure that its decisions are fair, transparent, and accountable. In such an environment, complaints and disagreements are unavoidable. However, when complaints are ignored, delayed, or handled unfairly, they can damage public confidence and weaken the quality of healthcare delivery. For this reason, the proposed partnership between the University of Maiduguri Teaching Hospital (UMTH) and the Public Complaints Commission (PCC), Borno State, is both timely and necessary.

The Chief Medical Director of UMTH, Professor Faruk Buba, has expressed the hospital’s willingness to partner with the PCC in promoting positive administrative justice. His position reflects an important understanding that effective healthcare administration is not limited to medical excellence. It also depends on fairness, responsible leadership, respect for rights, and the availability of reliable mechanisms through which staff and patients can seek redress. As an institution established by the Federal Government to address administrative injustice, the PCC occupies a strategic position in helping organisations improve their systems and resolve complaints constructively.

Professor Faruk said, “At UMTH, our mandate goes beyond providing tertiary healthcare, medical training, and cutting-edge research. As a premier referral centre serving millions of citizens—including vulnerable populations and communities recovering from years of humanitarian challenges—we view patient satisfaction, fairness, and respect for human dignity as the cornerstones of our clinical and administrative operations.

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“We recognise the vital statutory role of the Public Complaints Commission as Nigeria’s Ombudsman. Your mandate to investigate administrative injustices, mediate grievances, and ensure that public institutions remain responsive to the citizens they serve aligns directly with our internal quality assurance goals. Rather than viewing oversight bodies with apprehension, UMTH sees the Commission as a strategic partner in helping us identify blind spots, improve service delivery, and strengthen public trust.”

UMTH is one of the most important healthcare institutions in northeastern Nigeria. With 1,605 beds and more than 12 centres of excellence, it provides a wide range of specialised services to the people of Borno State, Nigeria, and neighbouring communities. Its size and importance make the need for sound administration even more urgent. A partnership with the PCC would help the hospital strengthen its internal processes, build public trust, and create a more responsive system for resolving grievances.

“To ensure that grievances from both patients and staff are addressed promptly before they escalate, UMTH maintains an active SERVICOM and Complaints/Grievance Mechanism, alongside dedicated Patient Relations Officers and clinical audit committees. However, in a high-volume tertiary hospital environment, operational pressures and communication gaps can occasionally arise. Where concerns are brought to the attention of your Commission, I assure you of Management’s full cooperation, transparency, and readiness to work with your office toward fair, objective, and timely resolutions.

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“Honourable Commissioner, as we continue to expand our specialised clinical services and modernise our healthcare infrastructure, we welcome continuous engagement with the Public Complaints Commission. We are open to establishing a dedicated focal desk or liaison channel between UMTH and your office to fast-track the review of public enquiries, staff welfare matters, and patient feedback. “Professor Faruk explained. 

Administrative justice means that decisions affecting individuals are made fairly, lawfully, transparently, and without discrimination. It requires institutions to provide people with an opportunity to be heard, to explain decisions, and to correct mistakes when they occur. In a hospital, administrative justice may concern issues such as staff welfare, promotion, discipline, deployment, salary matters, patient billing, access to treatment, professional conduct, or the handling of complaints by relatives.

Healthcare institutions are particularly sensitive environments because patients often approach them at moments of fear, pain, uncertainty, and emotional vulnerability. A patient who experiences delay, poor communication, discrimination, or an unexplained charge may feel powerless. Similarly, a member of staff who believes that a disciplinary action or promotion decision was unfair may lose morale and confidence in the institution. If there is no accessible and impartial process for addressing such concerns, dissatisfaction can escalate into conflict, litigation, industrial action, or negative public perception.

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The PCC was established to provide an avenue through which members of the public can seek redress for administrative injustice. Its role is especially important because many citizens may not have the financial means, legal knowledge, or confidence to pursue formal court proceedings. By receiving complaints, investigating them, and recommending appropriate solutions, the Commission can help resolve disputes more efficiently and peacefully. It also assists public institutions in identifying weaknesses in their administrative procedures.

Professor Faruk Buba’s description of the PCC as an integral body established by the Federal Government is significant. It indicates that the Commission should not be viewed as an opponent or a threat to institutional authority. Rather, it should be regarded as a partner in good governance. An organisation that welcomes constructive external review demonstrates confidence in its commitment to fairness and accountability. Such openness can improve decision-making and prevent small administrative problems from becoming major crises.

The proposed partnership offers several advantages to UMTH. First, it can improve the hospital’s complaint-handling system. A clear and coordinated process would enable patients, relatives, and staff to know where and how to submit complaints. It would also ensure that complaints are properly documented, acknowledged, investigated, and resolved within reasonable time limits. Many disputes become more serious because complainants feel ignored. A system that provides timely communication can prevent frustration and restore confidence, even where the final decision does not fully favour the complainant.

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Second, the partnership can strengthen the capacity of hospital administrators. The PCC can provide training on administrative justice, conflict resolution, human rights, ethical conduct, record keeping, and public service procedures. Such training would equip managers and staff with the knowledge required to make fair decisions and communicate effectively. It would also encourage administrators to distinguish between legitimate complaints, misunderstandings, professional disagreements, and cases requiring disciplinary action or referral to another authority.

Third, collaboration with the PCC can promote fairness for hospital employees. UMTH depends on doctors, nurses, pharmacists, laboratory scientists, technologists, administrators, cleaners, security personnel, and many other workers. Their responsibilities differ, but each deserves to be treated with dignity and impartiality. A fair administrative structure can improve staff morale by ensuring that promotions, transfers, disciplinary measures, and welfare decisions are based on clear rules rather than favouritism or arbitrary judgement. When workers trust the system, they are more likely to be committed to their duties and cooperate with management.

Fourth, the partnership can protect the rights and interests of patients. A patient-centred hospital must do more than offer treatment; it must also ensure respectful communication, confidentiality, non-discrimination, and reasonable access to services. Patients should be able to report poor treatment, unexplained delays, billing disputes, or other administrative difficulties without fear of retaliation. An effective complaint mechanism can reveal recurring problems and help management improve the patient experience.

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The partnership would also support institutional learning. Complaints should not be treated only as accusations to be defended against. They can provide valuable information about weaknesses in policies, communication, infrastructure, or staff behaviour. If several patients complain about delays in a particular unit, management can investigate the cause and make improvements. If staff repeatedly raise concerns about a procedure, administrators can review whether the policy is clear, practical, and consistently applied. In this way, complaint resolution becomes a tool for continuous improvement.

Given UMTH’s size, as explained by Professor Faruk, a well-designed partnership should involve more than occasional meetings. The hospital and the PCC could establish a formal framework outlining their respective responsibilities. This framework might include a liaison office or designated focal persons, regular consultations, referral procedures, staff training, public awareness programmes, and periodic reviews of unresolved complaints. The hospital could also strengthen its internal complaints and patient-relations units while ensuring that serious or unresolved matters are referred appropriately to the PCC.

Accessibility should be a central principle. Complaint channels should be available to individuals with different levels of education, language ability, physical capacity, and technological access. Patients and staff should be able to submit complaints in person, in writing, by telephone, or through approved digital platforms. Information about these channels should be displayed clearly throughout the hospital. Where necessary, assistance should be provided to individuals who cannot write or who have difficulty understanding the process.

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Confidentiality and protection from retaliation are equally important. People will not report administrative injustice if they fear punishment, victimisation, or poor treatment. The hospital and the PCC should therefore develop safeguards for complainants and witnesses. Personal information must be handled responsibly, and investigations should be conducted with fairness to all parties. Protecting complainants does not mean automatically accepting every allegation; it means ensuring that people can raise genuine concerns without intimidation.

The success of the partnership will also depend on timely action. A complaints system that merely receives petitions without resolving them will not achieve its purpose. Clear timelines should be established for acknowledging complaints, conducting investigations, communicating decisions, and implementing recommendations. Where a matter requires additional time, the complainant should be informed of the reason for the delay. Transparency in the process is essential for maintaining trust.

It is also necessary to clarify that administrative justice is not intended to weaken the authority of hospital management. On the contrary, it strengthens legitimate authority. Administrators who make decisions according to fair procedures are more likely to earn respect and cooperation. Accountability does not prevent leadership; it makes leadership more credible. A partnership with the PCC would therefore help UMTH balance institutional discipline with the rights of individuals.

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There may be challenges. Some officials may resist external review because they misunderstand it as interference. Others may fear that acknowledging complaints will damage the reputation of the hospital. These concerns should be addressed through education and a clear understanding of the partnership’s purpose. The goal is not to embarrass UMTH but to help it prevent injustice, correct mistakes, and improve its services. In fact, an institution that responds openly to complaints may enjoy a stronger reputation than one that attempts to conceal problems.

Resource limitations may also affect the implementation of the partnership. Complaint offices require trained personnel, communication tools, record systems, and adequate funding. However, the cost of preventing and resolving administrative disputes is generally lower than the cost of prolonged conflict, litigation, industrial unrest, or loss of public trust. The partnership can be developed gradually, beginning with practical measures such as focal persons, training programmes, standard complaint forms, and regular coordination meetings.

The proposed collaboration is particularly important at a time when public institutions are expected to demonstrate accountability and responsiveness. Citizens increasingly demand explanations for decisions that affect their welfare. Hospitals, as institutions that serve the public directly, must respond to this expectation. UMTH’s willingness to work with the PCC presents an opportunity to set an example for other hospitals and public institutions in Borno State.

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The partnership may also contribute to the hospital’s goal of becoming a new and better-administered institution. Administrative reform is not achieved only through new buildings, equipment, or medical technology. It also requires systems that respect people, resolve problems, and promote ethical conduct. The quality of administration influences every aspect of hospital performance, including staff productivity, patient satisfaction, resource management, and public confidence. Therefore, the proposed partnership between the University of Maiduguri Teaching Hospital and the Public Complaints Commission, Borno State, deserves strong support. 

* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Maiduguri.

UMTH, PCC Strengthen Ties to Improve Service Delivery and Protect Public Rights

Caught Between Terrorists and the State: How Insider Mediators Face the Greatest Risks in the Sahel and Lake Chad Basin

By: Hon Aliyu Gebi

In every conflict, there are soldiers who fight, governments that formulate policy, and humanitarian agencies that provide relief. Yet hidden between these visible actors exists another category of individuals whose contribution is rarely acknowledged but whose absence could make many humanitarian breakthroughs impossible. They are the insider mediators.

Across the Sahel and the Lake Chad Basin, where insurgencies by Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), Boko Haram, and the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) continue to challenge state authority, these mediators quietly occupy one of the most dangerous positions in modern conflict.

Unlike diplomats protected by embassies or international organisations operating under diplomatic privileges, insider mediators are ordinary members of the communities engulfed by violence. They include respected Islamic scholars, traditional rulers, village elders, women leaders, businessmen and community influencers whose greatest qualification is not political office but trust.

It is that trust that allows them to speak to men carrying assault rifles in the forests while retaining enough credibility for governments and security agencies to listen. Yet it is the same trust that places them permanently between fire and ice.

Officially, most governments in the Sahel reject negotiations with designated terrorist organisations. Nigeria, Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger have all adopted counter-terrorism policies centred on military pressure, intelligence operations and criminal prosecution.

Publicly, there is little room for political dialogue with organisations responsible for mass killings, kidnappings and attacks on civilians. Yet conflict realities are rarely as absolute as official policy suggests. When humanitarian workers require safe passage into besieged communities. When hundreds of women and children are trapped in insurgent-controlled territory. When local ceasefires become necessary to allow farmers cultivate their land.

When abducted civilians require negotiation before release. Formal diplomacy often gives way to quiet engagement. That engagement is rarely conducted by ambassadors. Instead, governments frequently rely directly or indirectly on trusted intermediaries capable of reaching actors that official representatives cannot approach. These mediators become the invisible bridge connecting two parties who publicly deny any relationship.

Why outsiders often fail

It was argued that foreign diplomats and international organisations rarely possess the cultural legitimacy required to engage violent extremist groups operating in deeply localised environments. For groups such as JNIM or Boko Haram, international actors are frequently viewed through ideological lenses.

Western governments may be seen as enemies.
United Nations personnel may be viewed as extensions of foreign influence. International NGOs may become intelligence suspects or lucrative kidnapping targets. Local mediators enter the same environment with entirely different credentials. Many speak the same dialect. Some belong to the same ethnic group.
Others share religious traditions or ancestral relationships with insurgent commanders.

In central Mali, traditional Fulani values such as Pulaaku often provide a social framework through which dialogue becomes possible. In the Lake Chad Basin, respected Islamic scholars frequently possess a deeper understanding of the ideological and theological arguments influencing Boko Haram factions than external negotiators. More importantly, insider mediators understand local grievances. They know which disputes are ideological. Which is economic.
Which stem from historical land conflicts. Which fighters joined voluntarily. Which joined because of poverty, coercion or revenge. Such nuanced understanding is often beyond the reach of external actors.

Unlike foreign mediators who return to secure compounds after negotiations, insider mediators remain inside the conflict. Their homes remain exposed. Their families remain exposed.
Every of their secrete remain exposed. Every negotiation they undertake carries consequences that follow them back into their villages. One Negotiator who undertook series of engagement with some Nigerian non state actors to secure the release of captured victims, said they came under ambush more than five times in separate encounter. In one instance, a gun was pointed at his head.

If negotiations collapse. It is not an embassy that is attacked. It is often the negotiators, their own home. If insurgents suspect betrayal. Their wives and children or any of their relatives may become legitimate targets. If security agencies question their motives. They themselves risk detention or prolonged investigation. Few occupations carry such immediate personal consequences.

Perhaps the greatest burden insider mediators carry is that neither side fully trusts them. Security agencies frequently question why a civilian should maintain contact with terrorists.
Some mediators have reportedly faced accusations of collaboration simply because they delivered humanitarian messages or attempted to negotiate community access. From the insurgents’ perspective, however, the suspicion is equally intense. A mediator carrying government proposals may easily be branded an intelligence asset or a mile. If military operations occur shortly after meetings, insurgents may assume information was leaked. The consequences can be fatal.

This creates “double suspicion” a condition in which mediators are simultaneously viewed as potential traitors by both the state and the armed groups they seek to engage.

The legal grey zone

Another challenge identified by the report lies in counter-terrorism legislation. International sanctions and domestic anti-terrorism laws understandably prohibit providing material support to designated terrorist organisations.
However, conflict mediation often operates in ambiguous spaces. Suppose a mediator delivers medicine to secure the release of kidnapped civilians. Or transports communication equipment required to arrange humanitarian access. Or facilitates financial arrangements connected to hostage negotiations. Do such actions constitute humanitarian engagement? Or do they amount to material support under anti-terrorism laws? The report argues that many insider mediators now operate without clear legal protections despite performing functions that governments quietly acknowledge are sometimes necessary. The absence of legal clarity increases both operational and personal risk.

Lessons from JNIM

The report draws heavily from developments in Mali and Burkina Faso. In several communities, local mediators successfully negotiated temporary arrangements allowing farmers to cultivate their fields under agreed conditions.
Some agreements reduced attacks. Others facilitated humanitarian access. Yet these agreements often proved fragile. Military offensives sometimes resumed without warning.
Insurgent commanders interpreted such developments as betrayal. The mediator rather than the state often bore the consequences.

Even more challenging has been the inconsistency of government policy.
During one administration, dialogue may receive quiet encouragement. A subsequent administration may criminalise similar contacts.
Several mediators reportedly found themselves under investigation for activities previously tolerated.

Lessons from Boko Haram: Two Different Negotiation Landscapes

The report notes that mediation efforts in Nigeria’s Lake Chad Basin are further complicated by the internal fragmentation of Boko Haram. Although often viewed as a single insurgent movement, Boko Haram today comprises two principal factions with markedly different organisational structures and negotiation dynamics: Jama’atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda’awati wal-Jihad (JAS) and the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP).

JAS presents perhaps the most perilous environment for insider mediators. Unlike more structured insurgent organisations, JAS has historically operated through highly decentralised command structures, where individual field commanders exercise considerable autonomy. This lack of central authority often makes negotiations unpredictable, with agreements depending largely on the disposition of local commanders rather than institutional policy. For mediators attempting to secure the release of abducted civilians or establish safe exit routes for fighters seeking to surrender, every mission carries extraordinary personal risk.

Many are required to travel into remote forest enclaves controlled by commanders whose interpretation of Islamic law, tribal customs and military discipline varies widely. Traditional norms that ordinarily protect emissaries or peace envoys are frequently ignored, leaving mediators vulnerable to detention, execution or prolonged captivity if they are suspected of deception or espionage. The report argues that engaging JAS is therefore less a process of structured negotiation than an exercise in navigating constantly shifting personal relationships, ideological rigidity and battlefield uncertainty.

Engaging ISWAP: Structure Without Flexibility

Negotiating with ISWAP presents a different, though equally demanding, set of challenges.
Unlike JAS, ISWAP maintains a comparatively organised governance system overseen by a Shura Council, with clearer chains of command and administrative procedures. This institutional framework can provide mediators with more predictable points of engagement and a greater likelihood that agreements reached with senior figures will be respected across the organisation.

The group’s strict ideological doctrine therefore leaves very limited room for compromise, and mediators often face intense pressure to produce humanitarian outcomes without violating either the insurgents’ religious expectations or the legal and ethical obligations imposed by the state. This delicate balancing act requires exceptional credibility, deep religious understanding and an ability to maintain the confidence of both sides while making no promises that cannot be fulfilled.

The Quiet Architects of Mass Defections

Despite operating under these extraordinary pressures, insider mediators played a pivotal role during one of the most significant developments in Nigeria’s counter-insurgency campaign. Following the death of Boko Haram leader Abubakar Shekau in 2021, tens of thousands of fighters, women and children began surrendering to Nigerian authorities.
While military pressure created the conditions for this unprecedented wave of defections, the report argues that it was trusted local intermediaries who transformed opportunity into reality. Many insurgents seeking to abandon the conflict distrusted formal government institutions and feared immediate execution or imprisonment. Insider mediators became the first point of contact.

They reassured frightened fighters that surrender pathways existed, explained rehabilitation programmes, communicated with military authorities and community leaders, and helped facilitate safe movement from insurgent-controlled territories to designated reception centres. Without these trusted intermediaries, the report suggests, many potential defectors might never have taken the first step toward disengagement. In this sense, insider mediators became the human bridge between years of violent insurgency and emerging opportunities for rehabilitation and reintegration.

Protecting the Bridge-Builders

The report concludes that if governments across West Africa hope to move beyond perpetual military confrontation toward sustainable peace, they must provide greater institutional support for insider mediators.

Foremost among its recommendations is the establishment of clear legal frameworks that recognise verified mediators operating for humanitarian purposes. Such protections, the author argue, would reduce the risk of arbitrary arrest or prosecution under counter-terrorism legislation while preserving accountability.

The study also calls on regional organisations and international peacebuilding partners to establish dedicated duty-of-care mechanisms, including emergency security assistance, psychosocial support and evacuation arrangements for mediators facing credible threats. Given the psychological burden associated with prolonged engagement in conflict environments, the report argues that mental health support should become an integral component of mediation programmes rather than an afterthought.

The report ultimately presents insider mediators as one of the least visible yet most indispensable pillars of conflict resolution in the Sahel and the Lake Chad Basin. They receive little public recognition, enjoy few institutional protections and often operate without formal legal safeguards. Yet they continue to facilitate hostage releases, humanitarian access, civilian evacuations, local ceasefires and pathways for surrender in places where official diplomacy cannot reach. Their work demonstrates that while military operations remain essential in degrading terrorist capabilities, lasting peace is seldom achieved through force alone. It also depends on trusted local relationships, cultural legitimacy and the courage of individuals willing to engage where others cannot.

As governments refine their counter-insurgency strategies across the region, the report argues that protecting these “bridge-builders” is not merely a humanitarian obligation but a strategic necessity. Without them, opportunities for dialogue, disengagement and civilian protection may diminish, leaving military victories without the social foundations needed to secure enduring peace.

Caught Between Terrorists and the State: How Insider Mediators Face the Greatest Risks in the Sahel and Lake Chad Basin

My Binoculars: What has Remi Tinubu got to do with Akara, Kulikuli, Boli, Dodo and Ekpa

By: Bodunrin Kayode

There are three types of community enterprises that can never fail in Nigeria if residents know how to utilize them for life. Theses are food vending, washing of clothes and hair cutting businesses. These have stood the tests of time over the years because of its relevance in the daily lives of residents in the country. Services rendered around these local enterprises have generated a lot of resources in the non real sector making it a shining avenue for tax hunters to begin to look around to generate revenue. Nobody does food business like “Akara” production in Nigeria and regrets regardless of his or her source of fuel to produce the food stuffs in question.

It is with this background that I don’t see anything offensive in the suggestion of the first lady of Nigeria Senator Remi Tinubu urging young idle people to take Akara production which is a very common food stuff to the next level. Akara frying has always hidden in the non real sector of the economy but it can be taken to the next level for even export if food scientists can research further on how to expand its lifespan without too much preservatives.

For as long as there is life in the body of a young person, he or she can never become a liability to his family, if he takes to food business early in life. And when I talk of Nigerian food I am talking about varieties which includes heavy African cuisine like “foofoo” or light snacks such as “Akara” which can be found in any corner of West Africa and even Nigeria. Akara is made from African beans which makes it the cream of all snacks in the region because of its high protein contents.

In my opinion akara has always been a life saving snack delicacy which started from South West Nigeria and has now spread to all the crannies of the country. It is both a physical and a spiritual food in most parts of the country that modern genzee’s have turned it into several flavors inserting all manner of spices into the processed beans to bring about exciting results. Some people wrongly contextualize it as a cake but I don’t think it qualifies to be a cake other than the light snack it has been since the beginning of time. Akara is fried and not baked like cakes. It is also an African delicacy as such we don’t need to give it a foreign label. It will always remain our light snack. Mark you Akara business is a very honorable business like any other snack enjoyed by both the genzee’s and the rest of us. It has existed long before Remi Tinubu was born and will outlive her if Jesus doesn’t return before the end of contemporary times.

I have watched the online space sadly as a lot of confused genzees make uninformed derogatory comments about Akara business as if it is beneath them. They make it look as if Akara production cannot be taken to the next level by transforming it from a petty trading business to a small scale business. And when it becomes a small scale business, it can be used to feed hundreds of people in form of breakfast in a food bank. Madam Tinubu obviously knows what she is doing as a home management strategist. This is because Akara business will become a major support in her national community food bank program meant to feed the poorest of the poor. This is a program meant to combat child malnutrition and food insecurity in Nigeria. Akara also called kosai in some parts of the north of Nigeria targets vulnerable households, children under six years and pregnant women to at least have a semi balanced diet in the country every morning. With Akara of five hundred naira and corn “pap”, hundreds of families that go hungry in the morning utilizing the 011 system will now have breakfast of less than 1000 naira daily per child. So why look down on such a wonderful delicacy when it can bring money into the hands of many young girls who believe in using what they have to get what they want in the name of “runs” or organized office prostitution for the highest bidder.

But out of experience in living in this world, I know that there is nothing wrong with that kind of enterprise because a lot of people were raised in their homes by food vendors and they are proud to say it anywhere they go that it was due to the Akara, aadun or dundun snack their mum sold that made them to acquire Western education today. Hundreds are standing on their two legs today because they took Akara or even Boli and cooked beans to the next level. There is nothing demeaning in her suggestions that even the jobless can take to cooking. Afterwards Hilda Baci who has a world record in cooking did not make it big in just a day. She started at a very low level and proceeded to the level she found herself now. People now consult her to cook for them as a consultant.

Young people can always make it big from starting Akara business in a small way. And this to me is why the recent suggestion that the poorest of the poor should resolve to mini income generating ventures like Akara production is never an absurd suggestion. Only sick minds will find something wrong in this by my opinion.

My Binoculars: What has Remi Tinubu got to do with Akara, Kulikuli, Boli, Dodo and Ekpa