International
Several Common Fallacies on the Taiwan Question
Several Common Fallacies on the Taiwan Question
By: Ambassador Yu Dunhai
The 80th session of the United Nations General Assembly recently concluded successfully. This was a session of special significance, as it marks the 80th anniversary of the victory in the global anti-fascist war and the establishment of the United Nations.
Over the past 80 years, the UN has become the most universal, representative and authoritative intergovernmental international organization, with the UN-centered international system widely supported by the international community.
Eighty years ago, defeated Japan returned Taiwan to China, which was an indisputable outcome of the global anti-fascist war and a crucial part of the post-war international order. Currently, the Taiwan Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) authorities stubbornly adopt a separatist policy seeking “Taiwan independence” , while a small number of countries claim that China’s sovereignty over Taiwan has not been established, openly challenging the authority of the UN and the post-war international order. To clarify the facts and set the record straight, I feel obligated to address several common fallacies on the Taiwan Question.
Fallacy 1: “The two sides of the Taiwan Strait are not subordinate to each other.”
Taiwan has belonged to China since ancient times, with clear historical and legal foundations. Numerous historical records and documents detail the early development of Taiwan by the Chinese people.
As early as the 12th century, the Chinese government established administrative institutions and exercised jurisdiction in Taiwan. In 1895, Japan forced the Qing government to cede Taiwan and the Penghu Islands to Japan through war. In 1943, the Cairo Declaration issued by China, the United States and the United Kingdom stipulated that all the territories seized by Japan including Taiwan must be returned to China.
In 1945, the Potsdam Proclamation issued by China, the United States, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union reaffirmed that the terms of the Cairo Declaration must be implemented. In August of that year, Japan accepted the Potsdam Proclamation and signed the Instrument of Surrender in September, pledging to “faithfully fulfill the obligations laid down in the Potsdam Proclamation.”
Through a series of internationally legally binding documents, China recovered Taiwan both legally and in fact. Although the two sides of the Taiwan Strait have not yet achieved complete reunification, the fact that both the mainland of China and Taiwan belong to one China and that Taiwan is an inalienable part of China has never changed and cannot be changed. This is the true status quo of the Taiwan Strait. Taiwan has never been a country, nor will it ever be in the future.
Fallacy 2: “China’s sovereignty over Taiwan has not been established.”
Shortly after the victory in the War of Resistance Against Japan in 1945, the Nationalist government led by Chiang Kai-shek launched a civil war. Under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, the Chinese people won the civil war, ultimately overthrowing the “Republic of China” government led by Chiang Kai-shek. Some members of the Nationalist regime retreated to Taiwan, and with interference from external forces, the two sides of the Taiwan Strait entered a prolonged state of political confrontation.
On October 1, 1949, the Central People’s Government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was established, and the PRC government became the sole legitimate government of China. This was a change of government within the same international legal entity of China, with no change to China’s sovereignty or inherent territory. The PRC government naturally enjoys and exercises China’s sovereignty in full, including sovereignty over Taiwan.
Fallacy 3: “UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 does not establish the One-China principle.”
Resolution 2758 fully embodies the One-China principle. On August 20, 1971, before the resolution was put to a vote, the Chinese government issued a statement emphasizing: “There are not two Chinas in the world; there is only one China, the People’s Republic of China. Taiwan is an inalienable part of Chinese territory and a province of China, which was returned to the motherland at the end of World War II. This is an indisputable fact.”
On October 25, 1971, the 26th session of the UN General Assembly adopted Resolution 2758, which decided to “restore all the rights of the People’s Republic of China, recognize the representatives of its government as the only legitimate representatives of China to the United Nations, and expel forthwith the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek from the place which they unlawfully occupy at the United Nations and in all the organizations related to it.”
Resolution 2758 politically affirmed and consolidated the One-China principle: there is only one China in the world, Taiwan is a part of China, and the PRC government is the sole legitimate government representing all of China. Following the resolution’s adoption, UN official documents consistently refer to Taiwan as “Taiwan, Province of China.” These facts are indisputable and unchallengeable.
Fallacy 4: “UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 does not determine Taiwan’s status.”
Resolution 2758 and the One-China principle that the Resolution embodies impose universal binding force on all subjects of the international community through the UN Charter, bilateral diplomatic treaties, and fundamental principles of international law.
In diplomatic practice, the resolution’s authority is reflected in the correct Taiwan-related positions, policies, and actions of the UN General Assembly, UN specialized agencies and many UN member states.
These collectively form an important international legal and moral foundation for handling Taiwan-related questions. The One-China principle, framework, consensus and related institutional arrangements supported by the resolution have become principles and common knowledge followed by all countries, as well as a solemn commitment by countries with diplomatic relations to respect China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.
The claim by a few countries that “Taiwan’s status is undetermined” challenges the authority of the UN, defies the post-war international order, and is an absurd and dangerous attempt to reverse history.
Fallacy 5: “Now is the time for the UN to recognize Taiwan.”
According to Resolution 2758, China’s representation in the UN naturally includes Taiwan as part of the whole of China. This is entirely consistent with the international legal principle that “one sovereign state can only be represented by one central government.” There is only one seat for China in the UN, and the PRC government is the sole legitimate representative of China in the UN. There is no issue of “two Chinas” or “one China, one Taiwan.”
The Taiwan authorities have repeatedly pushed for farcical attempts to achieve “meaningful participation” or “re-entry” into the UN, trying to challenge the authority of Resolution 2758, but all ended up in failure.
Resolution 2758 clarifies that “China” in the UN Charter refers to the People’s Republic of China, imposing an obligation on all UN member states to avoid raising the so-called issue of Taiwan’s representation in the UN system. Taiwan has no basis, reason or right to participate in the UN or other international organizations exclusive to sovereign states. On this matter of principle, there is no gray area or room for ambiguity.
The One-China principle has become an international consensus, with 183 countries including Nigeria, establishing diplomatic relations with China based on this principle. In 1971, when China and Nigeria established diplomatic relations, Nigeria solemnly pledged in the Joint Communiqué: “The Government of the Federal Republic of Nigeria recognizes the Government of the People’s Republic of China as the sole legitimate government representing the entire Chinese people.” Since then, the One-China principle has been firmly supported by successive Nigerian governments, serving as the cornerstone for the healthy and stable development of China-Nigeria relations.
The Nigerian government requested the Taiwan authorities to relocate its trade office to Lagos from Abuja in 2017, strictly restricted official interactions between Nigerian government officials and Taiwan, and reiterated that the Taipei trade office in Nigeria is a non-diplomatic commercial entity that does not represent any government.
In September 2024, during President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s state visit to China, Nigeria reiterated in the Joint Statement: “Nigeria firmly adheres to the One-China principle, recognizes that there is only one China in the world, that the Government of the People’s Republic of China is the sole legitimate government representing the whole of China, and that Taiwan is an inalienable part of Chinese territory. Nigeria opposes any form of ‘Taiwan independence,’ opposes interference in China’s internal affairs, and firmly supports the Chinese government’s efforts to achieve national reunification.”
China highly appreciates the Nigerian government’s firm stance on the Taiwan Question. Nigeria’s political resolve and firm stance align with the fundamental interests of the Nigerian nation and people, the purposes and principles of the UN Charter, and the global landscape of one China.
Currently, the China-Nigeria comprehensive strategic partnership continues to deepen, with friendly cooperation becoming a model for China-Africa cooperation and Global South collaboration. China is willing to strengthen strategic communication and practical cooperation with Nigeria, promote the early implementation of a zero-tariff policy for 100% of tariff lines on products, enhance collaboration under the framework of Global Governance Initiative, and jointly build a China-Nigeria community with a shared future.
We hope that all peace-loving countries and peoples will stand on the side of historical justice, uphold the purposes and principles of the UN Charter, safeguard the authority of UN General Assembly Resolution 2758, firmly oppose the deliberate distortions by the Taiwan authorities and a few countries, and take concrete actions to support the Chinese people’s just cause of defending national sovereignty and territorial integrity and achieving national reunification.
Several Common Fallacies on the Taiwan Question
International
Interrogating the Russian Model in Africa
Interrogating the Russian Model in Africa
By Oumarou Sanou
In recent years, Russian influence in Africa has expanded at a striking pace and with strategic precision. From Bamako to Bangui, Niamey to Ouagadougou, Moscow has presented itself as a dependable alternative partner; one that claims no colonial guilt, imposes no lectures on governance, and attaches no democratic conditionalities to cooperation. In a region fatigued by insecurity and disillusioned with Western engagement, that message has resonated.
But beyond the rhetoric of “Saint Russia” and the carefully cultivated image of a geopolitical “Saviour of Africa” -a narrative amplified across social media-a more fundamental question demands attention: what exactly is the Russian model offering Africa, and does it truly align with the continent’s long-term aspirations for democratic governance, economic transformation, and social stability?
Africa’s post-independence experience has been shaped by recurring governance challenges: corruption, authoritarian leadership, fragile institutions, and predatory elites. These weaknesses have stunted the growth of an empowered middle class, undermined entrepreneurship, and limited inclusive development. After decades of experimentation, the lesson is clear: sustainable progress rests on accountable leadership, institutional strength, rule of law, and political alternation.
If governance reform remains Africa’s unfinished project, then the value of any external partnership must be measured against whether it strengthens or weakens that trajectory.
The issue is not Russia as a nation. Every sovereign state has the right to pursue its interests abroad. The concern lies with the regime’s political structure, which is implicitly promoted as a model. Contemporary Russia is characterised by prolonged executive dominance, limited political alternation, and significant concentration of economic power among a narrow elite. President Vladimir Putin has led the country for a quarter of a century. Opposition space is restricted. Independent media operates under heavy constraints. Wealth is concentrated, and outside a few urban centres such as Moscow and St. Petersburg, economic dynamism remains limited.
This is not an emotional or ideological critique; it is a structural observation. A governance system marked by entrenched oligarchic influence and constrained civic space is unlikely to export a blueprint that empowers pluralism, fosters institutional independence, or nurtures a broad-based middle class, precisely the ingredients Africa needs.
In the Sahel, Russia’s expanding footprint has coincided not with democratic revival, but with the consolidation of junta-led regimes. Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, now bound together in the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), have sharply pivoted toward Moscow. Yet these countries rank among those with the highest terrorism-related casualties globally. Despite bold promises, insecurity persists and, in some cases, has worsened. Instability increasingly spills beyond their borders, affecting coastal West African states, including Nigeria.
The central question, therefore, is not whether Russia should engage Africa; it can and should, like any global actor. The real question is whether the nature of that engagement strengthens institutions or merely reinforces regime survival.
Partnerships anchored primarily in security cooperation without parallel institutional reform risk deepening political stagnation. Leaders become insulated from domestic accountability. Civic freedoms shrink. Economic diversification slows. Investors hesitate. Youth populations, already restless, lose faith in systems that offer neither alternation nor upward mobility.
Nigeria offers an instructive contrast. Its democracy is imperfect and often turbulent. Corruption remains a challenge. Electoral processes are contested. Yet Nigeria has witnessed peaceful transfers of power between parties. Civil society is active. The press is vibrant and frequently critical. Courts retain the authority, however unevenly exercised, to check executive excess.
These achievements should not be dismissed. They represent the fragile but essential infrastructure of democratic governance.
It is, therefore, troubling when foreign missions publicly attack Nigerian and African journalists for critical reporting, which is a model Moscow is championing in the AES and seeks to extend to other African countries. A model that seems to suppress critical voices and press freedom. Is that what Africa needs? Media scrutiny is not hostility; it is a cornerstone of democratic accountability.
Reciprocity is the foundation of diplomatic respect. One must ask: would any major power accept a foreign embassy publicly disparaging its journalists on its own soil? The answer is an absolute no, but this is what Russia has done and continues to do across Africa. Nigeria’s democratic gains must not be undermined by external pressure.
Against this backdrop, Africa should resist emotional alignment with any global power, whether East or West. The continent’s future cannot be reduced to proxy rivalries or anti-Western symbolism. Strategic autonomy must be grounded in institutional resilience, not in the romanticisation of external patrons.
If Russia seeks genuine partnership, it must demonstrate respect for sovereignty not only in rhetoric but in substance; by investing in long-term economic value chains rather than narrow extractive concessions; by encouraging transparent governance rather than opaque security arrangements; by engaging societies, not merely regimes.
Africa’s demographic reality makes the stakes even higher. The continent’s youth bulge demands inclusive growth, entrepreneurial opportunity, and institutional trust. Development flourishes where citizens can speak freely, build businesses, and hold leaders accountable. Political systems defined by prolonged executive dominance and limited alternation do not historically generate diversified, innovation-driven economies.
Nigeria stands at a crossroads. It can retreat into political immobility or deepen its democratic experiment. The latter path is imperfect and demanding, but it is the only one capable of building durable institutions. Consider the example of former French President Nicolas Sarkozy, who faced conviction and imprisonment for legal violations. Regardless of one’s assessment of France’s foreign policy, the principle demonstrated was clear: no leader is above the law. Institutional accountability, not personality rule, is the foundation of governance maturity.
Africa’s future will not be secured by replacing one dependency with another, nor by elevating any foreign power to messianic status. True Pan-Africanism is not the echoing of external talking points; it is the deliberate construction of institutions that serve African citizens.
Russia itself is not inherently a threat. But the uncritical adoption of its current governance model, particularly in fragile states with histories of authoritarianism, risks deepening political stagnation and security deterioration.
Nigeria, as Africa’s largest democracy, bears a responsibility, not to antagonise any nation, but to champion democratic resilience across the continent. The real question is not whether Russia can offer Africa a partnership. It is whether Africa is prepared to interrogate the governance model embedded in that partnership.
If Africa’s ambition is prosperity, stability, and dignity for its people, the path forward must begin and end with accountable governance.
Oumarou Sanou is a social critic, Pan-African observer and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, regional stability, and African leadership dynamics. Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com
Interrogating the Russian Model in Africa
International
UK Abolishes Visa Stickers for Nigerians, Introduces Mandatory eVisas from Feb 25
UK Abolishes Visa Stickers for Nigerians, Introduces Mandatory eVisas from Feb 25
By: Michael Mike
The United Kingdom will from 25 February 2026 stop issuing physical visa stickers to Nigerian travellers, replacing them entirely with digital eVisas in what officials describe as a major overhaul of the country’s immigration system.
Announcing the change in Abuja, UK Visas and Immigration (UKVI) said all new Visit visas granted to Nigerian nationals will now be issued electronically, marking a decisive step in the UK’s transition to a fully digital border regime.
Under the new system, successful applicants will no longer receive a vignette pasted into their passport. Instead, they will access proof of their immigration status online through a secure UKVI account.
The British government stressed that the application procedure itself remains unchanged. Nigerian applicants must still complete the standard online process, attend a Visa Application Centre to submit biometric data and meet all existing eligibility requirements. The only adjustment is the format in which the visa is delivered.
Authorities clarified that Nigerians currently holding valid visa stickers will not be affected by the new policy. Their visas will remain valid until expiration and do not require replacement solely because of the transition.
British Deputy High Commissioner in Abuja, Gill Lever, said the move is designed to simplify travel while enhancing security.
“We are committed to making it easier for Nigerians to travel to the UK. This shift to digital visas streamlines a key part of the process, strengthens security and reduces reliance on paper documentation,” she said.
According to UKVI, the eVisa system is expected to shorten processing timelines since passports will no longer need to be retained for visa sticker endorsement. Travellers will also be able to view and manage their immigration status online at any time, from anywhere.
Officials highlighted the added security benefits of the digital format, noting that unlike physical stickers, eVisas cannot be lost, stolen or tampered with. The system is also designed to provide real-time verification of immigration status.
Once a visa is approved, applicants will be required to create a free UKVI account to access and share their eVisa details when necessary.
The policy shift signals a broader modernization of the UK’s border management framework and places Nigerian travellers among the first groups to experience the fully digital visa rollout.
For frequent travellers, students and business visitors, the reform represents a significant procedural change—one that replaces paper documentation with an online immigration record as the new standard for entry clearance into the United Kingdom.
UK Abolishes Visa Stickers for Nigerians, Introduces Mandatory eVisas from Feb 25
International
Nigerian seeks repatriation after alleged forced recruitment into Russian military
Nigerian seeks repatriation after alleged forced recruitment into Russian military
By: Zagazola Makama
A Nigerian citizen, Abubakar Adamu, has appealed to the Nigerian government for urgent repatriation after claiming he was lured to Russia under the pretext of civilian employment and coerced into military service.
Adamu’s legal representatives stated that he traveled to Moscow on a tourist visa issued by the Russian Embassy in Abuja, under the promise of employment as a civilian security guard. However, upon arrival, his travel documents were reportedly confiscated, and he was compelled to sign enlistment papers written entirely in Russian, without the assistance of an interpreter. He later discovered that the documents enrolled him into the Russian Armed Forces.

A formal notice submitted to Nigerian authorities cited several legal positions, including the doctrine of Non Est Factum, which argues that Adamu did not understand the nature of the contract he signed, and fundamental misrepresentation, alleging that he was deceived into military service. His lawyers also highlighted potential violations of international law, including forced military conscription and deprivation of personal freedom.
According to the brief, Adamu remains stranded at a Russian military camp, refusing deployment to combat zones in Ukraine. He is reportedly seeking immediate intervention from the Nigerian government to facilitate his safe return and reunite him with his family.
The allegations come amid broader reports of African nationals being conscripted into the Russian military. A CNN investigation reported that Nigerians, along with citizens from Ghana, Kenya, Uganda, South Africa and other countries, were allegedly recruited under promises of high salaries, signing bonuses, and eventual Russian citizenship.
Upon arrival, many were forced into military service, provided minimal training, and in some cases deployed to combat zones against their will. Reports further indicate racial abuse, inhumane treatment, and coercion.Reports indicate that this is part of a growing pattern in which African nationals are being lured to the frontlines to sustain Russia’s war efforts.
Ukraine’s foreign minister, Andrii Sybiha, disclosed last year that more than 1,400 citizens from 36 African countries are reportedly fighting for Russia in Ukraine, with many being held in Ukrainian camps as prisoners of war. Kenya’s Ministry of Foreign and Diaspora Affairs has similarly reported that over 200 of its nationals may be in Ukraine, having been deceived by online recruitment networks advertising fake jobs.
The human cost of the recruitment drive remains largely unknown. It is unclear how many Nigerians have died while fighting for Russian forces, and Russia has not formally responded to reports of Nigerian casualties.
But speaking at a press conference in Abuja, the Russian Ambassador to Nigeria, Andrey Podyelyshev, denied that the recruitment was state-sponsored. “There is no government-backed programme to recruit Nigerians to fight in Ukraine.
“If illegal organisations or individuals are involved in such activities, they are acting outside the law and without any connection to the Russian state,” he said. Podyelyshev added that Russia would investigate any reported cases if provided with concrete evidence.
Zagazola warned that the case draws attention to the serious risks to Nigerian citizens traveling abroad for employment. Their is a need for stronger government oversight, diplomatic intervention, and public awareness to prevent exploitation and ensure the safety of nationals in foreign jurisdictions.
Adamu’s legal team has formally demanded that Russian authorities immediately cease his military deployment, return his confiscated travel documents, and facilitate his repatriation to Nigeria.
The Nigerian Ministry of Foreign Affairs has yet to comment on Adamu’s appeal, leaving families and civil society groups calling for immediate diplomatic action and repatriation of their citizens caught in what is described as a transnational human rights and labor exploitation crisis.
This incident calls for urgent examination about the protection of Nigerian citizens abroad, the oversight of foreign employment schemes, and the responsibilities of international partners to safeguard human rights. Without decisive government intervention, more Nigerians may fall victim to similar coercive recruitment tactics, potentially placing them in life-threatening situations far from home without any help
Nigerian seeks repatriation after alleged forced recruitment into Russian military
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