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Rebuilding Borno via Resettlement and Family Reunification: The Zulum Style

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Rebuilding Borno via Resettlement and Family Reunification: The Zulum Style

By Zagazola Makama

For the past five years, families in Maiduguri, the Borno State capital, and other towns across the North-East region have been struggling to rebuild their lives from the devastation caused by the Boko Haram insurgency. This insurgency threatened the social fabric and economic life of the people.

In 2009, Boko Haram terrorists intensified their attacks on people, government officials, and institutions. From 2013 to 2014, at the peak of the insurgency, the terrorists controlled large areas of the North-East region and extended their attacks to border communities in Chad, Cameroon, and Niger Republics.

This caused large-scale displacement and destruction of public infrastructure such as schools, hospitals, markets, businesses, religious places of worship, and financial and government establishments.

The terrorizing effect of Boko Haram’s activities on the social and economic life of the people was so devastating that schools, hospitals, businesses, government, and financial institutions closed down in many areas of Borno State. According to official statistics, the damage caused by the insurgency was over $6 billion as of 2015.

To fast-track recovery, rehabilitation, and reconstruction of the war-torn region, the Federal and Borno State Governments initiated and implemented viable programs, including economic empowerment, reunification of missing persons, and deradicalization of repentant insurgents to foster sustainable social and economic development.

According to official records, the Borno Ministry of Women Affairs and Social Development empowered 325,000 women and girls through its skill acquisition training program across 18 local government areas of the state. The ministry also reunified separated families and provided food and non-food items to 152,000 households in 2023, and 162,000 households in 27 LGAs under its family tracing and reunification scheme.

On reintegration of ex-combatants into their communities, the ministry created forums for peace, reconciliation, and community engagement in 27 LGAs and neighboring countries. Some 66,000 ex-combatants returned to their communities in 2023, and 40,042 transitioned into civilian life in 2024.

In 2023 alone, the ministry created safe and comfortable spaces for 982 victims of Sexual and Gender-Based Violence (SGBV) seeking support in 13 LGAs of the state. To promote child rights and protection, the Borno State Children Parliament was established, with 30 delegates representing the state at national parliament conferences and participating in conferences held in Kenya and Ethiopia.

The state also enacted the Violence Against Persons Prohibition Law (VAPP Law), renovated the International Women Centre in Maiduguri, and extended outreach programs to enhance advocacy for women’s participation in leadership.

Under the administration of Babagana Zulum, the Borno government has successfully resettled thousands of displaced persons in their ancestral homes to hasten rehabilitation and resettlement of those affected by the insurgency.

Highlighting the extensive rehabilitation project, Zulum said the state government plans to construct 85,000 houses to fast-track the resettlement of two million displaced persons in 66 communities across the state. This statement was made in March during a meeting with the North-East Ambassadors’ Group, chaired by the British High Commissioner, Richard Montgomery. The group comprises High Commissioners, Ambassadors, the UN Humanitarian Coordinator to Nigeria, Defense Attachés, and other humanitarian partners.

Zulum further explained that the state government would construct schools, clinics, police posts, marketplaces, water points, secured farmlands, and vocational training centers in each of the 66 communities. He added that the government would commit 15 percent of its annual budget to fast-track the resettlement of displaced persons while expanding Maiduguri metropolis along six axes to accommodate people who choose to integrate into the city. According to the governor, the state requires about $2.7 billion to achieve sustainable solutions for Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs).

“I am committed to resettling our people into decent homes in secure areas, supporting them to reintegrate into communities or relocate to another place as they wish, respecting their choices and dignity. Implementing the durable solutions pathway for IDPs will also significantly reduce the recruitment of jobless young men by the Islamic State of West Africa Province (ISWAP), which is a threat to national and international security,” Zulum said.

The governor emphasized the importance of his administration’s Rehabilitation, Reconstruction, and Resettlement (RRR) program to mitigate internal displacement and pledged to build on the achievements in security and peace restoration. He praised development partners for their support of the Regional Stabilization Facility and the one UN offer, noting that it has significantly impacted the lives of people affected by insurgency in the Lake Chad region.

For the deradicalization and integration of repentant insurgents and their families into society, the federal government set up a center in Gombe to reform and change the radical mindset of ex-insurgent fighters. Meanwhile, the Borno government established a rehabilitation center for the rehabilitation and skills acquisition training of the clients.

Importantly, more than 160,000 Boko Haram/ISWAP fighters, adherents, and their families have surrendered to Nigerian authorities. Many of them have completed their deradicalization process, rehabilitation, and skills training programs.

Some resettled families praised the initiative for accelerating the recovery and stability program of Borno State and the North-East region in general.

Ms. Adama Ali, one of the resettled family members, expressed joy over the program, saying she was reunited with her son lost in 2014 when insurgents attacked her village in Bama. Ali, a mother of three, said that the insurgents killed her husband and separated her from her son for the past ten years. “I’m happy to be reunited with my son; I have my family now,” she said.

Mr. Bukar Kime, a resettled farmer in Konduga, commended the state government for the support extended to them. He said the government distributed fertilizers, seeds, and inputs to enable them to cultivate their farmlands. “This will enable us to feed ourselves and stop relying on food handouts from the government,” Kime said.

Mr. Ahmed Shuwa, a civil society activist, said the RRR initiative by the Borno government would build resilience, provide livelihoods, and encourage sustainable social and economic development in the state.

Zagazola Makama is a Counter Insurgency Expert and Security Analyst in the Lake Chad Region.

Rebuilding Borno via Resettlement and Family Reunification: The Zulum Style

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Troops repel bandits’ attack in AgatuBenue

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Troops repel bandits’ attack in Agatu
Benue

By Zagazola Makama

Troops of the Nigerian Army, in collaboration with the police, repelled an attack by suspected armed bandits on a joint patrol team in Agatu Local Government Area of Benue State.

Security sources said the incident occurred at about 9:00 a.m. on April 4, when the troops on routine patrol encountered the armed bandits.

According to the sources, the bandits opened fire on sighting the troops, leading to a gun duel.

“The troops responded decisively, forcing the bandits to retreat after a brief exchange of fire,” the source said.

The attackers reportedly fled through a nearby river, taking advantage of the difficult terrain.

The sources confirmed that no casualty was recorded among the troops during the encounter.

Following the incident, troops have intensified patrols and commenced combing operations in surrounding bushes to track down the fleeing suspects.

The operation is part of ongoing efforts by the military to curb banditry and sustain peace in the area.

Troops repel bandits’ attack in Agatu
Benue

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Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive

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Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive

By Zagazola Makama

Additional details have emerged on the identities of notorious bandit leaders eliminated during the recent military offensive in Tsafe Local Government Area of Zamfara State, where the son of feared kingpin Ado Allero and scores of fighters were neutralised.

At the heart of the operation was the elimination of Kachalla Iliya Sarki, the son of Ado Allero, alongside more than 65 fighters and several high-ranking commanders who had long orchestrated attacks, kidnappings, and cattle rustling across Zamfara and neighbouring states.

For years, the forests of Tsafe, Shinkafi, and Zurmi have served as operational bases for heavily armed groups, with Allero’s network emerging as one of the most feared. The death of his son, widely regarded as a rising figure within the hierarchy, is not just a tactical success, it is a symbolic strike at the core of the group’s command structure.

Security sources confirmed that the offensive, which targeted multiple camps in Munhaye and surrounding forest enclaves, led to the elimination of several key commanders.

Among them was Kachalla Biyabiki, a notorious kidnapping kingpin linked to numerous abductions in the western Tsafe axis. Intelligence indicated he had at least 10 victims in captivity at the time of his death, with ransom negotiations ongoing.

Also killed was Kachalla Dogon Bete, a feared field commander known for leading violent raids on rural communities and coordinating cattle rustling operations.

Other commanders neutralised include Kachalla Dan Bakolo, believed to be responsible for arms supply and logistics; Kachalla Na’Isa, a sub-commander involved in enforcement operations; Kachalla Yellow, linked to reprisal attacks; and Kachalla Mudi, associated with kidnapping activities along rural transit routes.

Together, these figures formed a critical part of the operational backbone of banditry in the Tsafe–Shinkafi corridor.

“These individuals were key actors within the network. Their neutralisation has disrupted command and control structures in the area,” a security source said.

The offensive, which targeted multiple camps in Munhaye and surrounding forest enclaves, also resulted in the destruction of hideouts and recovery of weapons and other logistics.

However, security experts warn that the killing of such high-profile figures—particularly the son of Ado Allero—may provoke retaliatory attacks by fleeing elements seeking revenge.

Troops have consequently intensified clearance operations, aerial surveillance, and aggressive patrols across Tsafe, Shinkafi, and adjoining areas to prevent regrouping and forestall possible reprisals.

Efforts are ongoing to track down remaining loyalists and dismantle residual cells operating within the wider Zamfara-Katsina forest corridor.

In Zamfara’s forests, where power shifts quickly and alliances are fluid, today’s victory can only be secured by tomorrow’s vigilance.

Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive

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Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed

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Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed

By Zagazola Makama

In Plateau State, the sound of gunfire is no longer shocking. It is expected. What follows each incident has also become predictable outrage, media attention, blames and accusations, as well as a rush to frame the tragedy within familiar narratives.

The latest reports of miners lynched by unknown gunmen have once again drawn national and international attention. Youth leaders, clerics, and advocacy groups are already describing the incident in sweeping terms, some branding it as genocide.

But beneath the headlines lies a more complicated and more troubling reality. Plateau is not witnessing isolated acts of violence. It is caught in a deeply entrenched cycle of reprisals, where attacks and counter-attacks have become the norm, and where truth is often buried beneath sentiment and selective narratives.

In the early hours of April 3, troops responded to a distress call from Sabongida village in Jos South Local Government Area. What they found was grim: the lifeless, beheaded body of a 30-year-old herder, identified as Shafiyu, lying in the bush. Security sources indicated that the killing was allegedly carried out by suspected Berom youths. Before the shock of that incident could settle, retaliation came swiftly.

Later that same day, armed men attacked an illegal mining site in Gyel village, Riyom Local Government Area. Three miners, including Samuel Davou, were killed in cold blood, while others fled for safety as troops moved in to secure the area. What might appear as separate incidents are, in reality, part of a continuous chain of violence, one feeding directly into the other.

Across Plateau, recent events reveal a troubling pattern that has defined the conflict for years.
On March 25, the body of Abdullahi Mohammed , a Fulani boy, was discovered in a shallow grave in Mangu Local Government Area, raising suspicions of targeted killing. On the same day in Riyom, irrigation farms belonging to several farmers were destroyed, by Fulani herdsmen, an act capable of provoking immediate retaliation.

Three days later, on March 28, gunmen assassinated Alhaji Bilyaminu Julde, a prominent Fulani community leader and Ardo of Gindiri, in Barkin Ladi. The attack, carried out at his residence, sent ignited tensions through the Fulani community and set off alarm bells across the state.

That same day, another flashpoint emerged in Riyom, where stray cattle destroyed farmlands in Tahoss village an incident that further strained relations between farmers and herders.
By April 2, violence had escalated again. In Bokkos Local Government Area, troops foiled an attack by suspected armed herders following a clash with vigilantes over grazing disputes. One vigilante sustained gunshot injuries.

Then came April 3, a day that encapsulated the crisis. Aside from the killing of the herder in Sabongida and the retaliatory attack on miners in Gyel, more killing were reported in Jos South.
On the same day, troops in Barkin Ladi recovered suspected rustled cattle reportedly taken by the Birom armed militia, while in Riyom, another Fulani youth was allegedly killed in an isolated attack. Each of these incidents is not just an entry in a security log. They are links in a chain, each one strengthening the justification for the next.

The Plateau conflict has increasingly been framed through singular lenses, often ethnic or religious. While these dimensions exist, they do not fully capture the complexity of what is happening on the ground. What emerges from security reports and field accounts is a cycle of reciprocal violence involving armed elements across communities. Fulani herders have been attacked and killed. Berom farmers and miners have also been targeted in deadly reprisals.
Yet, public discourse often pointing fongers only one side of the suffering.

This selective framing creates a dangerous distortion. It fuels anger, deepens divisions, and makes reconciliation even more difficult. More importantly, it prevents a clear understanding of the crisis one that is essential for any meaningful solution.

As observed by Simon Kolawole, the conflict has become a cycle of “attacks and counter-attacks, reprisals and counter-reprisals.”
In such an environment, violence becomes normalized. Communities begin to see retaliation not as a crime, but as justice.
Without accountability, peace remains elusive,”he said in his latest article, titled The Killing fields in plateau State.

In Plateau State, the search for peace has become a long, uncertain journey with no immediate destination in sight. Despite sustained military deployments and repeated calls for calm, deadly attacks continue to rage across communities, reinforcing a grim reality: this is a conflict deeply rooted in cycles of violence, mistrust, and silence.

For many residents, the first instinct after every attack is to look toward the government, Security forces and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Questions are asked why were the troops not there? Why was the intelligence not acted upon? Why are communities left exposed?

These concerns are valid. The primary responsibility of any government is the protection of lives and property. Yet, beneath these criticisms lies a difficult truth that is often left unspoken. In many cases, the same communities that demand protection are unwilling to confront the problem from within.

Across flashpoints in Riyom, Barkin Ladi, Bokkos, and Mangu, patterns have consistent which suggest that perpetrators of violence are not faceless outsiders operating in isolation. They are often known by name, by face, by affiliation. But they are rarely exposed. Instead, a culture of silence prevails. Fear, loyalty, and sometimes complicity prevent communities from identifying or handing over those responsible for attacks.

This silence creates a protective shield around perpetrators, allowing them to strike repeatedly without consequences. The result is a dangerous cycle: attacks occur, blame is assigned externally, and the real actors remain embedded within the communities.

There have been instances where youth leaders publicly blamed Fulani groups for atrocities even in cases where the victims themselves were Fulani. Such claims stretch logic and risk undermining credibility. The argument that a group would attack itself, rustle or poison its own livestock, and transport it into rival territory solely to assign blame raises fundamental questions.

While misinformation is a powerful tool in conflict, it cannot fully explain away patterns that are repeatedly documented by security agencies. These narratives, rather than promoting justice, deepen mistrust and inflame passions, making reconciliation more difficult.

This cycle has blurred the lines between victim and aggressor. Communities that mourn their dead today may be accused of launching attacks tomorrow. In such an environment, truth becomes contested, and justice becomes subjective. A herder is killed, reprisal follows.
Miners are attacked, revenge is planned.
Cattle are rustled, retaliation is inevitable. Each incident becomes both consequence and justification.

Intelligence gathering, the backbone of effective security operations depends heavily on local input. When communities withhold information, protect suspects, or distort facts, security agencies are left to operate in the dark.
This creates gaps that perpetrators exploit.
Blaming the government alone, without acknowledging this dynamic, presents an incomplete picture of the crisis.

Security forces have remained active, responding to distress calls, conducting patrols, and attempting to stabilize volatile areas. Yet, their presence has not been enough to stop the killings. The reality is that no amount of military deployment can fully secure a population that is unwilling to cooperate.

One of the most dangerous drivers of the conflict is impunity. For decades, perpetrators of violence in Plateau have rarely been brought to justice. Killings are recorded, condemned, and eventually forgotten until the next incident occurs.

Community, religious and youths leaders, who should serve as stabilizing forces, are increasingly unable to control armed youth groups. Such interventions are rare and often overshadowed by more powerful forces of anger and revenge. In many cases the leaders are the once directly fueling the crises and encouraging the youths to take up arms to carry out reprisals attacks.

The nature of the Plateau conflict makes it resistant to purely military solutions. This is not a conventional war with clear battle lines. It is a fragmented conflict driven by local grievances, economic competition, and historical mistrust.
Calls for heavy-handed interventions, including suggestions of foreign military involvement, fail to recognize this reality. Force alone cannot resolve a conflict that is rooted in social and communal dynamics.

If Plateau is to break free from this cycle, the first step must be honesty. The violence must be acknowledged for what it is a series of interconnected attacks involving multiple actors, not a one-sided campaign. Only then can meaningful solutions emerge.

This is not just a story of victims and aggressors. It is a story of a society caught in a loop of vengeance, where yesterday’s victim can become today’s perpetrator. Until the truth is confronted in its entirety without bias, without omission peace will remain elusive.

The government must move beyond reactive security measures and take decisive steps to address the root causes of the conflict. This includes ensuring accountability, strengthening intelligence capabilities, and facilitating genuine dialogue among communities.Equally important is the role of local leaders. They must rise above partisan interests and work actively to restrain their followers, promote peace, and reject all forms of violence regardless of who commits them.

Zagazola Makama is a Counter Insurgency Expert and Security Analyst in the Lake Chad Region

Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed

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