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Plateau steps back from the brink as Nigerian Armed Forces coordinated response halts escalation

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Plateau steps back from the brink as Nigerian Armed Forces coordinated response halts escalation

By: Zagazola Makama

After days of tension, anxiety and painful losses, a cautious calm is returning to parts of Plateau State after a narrowly averted escalation.

The hostilities which recently escalated along the Barkin Ladi-Riyom–Jos corridor have significantly reduced in the past few days, averting what many feared could spiral into a broader ethno-religious crisis.

Multiple sources attribute the de-escalation to proactive and coordinated interventions of the Federal Government, which directed its armed forces, alongside the Nigeria Police Force and the Department of State Services (DSS), to ensure that the situation was brought under control.

The synergy prevented Plateau from tipping into a full-blown crisis with possible regional contagion across other Northern states.

For decades, this axis has carried the weight of unresolved grievances land-use disputes, indigene-settler narratives, youth unemployment, and political rivalry. Each new killing risks reopening old wounds, and each reprisal threatens to widen the circle of suspicion.

The recent flare-ups, however, occurred within Plateau State, particularly in Barkin Ladi and Riyom, with anxiety spilling toward Jos North and Jos South. Yet, in the past few days, the feared urban ignition has not materialized.
Security presence has been reinforced along flashpoints, while high-level engagements with all warring communities have reportedly led to a cooling of ultimatums and counter-ultimatums that had earlier hardened positions.

Political, community and religious leaders in Jos, as well as elder statesmen in other parts of the country, have intensified peace engagements, urging restraint and rejecting inflammatory rhetoric capable of transforming localized disputes into full-scale ethno-religious confrontation.

Yet what unfolded in recent weeks does not fit the legal or factual threshold of genocide. Rather, it followed a tragic but familiar retaliatory pattern one group attacks, the other responds, and the cycle deepens unless decisively interrupted.

This time, it was interrupted. Security deployments were reinforced. Intelligence coordination improved. Youth leaders were engaged. Religious figures amplified calls for restraint. Political actors, mindful of the state’s fragile equilibrium, moved to cool tempers rather than inflame them, while those who inflamed the situation were cautioned.

But beyond the immediate violence, another battle was playing out the battle of narratives.

Nigeria remains vulnerable to destabilization efforts by internal conflict entrepreneurs and, potentially, external actors who exploit local grievances for strategic advantage, just as what is currently playing out in Plateau and Benue. External security elements, sometimes operating under the guise of NGOs, are also fueling resentment and making inflammatory statements that could further ignite chaos in the country.

It has been noted that these elements make exaggerated claims, use inflammatory framing, and deploy emotionally charged labels that covertly transform localized disputes into perceived existential wars.

A recurring theme among peace advocates is the danger of waiting for external rescue or framing domestic challenges as externally solvable crises. Nigerian politicians have also failed to fully discharge their responsibilities by investigating the crises and implementing concrete policies and programs that would further prevent recurrence.

Top government officials often hesitate to speak against prevailing narratives. We even saw that those who opposed certain framings, like Rabiu Kwankwaso, were tagged as supporters of the persecution of Christians.

The Nigerian media has largely refused to give the Plateau crisis balanced and sustained attention. Coverage has often focused in one direction, hardly depicting the perspectives of both sides of the conflict. Few media outlets have carried out fact-based, thorough research to unravel the real causes of the crisis in Plateau with a view to fostering peace and development in the state.

History offers sobering lessons. The insurgency of Boko Haram or the IPOB Biafra agitation began with local grievances that metastasized into protracted conflicts, partly sustained by narratives of persecution and apocalyptic struggle. Bandit networks similarly capitalized on identity-based fear, at times spreading claims of collective extinction to recruit and radicalize Fulani youths into their violent campaigns.

In parts of the Sahel, groups such as Jama’at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM) have demonstrated how porous borders and grievance politics can intersect, expanding insecurity beyond its point of origin. This is what is already playing out — Nigerian bandits inviting other terrorist groups from Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso to operate in Nigeria’s Kwara, Niger, Sokoto and Kebbi corridors.

Today, Plateau was at risk of becoming an ignition point of a wider Nigerian Muslim–Christian crisis, a “soft ground” where localized clashes could be amplified into national rupture. Had urban centers been drawn in, especially after the killing of five Plateau North indigenes, the ripple effects might have extended far beyond the state’s borders.

Some will tell you that Christians are being targeted by jihadists with the aim of eliminating every Christian household in Nigeria. But how could that narrative stand when a significant percentage of households in Northern Nigeria are bound by intermarriages between Muslims and Christians? There are families where Muslims and pastors coexist within the same lineage.

Those who lived through the Boko Haram conflict know that such sweeping narratives were deeply misleading. Yet religion remains the easiest weapon for those who seek chaos.

Therefore, the suggestion that any side faces inevitable annihilation is both historically inaccurate and operationally dangerous. Such framing fuels fear, and fear fuels mobilization. Both Fulani communities and local groups in Plateau have, at different times, amplified such narratives.

Nigeria’s problems are largely local in origin. And sustainable solutions must be local. Government must take ownership of the entire situation. Outsiders do not carry our wounds, and they cannot heal them for us. History shows that external actors often pursue their own interests, not necessarily the interests of the affected country.

The darker scenario one in which reprisals escalate, youth radicalize, security forces are perceived as partisan, and politicians exploit division is not hypothetical. It is a pattern Nigeria has seen before. What prevented that pattern from fully unfolding in Plateau was early containment.

Troops of Operation Safe Haven maintained forward presence in flashpoints. Police units increased patrols. DSS monitoring curtailed incendiary mobilization. Traditional rulers convened urgent meetings. Interfaith leaders urged restraint from pulpits and podiums.

Collectively, these actions slowed the spiral.
However, calm does not mean closure. The structural drivers land administration ambiguities, grazing corridor disputes, unemployment, and political instrumentalization of identity. remain unresolved. Without deliberate reform, cycles can re-emerge.

Rejecting violence therefore requires rejecting simplistic narratives. There is no moral victory in framing complex disputes as civilizational wars. There is no strategic gain in exaggerating communal fear. And there is no national future in allowing grievance merchants to profit from division whether they are pastors, imams, community leaders or youth leaders.

Nigeria’s common enemies are those who weaponize difference for power insurgent groups, bandit networks, militias, separatist agitators, or self-serving politicians.

For now, Plateau has stepped back from the brink. The question that remains is whether Nigeria, as a whole, will use this moment not merely to breathe, but to reflect, reform and recommit to coexistence.

Because in the end, no external power will determine Nigeria’s stability.

Plateau steps back from the brink as Nigerian Armed Forces coordinated response halts escalation

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State Actors Grumble Over Operational Allowances Within the Hadin Kai Theatre.

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State Actors Grumble Over Operational Allowances Within the Hadin Kai Theatre.

By: Bodunrin Kayode

There is a quiet grumble within the ranks of the Joint Security team in the Hadin Kai theatre with an allegation that some forward operational bases are paid discriminatory allowances.

Some sources within the non military rankings who spoke with this reporter claim that their military colleagues in some forward operational bases (FOB) are actually paid higher than the rest of them by the pay masters who are supposed to release these funds.

This has actually led to a silent outcry by some of the security personnel within the ranks of the Hadin Kai theatre who have decried what they described as the unnecessary disparity between their operational allowances and that of the military.

“There has been some underground grumbling within the ranks of the uniformed personnel in the Hadin Kai theatre over allowances and I am talking about the para military and the police who are in the team in this very sector one.

” From our investigation, it has never happened before and that makes it strange and we believe it is not known to the theatre commander (TC) who we all know as a just man who wants all of us to be happy.

” And that is why we are passing this injustice through you people because you are equal partners in the battles we are fighting against our common enemy because we believe the wrong will be reversed as soon as he gets to hear.

“At our own FOB for now, I can say the drilling for crude oil has stopped but we are pinning the ground against the criminals. And I must tell you, the main challenges here is water we don’t have enough water and the food served is not that good.

“we have only been allocated two bags of water for one week in this hot weather and the allowance given is 31,000 naira while the military is 45,000 naira sir.

“So why is there a difference in the money while both of us are working in the same assignment. Before the allowance was N45,000 and was equal to that of the Army but now they have reduced non military to N31,000 and they expect us to pay returns of 5,000 inside the same N31,000” Said the angry operative.

Operatives of operation Hadin Kai are made up mostly of the entire military, Federal Police, immigration, customs, Civil defence, custodial service, vigilante and the civilian jtf.

In spite of all these collaboration among services which includes the state security services sometimes, the war has gone on for almost 17 years with no sign of a true, seize fire, table negotiations or a total end of the hostilities between the country and non state actors.

State Actors Grumble Over Operational Allowances Within the Hadin Kai Theatre.

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Grumble within ranks in joint security team in Borno

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Grumble within ranks in joint security team in Borno

By: Bodunrin Kayode

There is a quiet grumble within the ranks of the Joint Security team in the Hadin Kai theatre with an allegation that some forward operational bases are paid discriminatory allowances.

Some sources within the non military rankings who spoke with this reporter claim that their military colleagues in some forward operational bases (FOB) are actually paid higher than the rest of them by the pay masters who are supposed to release these funds.

This has actually led to a silent outcry by some of the security personnel within the ranks of the Hadin Kai theatre who have decried what they described as the unnecessary disparity between their operational allowances and that of the military.

“There has been some underground grumbling within the ranks of the uniformed personnel in the Hadin Kai theatre over allowances and I am talking about the para military and the police who are in the team in this very sector one.

” From our investigation, it has never happened before and that makes it strange and we believe it is not known to the theatre commander (TC) who we all know as a just man who wants all of us to be happy.

” And that is why we are passing this injustice through you people because you are equal partners in the battles we are fighting against our common enemy because we believe the wrong will be reversed as soon as he gets to hear.

“At our own FOB for now, I can say the drilling for crude oil has stopped but we are pinning the ground against the criminals. And I must tell you, the main challenges here is water we don’t have enough water and the food served is not that good.

“we have only been allocated two bags of water for one week in this hot weather and the allowance given is 31,000 naira while the military is 45,000 naira sir.

“So why is there a difference in the money while both of us are working in the same assignment. Before the allowance was N45,000 and was equal to that of the Army but now they have reduced non military to N31,000 and they expect us to pay returns of 5,000 inside the same N31,000” Said the angry operative.

Operatives of operation Hadin Kai are made up mostly of the entire military, Federal Police, immigration, customs, Civil defence, custodial service, vigilante and the civilian jtf.

In spite of all these collaboration among services which includes the state security services sometimes, the war has gone on for almost 17 years with no sign of a true, seize fire, table negotiations or a total end of the hostilities between the country and non state actors.

Grumble within ranks in joint security team in Borno

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EU Commits €235 Million to Tackle Escalating Humanitarian Crises in West and Central Africa

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EU Commits €235 Million to Tackle Escalating Humanitarian Crises in West and Central Africa

By: Michael Mike

The European Commission has unveiled a €235 million humanitarian aid package aimed at addressing the deepening crises across West and Central Africa, where conflict, hunger, displacement, and climate shocks continue to devastate millions of lives.

The funding will target the region’s most vulnerable populations, including those affected by armed conflicts, food insecurity, forced displacement, and communities cut off from essential services. A significant portion—€75 million—has been earmarked for the Central Sahel, widely regarded as the epicentre of the region’s instability.

Other allocations include more than €72 million for Chad, €33 million for Nigeria, €22 million for the Central African Republic, €16.6 million for Cameroon, €4.8 million for Mauritania, and over €6 million for coastal countries. An additional €6.4 million will support region-wide humanitarian initiatives.

Announcing the intervention, Hadja Lahbib, European Commissioner for Equality, Preparedness and Crisis Management, described the situation as a convergence of multiple emergencies.

“West and Central Africa is facing a storm of humanitarian crises, driven by conflict, poverty, hunger, instability, and climate shocks,” she said, recalling firsthand encounters with displaced families during a visit to Chad.

According to Lahbib, the aid will provide critical relief, including food, clean water, healthcare, shelter, and access to education for children whose lives have been disrupted by violence and displacement.

The region’s humanitarian situation remains dire, with conflicts in the Central Sahel and the Lake Chad Basin continuing to spill across borders, intensifying instability in coastal nations and triggering widespread displacement. The ongoing crisis in Sudan has further strained resources in eastern Chad, while separate emergencies persist in north-western Nigeria, parts of Cameroon, and the Central African Republic.

The European Union reiterated its commitment to acting as a reliable humanitarian partner, emphasizing that the intervention is designed not only to save lives but also to restore dignity and hope for affected communities.

EU Commits €235 Million to Tackle Escalating Humanitarian Crises in West and Central Africa

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