News
POS dealers ATM make brisk businesses in Borno and Yobe state due to scarcity of naira notes
POS dealers ATM make brisk businesses in Borno and Yobe state due to scarcity of naira notes
By: Bodunrin Kayode
Naira sale has become big business in the capital of Borno and Yobe states as Point Of Sale (POS) agents are making brisk business beyond the normal charges from customers.
Even the Automated Teller Machines ATM which are supposed to give customers their cash as at when needed have restricted them badly to just N2000 in some cases even as our findings indicate that they drive big amounts of new cash in their private cars back to the bedrooms of those big time business men and politicians for fear of loosing their accounts to willing bank managers.
For those in Damaturu, a smaller town and capital of Yobe State, the scarcity of old naira notes still persists as it does in maiduguri but our investigations indicate that residents are trying to survive the tensed atmosphere this has quagmire has created.
The scarcity of naira notes has caused very long queues in most of the major towns around the two states such that there are worries that some people may never have respite even after the deadline issued by the central bank of Nigeria.
It’s the same sing song in Potiskum where a security source name withheld told this reporter that the policy should have been implemented long ago and not just when the election is at the corner.
“imagine you implement a policy that you think will cripple the political class who horde billions of this same naira for the election. Do you think some of them step into the bank? The answer is no. These bankers drive the cash back into their bedrooms. So who is loosing now? It’s the common man who has to buy naira at exorbitant prices.”he pointed.
Investigation conducted by this reporter indicates that because most of the council areas of these two states do not have branches of banks, there is an acute scarcity of even the old naira notes in the hinterland 200 to 300km outside the city of maiduguri and Damaturu.
A source who also prefers anonymity in Gamboru Ngala told this reporter that some residents in the border town that have relatives in Cameroon have resolved to buy most of their needs in foreign cfa currency which is available in their area as the bite of the scarcity of the naira persists.
She went on “We become lucky only when the POS agents travel to maiduguri and bring cash for us. Even that, they charge us 300 naira for every new N1000 we ask them to change for us. Some take half of the money in the name of selling new notes to us.
” This is our sad plight because we do not have banks here, not even micro finance banks to benefit from the enormous border trade going on with the gradual advent of peace in the place.
A drive round maiduguri within the period under review indicates that some of the banks deliberately refused to pay the old money to some customers and even POS agents on the counter since Monday and that is after the central bank of Nigeria had given a directive that they should dispense cash to them.
Service providers stranded
A tailor who called himself Bomboy complained that since Monday he has been working yet people were not coming to take their clothes and pay up even old notes for services.
He said those who want to pay him are met with stiff agency charges such as 1,500 taken from their salaries for every 5000.
“So if her salary is just N15,000 monthly you can imagine how she will feel loosing up to 4,500 from her pay if she wants to withdraw the cash for keeps so she can use accordingly.” said Bomboy.
At kasua fara which is part of konduga council area of Borno, charges rose from N100 for each N5000 withdrawal to about N500 which is ten percent of the money one desires to withdraw.
In the second largest town of Bama, the report was not different right up to Pulka and Gwoza, lack of money was a recurring decimal.
The POS sellers alleged that even though it is illegal to buy the naira, they have no choice but to buy behind the counter from some willing banks to go and sell for the customers who can afford to pay for the excess charges.
Paralysis of commercial activities
The scarcity has badly affected the buying and selling going on within the city because of the fear of losses they will incur if they get to the POS which is the only leeway to escape the mammoth crowd at the banks.
Some residents who spoke to this reporter noted that going out to the Atm centres of some banks is a waste of time because after two hours of waiting you realize that it can only dispense between 3 and 5,000.
“what if my wife is sick and we need to buy drugs worth more than 5000? Do that is how I will be restricted because they now dish out only 5000 in some ATM centres averagely which is bad for business.
Meanwhile, in these the CBN has set up committees that have been going round the states to enforce compliance. In Borno the committee is headed by Mohammed Tumala, a director of statistics in the CBN.
He told this reporter that the CBN is really serious about monitoring the whole exercise and would stick to the deadline which is why they are on ground to ensure enforcement by commercial banks.
He Saud that Borno Yobe has been taken care of because over N8. 4 billion was distributed to Borno as at last week while over N4 billion has been disbursed to Yobe alone.
He said that his team has been to many areas of the state and have disbursed directly to POS and other organized groups in need of the new notes.
The team leader said that they have been working with security agencies. Icpc, efcc and other relevant groups supporting the implementation of the policy by the CBN.
Reaction from Kano
Another anonymous source in kano said that it was true that some people were making brisk businesses from the currency business.
“But it is to our own disadvantage because our kids are the people I am thinking of. How will their generation live their lives? The masses are suffering and things are not getting better in anyway.
” There is no scarcity in kano except that people are buying the notes and keeping them in their homes as surety for the dry day.
” A lot of people have turned the crave for new naira notes into business and that is the only time it becomes scarce. Imagine someone withdrawing a million while others do not have anything.
” The POS agents are equally not helping matters because they exploit people a lot, by selling the currency at cut throat prices.
” At least eighty percent of the currency in circulation is outside the banking system. Just 20 percent is within the system and that is not good for our economy.
“The cashless policy must succeed because we cannot continue to be a cash based society.
” That is why we are welcoming E naira because it will also make sure we are boarded from the cash system. It would be of great advantage to the country as such it should be embraced if we mean business with our economy.
Reaction from the Govt house
Except for those with verifiable constraints such as lacking supplies from the CBN, the State Governor, Professor Babagana Zulum has directed that any bank which refuses to dispense new naira notes via ATMs and banking halls should have its land revoked.
Zulum issued the directive over the weekend after visiting branches of banks to assess problems being faced by residents in trying to access new naira notes via long queues at ATMs amid acute scarcity and hopelessness.
“Any bank in Borno State that is not willing to ensure their ATMs are fully dispensing new naira notes cash to ease the suffering of our people, we will withdraw their land title immediately. We will only spare Banks with genuine constraints that are verifiable” Zulum said.
Before that declaration, Zulum expressed unhappiness when he saw hundreds of people queued at a bank’s branch, with only one out of 10 ATMs dispensing cash.
“As you can see here, only less privileged people are queued up. I didn’t see rich people here. Many people are said to been here since 3:00 am, some could not even eat anything. The new naira notes and even the old ones are not available and that is adversely affecting commercial activities in the state and people are suffering
“We just released salaries of about 5 billion naira and the banks don’t have money, some of the ATMs are not working. We don’t have any problem with the CBN policy or the withdrawal limit, they said individuals can only withdraw N20,000, but why can’t everyone have access to that N20,000?” he said.
“Yesterday I was in Gubio with a population of over 70,000 people but it was impossible to source N100,000 in the entire local government, neither of the new note nor the old notes. A ram that is worth N100,000 is now being sold for N35,000 because people are desperate for cash, and some wicked rich people are going to rural areas to exploit poor people. ” Said Zulum
The Governor urged the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) to ensure the availability of new notes at commercial banks for people to access their money.
“Right now in Borno State, I have visited more than ten ATMs and there’s no cash” Zulum said.
POS dealers ATM make brisk businesses in Borno and Yobe state due to scarcity of naira notes
News
Troops repel bandits’ attack in AgatuBenue
Troops repel bandits’ attack in Agatu
Benue
By Zagazola Makama
Troops of the Nigerian Army, in collaboration with the police, repelled an attack by suspected armed bandits on a joint patrol team in Agatu Local Government Area of Benue State.
Security sources said the incident occurred at about 9:00 a.m. on April 4, when the troops on routine patrol encountered the armed bandits.
According to the sources, the bandits opened fire on sighting the troops, leading to a gun duel.
“The troops responded decisively, forcing the bandits to retreat after a brief exchange of fire,” the source said.
The attackers reportedly fled through a nearby river, taking advantage of the difficult terrain.
The sources confirmed that no casualty was recorded among the troops during the encounter.
Following the incident, troops have intensified patrols and commenced combing operations in surrounding bushes to track down the fleeing suspects.
The operation is part of ongoing efforts by the military to curb banditry and sustain peace in the area.
Troops repel bandits’ attack in Agatu
Benue
News
Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive
Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive
By Zagazola Makama
Additional details have emerged on the identities of notorious bandit leaders eliminated during the recent military offensive in Tsafe Local Government Area of Zamfara State, where the son of feared kingpin Ado Allero and scores of fighters were neutralised.
At the heart of the operation was the elimination of Kachalla Iliya Sarki, the son of Ado Allero, alongside more than 65 fighters and several high-ranking commanders who had long orchestrated attacks, kidnappings, and cattle rustling across Zamfara and neighbouring states.

For years, the forests of Tsafe, Shinkafi, and Zurmi have served as operational bases for heavily armed groups, with Allero’s network emerging as one of the most feared. The death of his son, widely regarded as a rising figure within the hierarchy, is not just a tactical success, it is a symbolic strike at the core of the group’s command structure.
Security sources confirmed that the offensive, which targeted multiple camps in Munhaye and surrounding forest enclaves, led to the elimination of several key commanders.

Among them was Kachalla Biyabiki, a notorious kidnapping kingpin linked to numerous abductions in the western Tsafe axis. Intelligence indicated he had at least 10 victims in captivity at the time of his death, with ransom negotiations ongoing.
Also killed was Kachalla Dogon Bete, a feared field commander known for leading violent raids on rural communities and coordinating cattle rustling operations.
Other commanders neutralised include Kachalla Dan Bakolo, believed to be responsible for arms supply and logistics; Kachalla Na’Isa, a sub-commander involved in enforcement operations; Kachalla Yellow, linked to reprisal attacks; and Kachalla Mudi, associated with kidnapping activities along rural transit routes.

Together, these figures formed a critical part of the operational backbone of banditry in the Tsafe–Shinkafi corridor.
“These individuals were key actors within the network. Their neutralisation has disrupted command and control structures in the area,” a security source said.
The offensive, which targeted multiple camps in Munhaye and surrounding forest enclaves, also resulted in the destruction of hideouts and recovery of weapons and other logistics.
However, security experts warn that the killing of such high-profile figures—particularly the son of Ado Allero—may provoke retaliatory attacks by fleeing elements seeking revenge.
Troops have consequently intensified clearance operations, aerial surveillance, and aggressive patrols across Tsafe, Shinkafi, and adjoining areas to prevent regrouping and forestall possible reprisals.
Efforts are ongoing to track down remaining loyalists and dismantle residual cells operating within the wider Zamfara-Katsina forest corridor.
In Zamfara’s forests, where power shifts quickly and alliances are fluid, today’s victory can only be secured by tomorrow’s vigilance.
Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive
News
Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed
Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed
By Zagazola Makama
In Plateau State, the sound of gunfire is no longer shocking. It is expected. What follows each incident has also become predictable outrage, media attention, blames and accusations, as well as a rush to frame the tragedy within familiar narratives.
The latest reports of miners lynched by unknown gunmen have once again drawn national and international attention. Youth leaders, clerics, and advocacy groups are already describing the incident in sweeping terms, some branding it as genocide.
But beneath the headlines lies a more complicated and more troubling reality. Plateau is not witnessing isolated acts of violence. It is caught in a deeply entrenched cycle of reprisals, where attacks and counter-attacks have become the norm, and where truth is often buried beneath sentiment and selective narratives.
In the early hours of April 3, troops responded to a distress call from Sabongida village in Jos South Local Government Area. What they found was grim: the lifeless, beheaded body of a 30-year-old herder, identified as Shafiyu, lying in the bush. Security sources indicated that the killing was allegedly carried out by suspected Berom youths. Before the shock of that incident could settle, retaliation came swiftly.
Later that same day, armed men attacked an illegal mining site in Gyel village, Riyom Local Government Area. Three miners, including Samuel Davou, were killed in cold blood, while others fled for safety as troops moved in to secure the area. What might appear as separate incidents are, in reality, part of a continuous chain of violence, one feeding directly into the other.
Across Plateau, recent events reveal a troubling pattern that has defined the conflict for years.
On March 25, the body of Abdullahi Mohammed , a Fulani boy, was discovered in a shallow grave in Mangu Local Government Area, raising suspicions of targeted killing. On the same day in Riyom, irrigation farms belonging to several farmers were destroyed, by Fulani herdsmen, an act capable of provoking immediate retaliation.
Three days later, on March 28, gunmen assassinated Alhaji Bilyaminu Julde, a prominent Fulani community leader and Ardo of Gindiri, in Barkin Ladi. The attack, carried out at his residence, sent ignited tensions through the Fulani community and set off alarm bells across the state.
That same day, another flashpoint emerged in Riyom, where stray cattle destroyed farmlands in Tahoss village an incident that further strained relations between farmers and herders.
By April 2, violence had escalated again. In Bokkos Local Government Area, troops foiled an attack by suspected armed herders following a clash with vigilantes over grazing disputes. One vigilante sustained gunshot injuries.
Then came April 3, a day that encapsulated the crisis. Aside from the killing of the herder in Sabongida and the retaliatory attack on miners in Gyel, more killing were reported in Jos South.
On the same day, troops in Barkin Ladi recovered suspected rustled cattle reportedly taken by the Birom armed militia, while in Riyom, another Fulani youth was allegedly killed in an isolated attack. Each of these incidents is not just an entry in a security log. They are links in a chain, each one strengthening the justification for the next.
The Plateau conflict has increasingly been framed through singular lenses, often ethnic or religious. While these dimensions exist, they do not fully capture the complexity of what is happening on the ground. What emerges from security reports and field accounts is a cycle of reciprocal violence involving armed elements across communities. Fulani herders have been attacked and killed. Berom farmers and miners have also been targeted in deadly reprisals.
Yet, public discourse often pointing fongers only one side of the suffering.
This selective framing creates a dangerous distortion. It fuels anger, deepens divisions, and makes reconciliation even more difficult. More importantly, it prevents a clear understanding of the crisis one that is essential for any meaningful solution.
As observed by Simon Kolawole, the conflict has become a cycle of “attacks and counter-attacks, reprisals and counter-reprisals.”
In such an environment, violence becomes normalized. Communities begin to see retaliation not as a crime, but as justice.
Without accountability, peace remains elusive,”he said in his latest article, titled The Killing fields in plateau State.
In Plateau State, the search for peace has become a long, uncertain journey with no immediate destination in sight. Despite sustained military deployments and repeated calls for calm, deadly attacks continue to rage across communities, reinforcing a grim reality: this is a conflict deeply rooted in cycles of violence, mistrust, and silence.
For many residents, the first instinct after every attack is to look toward the government, Security forces and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Questions are asked why were the troops not there? Why was the intelligence not acted upon? Why are communities left exposed?
These concerns are valid. The primary responsibility of any government is the protection of lives and property. Yet, beneath these criticisms lies a difficult truth that is often left unspoken. In many cases, the same communities that demand protection are unwilling to confront the problem from within.
Across flashpoints in Riyom, Barkin Ladi, Bokkos, and Mangu, patterns have consistent which suggest that perpetrators of violence are not faceless outsiders operating in isolation. They are often known by name, by face, by affiliation. But they are rarely exposed. Instead, a culture of silence prevails. Fear, loyalty, and sometimes complicity prevent communities from identifying or handing over those responsible for attacks.
This silence creates a protective shield around perpetrators, allowing them to strike repeatedly without consequences. The result is a dangerous cycle: attacks occur, blame is assigned externally, and the real actors remain embedded within the communities.
There have been instances where youth leaders publicly blamed Fulani groups for atrocities even in cases where the victims themselves were Fulani. Such claims stretch logic and risk undermining credibility. The argument that a group would attack itself, rustle or poison its own livestock, and transport it into rival territory solely to assign blame raises fundamental questions.
While misinformation is a powerful tool in conflict, it cannot fully explain away patterns that are repeatedly documented by security agencies. These narratives, rather than promoting justice, deepen mistrust and inflame passions, making reconciliation more difficult.
This cycle has blurred the lines between victim and aggressor. Communities that mourn their dead today may be accused of launching attacks tomorrow. In such an environment, truth becomes contested, and justice becomes subjective. A herder is killed, reprisal follows.
Miners are attacked, revenge is planned.
Cattle are rustled, retaliation is inevitable. Each incident becomes both consequence and justification.
Intelligence gathering, the backbone of effective security operations depends heavily on local input. When communities withhold information, protect suspects, or distort facts, security agencies are left to operate in the dark.
This creates gaps that perpetrators exploit.
Blaming the government alone, without acknowledging this dynamic, presents an incomplete picture of the crisis.
Security forces have remained active, responding to distress calls, conducting patrols, and attempting to stabilize volatile areas. Yet, their presence has not been enough to stop the killings. The reality is that no amount of military deployment can fully secure a population that is unwilling to cooperate.
One of the most dangerous drivers of the conflict is impunity. For decades, perpetrators of violence in Plateau have rarely been brought to justice. Killings are recorded, condemned, and eventually forgotten until the next incident occurs.
Community, religious and youths leaders, who should serve as stabilizing forces, are increasingly unable to control armed youth groups. Such interventions are rare and often overshadowed by more powerful forces of anger and revenge. In many cases the leaders are the once directly fueling the crises and encouraging the youths to take up arms to carry out reprisals attacks.
The nature of the Plateau conflict makes it resistant to purely military solutions. This is not a conventional war with clear battle lines. It is a fragmented conflict driven by local grievances, economic competition, and historical mistrust.
Calls for heavy-handed interventions, including suggestions of foreign military involvement, fail to recognize this reality. Force alone cannot resolve a conflict that is rooted in social and communal dynamics.
If Plateau is to break free from this cycle, the first step must be honesty. The violence must be acknowledged for what it is a series of interconnected attacks involving multiple actors, not a one-sided campaign. Only then can meaningful solutions emerge.
This is not just a story of victims and aggressors. It is a story of a society caught in a loop of vengeance, where yesterday’s victim can become today’s perpetrator. Until the truth is confronted in its entirety without bias, without omission peace will remain elusive.
The government must move beyond reactive security measures and take decisive steps to address the root causes of the conflict. This includes ensuring accountability, strengthening intelligence capabilities, and facilitating genuine dialogue among communities.Equally important is the role of local leaders. They must rise above partisan interests and work actively to restrain their followers, promote peace, and reject all forms of violence regardless of who commits them.
Zagazola Makama is a Counter Insurgency Expert and Security Analyst in the Lake Chad Region
Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed
-
News2 years agoRoger Federer’s Shock as DNA Results Reveal Myla and Charlene Are Not His Biological Children
-
Opinions4 years agoTHE PLIGHT OF FARIDA
-
News12 months agoFAILED COUP IN BURKINA FASO: HOW TRAORÉ NARROWLY ESCAPED ASSASSINATION PLOT AMID FOREIGN INTERFERENCE CLAIMS
-
News2 years agoEYN: Rev. Billi, Distortion of History, and The Living Tamarind Tree
-
Opinions4 years agoPOLICE CHARGE ROOMS, A MINTING PRESS
-
ACADEMICS2 years agoA History of Biu” (2015) and The Lingering Bura-Pabir Question (1)
-
Columns2 years agoArmy University Biu: There is certain interest, but certainly not from Borno.
-
Opinions2 years agoTinubu,Shettima: The epidemic of economic, insecurity in Nigeria
