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Professor Zulum and his ‘empty seat of power’

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Professor Zulum and his ‘empty seat of power’

Professor Zulum and his ‘empty seat of power’

By Isa Gusau

From the most part of March 2020 to date, I have observed that Borno’s governor, Professor Babagana Umara Zulum, abandons the executive red chair, and desk in his main office at the Government House in Maiduguri. 

So far, Prof has left that elegant ‘seat of power’ largely idled for nearly two years.

On Thursday, May 30, 2019, Professor Zulum, for the first time, sat on that powerful red seat, flanked by two Nigerian flags in the elegant office of the governor. He continued to sit on the same red seat whenever he was at his office. 

Suddenly, around March 2020, the Professor began to neglect that red seat of power. But why?

By his nature, Professor Zulum is exceedingly a workaholic, an extraordinary goal-getter and he is very time-conscious. It is difficult to hold a 15-minute dialogue without Prof unconsciously talking about one project, programme or policy.The governor’s mind and office are always about work. 

While Zulum was using the red chair, he often had to move back and forth between the cosy red seat and a green conference table surrounded by nine chairs at the centre of his office. He prefers to hold meetings on the conference table rather than surrounded around the red seat.

Ahead of every work day, Prof would line up a number of individuals or groups of persons he either invited or gave appointments. For each person or group, he would allocate time, and always be conscious of the time he sets. When anyone arrives, Prof would start with a brief salutation and go straight to the point, aiming to conclude individual sessions within five to 10 minutes and offering slightly more time for groups, depending on the issue in focus. Severally, the governor would host commissioners with heads of establishments under their supervision and technical officials relating to particular projects around the green conference table. Perhaps, because Prof is too time-conscious, the speed with which he hosts meetings and deals with all kinds of issues, makes it less necessary for him to shift from the green conference table back to the red ‘seat of power’. With time, Prof unconsciously stopped alternating between the red ‘seat of power’ and the green conference table. It is now nearly two years since Professor Zulum has only been operating from that green conference table, at the expense of the red ‘seat of power’. 

Also Read: Commuters escape early morning disaster in Maiduguri

I beg your pardon, I think from March 2020 to date, Professor Zulum did sit on the red ‘seat of power’, about 10 to 15 times, and in most instances, he was video recorded for state-widebroadcasts in the heat of the COVID-19 pandemic back in 2020, ahead of the June 12 democracy days in 2020 and 2021, and over some serious issues of public concerns.

Aside from those momentous occasions, the red ‘seat of power’ stayed empty. Prof continues to operate from the green conference table whenever he is at the office.

But is there a potential message in Professor Zulum’s‘addiction’ to his office’s conference table rather than the red seat?

In her 2019 research article on the ‘psychology of conference tables’ published by Science of People.com, a behavioural scientist, Vanessa Van Edwards, infers that conference tables convey meanings of serious business and each seat, from that of the boss, to every seat around the conference table, conveysa particular meaning. She implies that anyone walking towards a conference table is bound to develop the mentality of becoming work-focused and less of sociality, which definitely fits into the very nature of Prof Zulum.

As a Professor, who writes and reads a lot of research articles, Zulum apparently realized that seating around a conference table, rather than on the red ‘seat of power’ sends a message to everyone coming into the governor’s office – it’s nothing but work.

Of course, Professor Zulum’s operation from a conference table does not mean that other governors and chief executives who use their official ‘seats of power’ are not dedicated or efficient. It is a matter of style! After all, Zulum himself is far more addicted to working in the field, an attribute from his engineering training, a professor at that discipline.

And as I once wrote, Zulum is an early riser. His work clock begins from 6 am and ends between 11 pm and 12midnight. 

Most times, he would send invitations at night to assemble government officials who head organs of particular sectors, particularly education, healthcare and humanitarian services. The officials converge between 6am and 7am next day at the government house. Prof would then appear, often driving himself, to lead a small convoy of two or three private vehicles. At that point, officials who may have fallen short of meeting project targets after being funded may then start praying that the Prof does not visit their projects’ sites. Perhaps, the Prof, as a strict religious adherent, offers counter-prayers earlier at dawn before he sets out. So, he ends up heading straight to the sites that the officials do not want him to visit. Zulum detests poor performances and he rewards productivity so fast, and so well.

I should also hint that Prof has a number of trusted youths that he regularly assigns to obtain corroborative footages and photographs on work progresses, to compare with whatever reports he gets from officials in charge of projects and programmes. No matter how much Zulum trusts any official, the Professor rarely relies entirely on a single source of information. Consistently, he demands corroborative evidence from different sources and his style makes falsehoods less likely to come his way.

Regularly, Prof Zulum argues that keen monitoring and evaluation is one of the key enablers of the successes in private sectors when compared with public sectors. Zulum often cites that some workers earn more in public sectors but are less dedicated compared to private workers with less pay, due largely to strict monitoring and evaluation in private sectors.

In the meantime, Zulum had in his 2022 budget address,announced a critical plan to introduce a new system of effective monitoring and evaluation in Borno’s public institutions, starting with schools, hospitals and water services.

Certainly, Zulum’s regular monitoring keeps heads of public institutions on their toes, especially when they know that the governor can show up at oddest hours. More so, Professor Zulum does not appear to enjoy relaxing in the office, a(subconscious) attitude that has left largely empty, the governor’s red ‘seat of power’.

*Isa Gusau is a special adviser and spokesman to Governor Zulum

Professor Zulum and his ‘empty seat of power’

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Opinion Editorial: Nigeria’s Reserved/Special Seats Bill: A Human Rights Imperative for Gender-Inclusive Democracy

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Opinion Editorial
Nigeria’s Reserved/Special Seats Bill: A Human Rights Imperative for Gender-Inclusive Democracy

By: Oluwafisayo Aransiola Fakayode (Human Rights Lawyer & Gender Justice Advocate)
fisayoaransiola@gmail.com

Nigeria stands at a critical juncture in its democratic evolution. In few days, the National Assembly will cast a decisive vote on the Reserved/Special Seats Bill -a landmark bill that could reshape the country’s democratic landscape. The bill proposes creating temporary additional legislative seats that would be contested exclusively by women in Nigeria’s National and State Assemblies to address the country’s low rate of female political representation. At its core, this bill is not merely about increasing the number of women in legislative chambers, it is about affirming democracy’s most fundamental promise: equity.

For decades, Nigerian women have remained underrepresented in governance, their voices muffled in spaces where laws and policies are made and futures are decided. Women make up nearly half of Nigeria’s population, yet they hold less than 5% of seats in the National Assembly. This stark underrepresentation is not just a statistical anomaly; it is a democratic deficit. The bill seeks to correct this imbalance by guaranteeing women a minimum presence in parliament, thereby dismantling systemic barriers that have long excluded half of the nation’s population from meaningful political participation.

The bill is more than a political goal, it is a constitutional and human rights obligation hinged on the principles of substantive equality and affirmative action. This human rights obligation stems from Nigeria’s ratification of several relevant international and regional human rights treaties including the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (Maputo Protocol). These instruments place obligation on the country to eliminate barriers to women’s participation in political and public life.

Article 7 of CEDAW obligates States including Nigeria to take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women in the political and public life of the country, ensure women on equal terms with men have the right to vote in all elections, are eligible for election to all publicly elected bodies, participate in the formulation and implementation of government policy and are able to hold public office and perform all public functions at all levels of government. Similarly, Article 9 of the Maputo Protocol places obligation on States Parties to take specific positive actions to promote participative governance and the equal participation of women in the political life of their countries through affirmative action, enabling national legislation and other measures to ensure that women participate without any discrimination in all elections, women are represented equally at all levels with men in all electoral processes and women are equal partners with men at all levels of development and implementation of State policies. States shall also ensure increased and effective representation and participation of women at all levels of decision-making.

Critics of the Reserved/Special Seats Bill often argue that it undermines meritocracy. However, this critique confuses formal equality with substantive equality. While formal equality insists that men and women should be treated the same, substantive equality recognizes that identical treatment does not always produce fair outcomes when historical and structural disadvantages exist. In a society where patriarchal norms, economic disparities, systemic bias and discrimination within political structures hinder women’s access to political participation, substantive equality demands proactive measures. By adopting the bill, Nigeria would be practicing substantive equality: ensuring that women are not only formally entitled to participate but are actually empowered and equipped with a level playing ground to do so. This approach transforms equality from a theoretical promise into a lived reality, creating a legislature that reflects the diversity of the nation.

The bill is not about giving women an unfair advantage, it is about dismantling the barriers that have marginalized them for decades. It is a corrective measure to restore balance in a system that has historically excluded half of the population from political life. The temporary nature of the bill through including provision for a review to take place after four general election cycles (16 years) ensures that it serves as a transitional mechanism, not a permanent measure. It allows women to build political capital, networks, and experience that will enable them to compete on equal terms in the future. Article 4 of CEDAW explicitly permits temporary special measures to accelerate equality, acknowledging that without corrective action, women will remain marginalized.

The forthcoming National Assembly vote on the Reserved/Special Seats Bill is a defining test of Nigeria’s democratic conscience. Lawmakers must recognize that passing this bill is not an act of charity toward women, but a constitutional duty and a human rights obligation to uphold equity and women’s rights. By enshrining guaranteed representation, the National Assembly would be sending a powerful message that Nigeria is ready to build a democracy that reflects the full breadth of its people’s voices. The bill is more than legislation, it is a moral compass pointing toward a fairer, stronger, and more inclusive Nigeria. A democracy that sidelines women cannot claim to be inclusive, just, or truly representative.

As the National Assembly prepares to vote, the question before Nigeria is not whether women deserve a seat at the table, but whether the nation is ready to honor its democratic ideals by ensuring that everyone, regardless of gender, has the power to shape the country’s destiny. This is a litmus test for Nigeria’s commitment to women’s rights, equity, and democratic integrity. To oppose this bill is to endorse the status quo of gender imbalance. To support it is to affirm that democracy must reflect the diversity of its people. Nigeria cannot claim to be a true democracy while half its population remains politically invisible.

It is time to pass the Reserved/Special Seats Bill not as a favor to women, but as fulfillment of Nigeria’s human rights obligations.

Opinion Editorial:
Nigeria’s Reserved/Special Seats Bill: A Human Rights Imperative for Gender-Inclusive Democracy

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Voices Unbroken: Ending Digital Violence Against Women and Girls

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Voices Unbroken: Ending Digital Violence Against Women and Girls

By Mohamed M. Fall,

United Nations Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator in Nigeria
Women face walls every day. Walls built by history, culture, and fear. They face them in schools, offices, homes, streets, and now, in the digital world. Globally, women are still denied full access to power, education, and safety. They are underrepresented in political spaces, earn less, speak less, and lead less.
Nigeria has made strides. More women are entering politics, business, and leadership.

Opportunities are growing. Yet barriers remain. Only a small fraction of elected positions are held by women. There is work to do. The path to equality is not yet complete.
Violence is still part of many women’s lives. In Nigeria, the 2024 Demographic and Health Survey shows that 21 percent of women aged 15–49 have experienced physical or sexual violence. That is one in five women. But there is progress. Physical violence has dropped from 31 to 19 percent, sexual violence from 9 to 5 percent. Numbers alone cannot measure the pain or fear. But they do show that change is possible.

While physical violence may be slowly declining, a new threat rises. Technology-facilitated gender-based violence hides behind screens, strikes in private messages, spreads on social media, and silences women online. It blocks voices in politics. It interrupts education. It threatens livelihoods. It can even trigger harm offline.

Across Nigeria, women journalists are attacked online for asking questions. Politicians face threats for standing up. Students are shamed and humiliated. Activists are trolled and impersonated. Women at home are stalked and coerced. Cyberstalking, image-based sexual abuse, sextortion, impersonation, hate speech—all have become weapons. These are not just stories in the news. They are daily realities. Behind every number is a woman whose rights are being challenged.


Globally, 16 to 58 percent of women report experiencing digital abuse. Emerging technologies make it worse. Artificial intelligence can create deepfake pornography, identity theft, and coordinated harassment. Studies show that 90 to 95 percent of deepfake content targets women. Technology should connect us, empower us, and innovate. Instead, it is sometimes misused to deepen inequality and fear.


Even as Nigeria embraces technology, gaps remain. Cyberlaws need stronger enforcement. Digital literacy can improve. Gender biases persist. Survivors often find little recourse. Stigma, impunity, and limited justice remain challenges. Yet, positive steps exist. The Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act of 2015 is a foundation. Advocacy flourishes. Nigeria is building systems that protect women.


We cannot wait. Ending digital violence requires every hand, every voice, every mind.
The government must continue its leadership. Strengthen the Cybercrimes Act. Address the borderless reach of online gender-based violence. Train law enforcement to respond to digital harm. Adopt a national framework on online safety. Invest in prevention. Teach digital literacy. Include healthy online behavior in life skills education. Support community action. These measures can protect and empower women and girls.


Technology companies must also act. Make online spaces safer. Improve moderation. Be transparent. Support local languages. Adopt Safety-by-Design. Collaborate with governments and civil society. Online platforms must empower, not oppress.
Civil society, media, traditional and religious leaders, parents, and teachers all have roles.

Advocate. Raise awareness. Support survivors. Challenge harmful norms. Promote respect, consent, and digital responsibility. Young people can lead by example, modeling safe and respectful online behavior.


Every one of us can make a difference. Pause before you share. Challenge online hate. Stand up for the targeted. Speak for the silenced. Together, we can transform Nigeria’s digital spaces into places where women and girls can speak, learn, lead, and thrive.


This year’s 16 Days of Activism theme—“UNiTE! End Digital Violence against All Women and Girls”—demands action. It reminds us that online abuse is not a private problem. It is a societal challenge. Ending it is a shared responsibility. Technology must lift us, not harm us. Rights must be protected. Voices must be heard.


We know the challenges are real. Gender inequality persists. Women are underrepresented in politics. Cyberviolence is rising. But hope is real. Change is possible. Courage exists in every girl who logs on to learn. Strength exists in every woman who speaks her mind online. Resilience exists in every survivor who refuses to be silenced.


Now is the time to act. Build policies that protect. Build systems that empower. Build a society where women and girls are safe online and offline. Where technology amplifies voices instead of hiding them. Where every woman can dream, aspire, and lead without fear.


We can create that future. A future where every woman and girl is free to speak, lead, and thrive. A future where voices are unbroken.

Voices Unbroken: Ending Digital Violence Against Women and Girls

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My Public Servant Journey

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My Public Servant Journey

By Alhaji Abubakar Alhaji-Abba

Every journey begins with a single step, and mine into public service began on 22nd October 1990, when I took up an appointment at the University of Maiduguri Teaching Hospital (UMTH). At that time, I was a young man—full of ambition and determination—eager to contribute my quota to the growth of my community and my country. What I did not realize then was that this path would not only shape my career, but also mold my character, values, and outlook on life.

The Early Days

The early days were not easy. I started from the basics—handling routine administrative tasks, learning the intricacies of record-keeping, and adapting to the demanding environment of public service. It was a period that taught me patience, discipline, and humility. I quickly learned that in public service, dedication and accountability are not optional—they are the very foundation upon which trust is built.
I recall working long hours to ensure that essential records were accurate and supplies were properly managed. It wasn’t glamorous work, but it was crucial. Hospitals rely heavily on efficiency behind the scenes. Every file I handled and every item I documented could impact the quality of care delivered to patients in need.

As the years passed, I rose through the ranks. Promotions came not just as recognition, but as greater calls to commitment. Moving into supervisory and later managerial roles meant I was no longer responsible only for myself, but also for the performance and welfare of others.

Becoming Head of Department (Stores) was a defining milestone in my journey. I was entrusted with ensuring the availability and proper management of critical medical supplies. This role demanded a careful balance—ensuring accountability, minimizing wastage, and making decisions guided by both policy and ethics. It was during this phase that I fully grasped the weight of stewardship. Public service is about managing resources as if they were your own—because in truth, they belong to the people.

No journey is without its trials. The public sector in UMTH is not without its share of bureaucratic bottlenecks, resource constraints, and slow-moving systems. There were moments of frustration—delayed approvals, limited resources, or a lack of recognition.
But I learned to see these challenges as opportunities for personal and professional growth. They built in me a sense of resilience, resourcefulness, and purpose. Most importantly, they reminded me that true service is not about personal comfort, but about the collective good.

Looking back, I carry with me timeless lessons that have guided every stage of my career:

  • Integrity is priceless. In public service, honesty and transparency are the strongest currencies.
  • Service is sacrifice. It means putting the needs of others above personal convenience.
  • Leadership is responsibility. Being in charge is not about authority, but about accountability and inspiration.
  • Impact is not always visible. The value of one’s work lies in the quiet difference it makes in people’s lives, even when unrecognized.

Now, with 35 years of service behind me, I see this journey as more than just a career—it has been a life of service. A life defined by quiet but meaningful contributions to healthcare delivery, administrative efficiency, and community impact.
It is indeed a remarkable coincidence that on this very date, 22nd October 1990, I began my career in the service of UMTH—and today, 22nd October 2025, I formally retire. Exactly thirty-five (35) years of committed and honorable service.
This symbolic alignment of dates signifies not only the completion of a full circle but also a journey of unwavering dedication, growth, and fulfillment. I am deeply grateful to Almighty Allah (SWT) for His guidance and protection throughout this journey, and for granting me the grace to retire peacefully and honorably.

I am honored and fulfilled by the efforts I made and the contributions I offered—even in the face of challenges. My heartfelt prayers go to those still in service: May Allah (SWT) grant you wisdom, ease, and peace to complete your own journey with honor.
To the Management of UMTH, I offer this parting counsel:

  • Treat every member of staff with justice, fairness, and dignity.
  • Appointments and promotions should be based on merit and seniority—not favoritism, influence, or eye service.
  • Keep your promises and let honesty and transparency guide your decisions.
  • Let every staff member feel valued and motivated, and let patients feel the true presence of government through ethical, heartfelt service. Revive the ethical conduct and professionalism that once defined UMTH—a place where patients receive the best care and staff are proud to serve.

In Conclusion

Public service gave me a sense of purpose, pride, and legacy. Service does not end with retirement—it is a lifelong calling. And if I were to begin all over again, I would still choose this noble path.
Because in serving others, we find the truest meaning of life. Thank you.

Comrade Abubakar a distinguished and Meritorious Retiree of the UMTH lives in Maiduguri. He is an Administrative Veteran with Accomplished and legendary Pace setting records.

My Public Servant Journey

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