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SOUTHERN BORNO STATE WHERE RELIGION AND ETHNICITY TEAR AN OPPRESSED PEOPLE APART.By:A.G.Abubakar

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SOUTHERN BORNO STATE WHERE RELIGION AND ETHNICITY TEAR AN OPPRESSED PEOPLE APART.
By:A.G.Abubakar

The Ubuntu which is a Zulu philosophy of unity of purpose doesn’t seem to hold among the ethnic nationalities of Southern Borno. The philosophy is rendered as “Umuntu, Ngumuntu, Ngabuntu” which literally translates as “i am because we are”, or put differently to mean ” a person is a person through other people “. The import of both underscore the importace of unity of purpose among people in forging progress. This spirit of togetherness has but vanished among the people, as they pull in different directions, at a time they needed to turn the socioeconomic and political fortunes of the region around. No thanks, to ethno-religious factors and the inequitable manner succussive state governments treated the zone.

The present version of Borno State was created in 1991 after Yobe was curved out. Before then it was part of the defunct North Eastern State, comprising today’s Adamawa, Bauchi, Taraba, Gombe and Yobe states. The North East State was highly diverse in terms of faiths and ethnicnationalities. Maiduguri, the then state capital was a laid back and accomodating metropolis. Non of the ethnic groups namely; Fulani, Hausa, Bachama, Mumuye, Tera, Mandara, Tangale, Marghi, Bolewa, Babur, Bura Chibok ,etc tried to lord it on each other.

The Kanuri power was diluted. Across the state too Muslims, Christians and the various ethnic groups that made up the state (NE) lived in peace with minimal distrust. People like Minso Gadzama, Azi Nyako, Bello Kirfi, Abubakar Umar, Maina Waziri, Ibrahim Biu, Gujbawu, Yerima Balla, Shehu Awak, etc were collectively united in moving the NE state forward.

A spirit that resonated with Borno state’s current mantra thus becoming the “Home of Peace and Hospitality”; a mantra, now turned on it’s head, so it seems. Three decades down the line Borno State had turned out to be one of the most inequitable in the Nigerian federation. The state as configured in 1991 gave the muslim Kanuri absolute dominance that literally made smaller ethnic groups and the Christian religion punching bags. With a reduced surface area the Kanuri is able to exert absolute political and economic control over the rest with impunity. This, they do through both tacit and overt policies including divide and rule along fault lines such as ethnic, religious differences and cultural affinity.

The overt discriminatory policies started with the late Musa Dagash’s circulars nos.CSC/2/89, Ref: BO/CSC/459/5.2/1 of 17th April 1989 and CSC/3/89, Ref:BO/CSC/459/S.15/5 of 21st April 1989 respectively. The import of the circulars was to place embargo on the recruitment and promotion of Southern Borno indigenes in the the Borno State service. Their crime was that they came from the wrong region, besides they were considered “too many” in the civil service which called for decimation. Dagash then was incharge of the State’s Civil Service Commission.

The discriminatory practice didn’t stop there, as successive governments in the state found it difficult to equitably include Southern Borno people in state nominations for Federal appointments. People from the zone have to struggle on their own or through friends to secure places. Nominations for appointments as ambassadors, Chairmen and/or board memberships are exclusive preserve of the Kanuri.The attrition or the blocking tactics didn’t end with appointive opportunities; this has been extended to religion especially the non Muslim folks. Government’s posture towards the non Muslim community in state has become a source of concern for lovers of the state and her future. Today, the state would find it expidient to train Arabic teachers but not CRK.

Government too could provide state resources in support of mosques/Islamiyya but did so minimally for non Muslim worship centers. And in matters of career progression, non Muslim folks in the state civil service are not having it easy, compared to their Muslim counterparts from the same South. These and many more are sure recipes for instability, given the centrality of religion and ethnic identity in the lives of our people. Unfortunately in their quest for redress the Christian faithfuls tend to elienate the very southern Borno Muslim brothers, they should ordinarily join hands with, through omissions or commissions. First they overlook historical realities. Realities of inter and intra ethnic interactions across Southern Borno and indeed the Kanuri nation. Second, Islamic values have a binding characteristics that shape perception among the faithfuls. They see themselves as one Ummah. Thus it becomes naive to expect equal levels of reaction or despair among the Muslim and Christian groups in Southern Borno regarding the government’s widespread inequalities.

For a fact, Muslims from the South may not be faring any better but the religion and cultural affinity have numbing effect, especially when they stretch far back in history. The relationships among some of the groups predate the 19th century Islam (in action) and Christianity in parts of Borno during the 1920s. Early Churches include the CBM established in Garkida and then Waka in 1927 under the defunct Borno province. was in 1923 and came to Waka in 1927.

It is therefore obvious that the feeling may not be the same in terms of intensity. In specific terms, the Marghi (Damboa), the Mandara, the Babur enclave of Babur-Bura, the Tera, and the Fulani (in their midst) may feel less grudge towards the Kanuri. Not so good a development but that is the reality. Realities that should be born in mind in building a united front in the South in checkmating the powers that be, from the continued exploitation of this fault lines. The reality of Southern Borno is not a black and white issue which calls for contextual appreciation of the challenges. Internal wrangling, name calling and aggression as a strategy can only be counterproductive. Referring to each other as being slaves to the status quo, sycophants, sell outs, ignorant, enemies of progress for not sharing a stand amounts to shooting oneself in the foot. Worse still, the defeatist attempt by some elite Christians to railroad Borno South into the Middle Belt region.

The frustrations may be justified or even palpable, but it’s a defective strategy. For, it will solve one problem especially the Christian faithfuls but constitute a new challenge for their Muslim brothers (the unwilling co-travellers) in the new environment in all its complexities. The way forward is for the christian South to appreciate its relative size which is about 15 to 20 percent of the state population. It can not therefore force its way through.

The faithfuls should engage and educate/ engage the ethnic minority and Muslim brothers to collectively rise against marginalisation and uneven development in Borno State. Building such a consensus however requires being realistic and open, away from wishful thinking and blackmail. The current posture by some to the effect that ” you are either with us or against us” doesn’t help much. Peculiar problems born out of injustice should be presented and treated as such; and brought into sharper focus and context.

The battle requires numbers and a critical mass as such everyone counts.The Muslim and the Christian, the informed and the uninformed, the wise and the foolish, the enlightened and the unenlightened, the educated and the uneducated, all have a place. The reality is, they are not only in the same boat but are facing the same storm! They will have to depend on each other to prevail. Let’s all come clean. agbarewa@gmail.com

SOUTHERN BORNO STATE WHERE RELIGION AND ETHNICITY TEAR AN OPPRESSED PEOPLE APART.
By:A.G.Abubakar

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Troops Arrest Suspected Gunrunner, Recover Firearm in Abia State

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Troops Arrest Suspected Gunrunner, Recover Firearm in Abia State

By: Zagazola Makama

Troops of 144 Battalion (Rear), operating under Operation UDO KA in collaboration with operatives of the 14 Military Intelligence Regiment, Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA), and Department of State Services (DSS), have arrested a suspected gunrunner in Abia State.

Security sources told Zagazola that the suspect was apprehended at about 5:30 a.m. on May 8, 2026, at Mkpa-Ujere in Ndoki community, Ukwa East Local Government Area, following credible intelligence on plans to acquire a firearm.

The sources said troops conducted a targeted operation which led to the arrest of the suspect, who was found in possession of one dane gun.

The suspect is currently in military custody and undergoing further interrogation to determine the extent of his involvement in arms trafficking and possible links to criminal networks.

Military authorities said the operation forms part of ongoing efforts under Operation UDO KA to curb illegal arms proliferation and enhance security across the South-East region.

Troops Arrest Suspected Gunrunner, Recover Firearm in Abia State

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Troops Raid Illegal Bunkering Site, Recover 900 Litres of Suspected AGO in Delta

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Troops Raid Illegal Bunkering Site, Recover 900 Litres of Suspected AGO in Delta

By: Zagazola Makama

Troops of 181 Amphibious Battalion, in collaboration with Tantita Security Services operatives, have raided a suspected illegal bunkering hideout in Utagba-Uno community in Ndokwa West Local Government Area of Delta State, recovering about 900 litres of suspected Automotive Gas Oil (AGO).

Security sources told Zagazola Makama that the operation was conducted at about 7:30 a.m. on May 7, 2026, following credible intelligence on activities of illegal oil product storage and diversion in the area.

During the raid, the troops discovered 30 jerrycans containing the suspected stolen product, which was immediately evacuated and taken into custody for further investigation and possible prosecution of those involved.

The sources added that no arrest was made at the scene as the suspects fled before the arrival of the security operatives.

Military authorities said the operation is part of ongoing efforts to clamp down on crude oil theft, illegal bunkering and associated economic sabotage across the Niger Delta region.

They further assured that intensified patrols and intelligence-driven operations would continue in order to dismantle criminal networks involved in illegal oil dealings.

Security agencies also urged residents to continue providing credible information to assist ongoing operations aimed at protecting national economic assets.

Troops Raid Illegal Bunkering Site, Recover 900 Litres of Suspected AGO in Delta

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Between Hope and History: What Nigerians Expect from Tegbe as Power Minister

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Between Hope and History: What Nigerians Expect from Tegbe as Power Minister

By: Michael Olukayode

For decades, electricity has remained Nigeria’s most enduring national embarrassment. From military administrations to democratic governments, promises of stable power supply have come and gone with little to show beyond recurring darkness, collapsing grids, abandoned projects and rising public frustration.

Now, with the appointment of Joseph Olasunkanmi Tegbe as Minister of Power, expectations are once again rising. Yet unlike in previous eras, Nigerians are no longer impressed by ambitious declarations. They are demanding results.

The question confronting Tegbe is not whether he understands the scale of the crisis. It is whether he can succeed where many before him failed.

Nigeria’s electricity sector is littered with the ruins of grand promises.

From the Olusegun Obasanjo administration’s multi-billion dollar National Integrated Power Projects (NIPP), to the Goodluck Jonathan-era privatisation of generation and distribution companies, successive governments repeatedly promised that stable electricity was around the corner. Under former President Muhammadu Buhari, Nigerians were told that the Siemens-backed Presidential Power Initiative would revolutionise transmission and distribution. The current administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu also pledged sweeping reforms, improved generation and a more efficient market-driven electricity sector.

Yet millions of Nigerians still rely on generators as their primary source of power.

The irony remains painful: Africa’s largest economy continues to generate barely between 4,000 and 5,000 megawatts for over 200 million people, despite an installed capacity exceeding 13,000MW.

Entire industries have collapsed under the burden of self-generated electricity. Small businesses spend more on diesel than on salaries. Manufacturers complain of rising operational costs. Students study under torchlights. Hospitals struggle to preserve vaccines and operate life-saving equipment. For many Nigerians, electricity is not merely an infrastructure issue; it is the dividing line between poverty and productivity.

That is why Tegbe’s appointment comes with enormous pressure.

Unlike many previous political appointees in the sector, Tegbe comes into office with the image of a technocrat rather than a career politician. A chartered accountant and management consultant, he built his reputation in the private sector through years of corporate advisory work, investment strategy and institutional restructuring. He previously served as the Director-General and Global Liaison for the Nigeria-China Strategic Partnership, where he was credited with helping to deepen investment engagement between Nigeria and Chinese investors in infrastructure, manufacturing and industrial development initiatives.

Before that appointment, Tegbe had a long corporate career spanning consulting, finance and business transformation. He worked with multinational consulting firm Deloitte and later became a senior business strategist with extensive experience in public-private partnerships, governance systems and economic planning. Supporters argue that this background gives him a better understanding of the financial and structural complexities that have crippled Nigeria’s power sector for years.

His defenders also point to his record in economic coordination and institutional reforms, arguing that the electricity crisis is no longer just a technical problem but a management and governance challenge requiring strategic execution, investor confidence and policy discipline.

At his Senate screening, Tegbe outlined a reform agenda focused on improving gas supply, strengthening grid reliability, accelerating metering, enforcing accountability among distribution companies and restoring financial discipline across the sector.

Those priorities are significant because Nigeria’s electricity crisis is no longer just about generation. The problems are systemic.

Generation companies complain of unpaid debts and inadequate gas supply. Distribution companies struggle with huge financial losses, weak infrastructure, electricity theft and poor revenue collection. Transmission infrastructure remains fragile and outdated, leading to frequent system collapses and stranded power capacity.

The national grid itself has become symbolic of institutional weakness. Grid collapses have repeatedly plunged large sections of the country into darkness, disrupting businesses and exposing the fragility of the system. Regulatory reports continue to show wide gaps between installed generation capacity and actual available electricity supply.

For many Nigerians, these recurring failures have destroyed public confidence.

Citizens openly question whether government officials genuinely intend to solve the crisis or merely manage it politically. Some blame corruption and weak regulation; others argue that decades of policy inconsistency and poor implementation are the real culprits.

That skepticism explains why Tegbe’s promises are being greeted with cautious optimism rather than celebration.

Still, his supporters believe he enters office with certain advantages. His experience in corporate restructuring and investment negotiations may prove useful in a sector desperate for efficiency, investor confidence and credible execution. But technical knowledge alone will not solve Nigeria’s electricity crisis.

What the sector requires most is political courage.

Any meaningful reform will involve difficult decisions: enforcing payment discipline, restructuring failing distribution companies, addressing subsidy distortions, improving tariff transparency, tackling electricity theft and compelling stronger private sector accountability. These reforms are politically sensitive because electricity affects every household and business in the country.

The minister must also confront the deeper institutional problem that has undermined previous reforms — weak governance.

Over the years, billions of dollars have reportedly been invested in power infrastructure with minimal impact on supply. Projects are often launched with fanfare only to disappear into bureaucratic delays, contractual disputes or funding crises. Nigerians have grown weary of ceremonial commissioning without measurable outcomes.

That is why measurable targets will matter more than speeches.

If Tegbe hopes to build public trust, Nigerians will expect clear timelines, transparent reporting and visible improvements in supply stability. Citizens want fewer excuses and more accountability. They want to know why power plants cannot get gas despite Nigeria’s enormous natural gas reserves. They want to know why transmission bottlenecks continue years after repeated intervention programmes. They want to know why estimated billing still persists despite promises of mass metering.

Most importantly, they want leadership that acknowledges that electricity is central to national development.

No serious industrial economy can thrive in darkness.

Countries that transformed their economies invested heavily in stable electricity infrastructure. Without reliable power, Nigeria’s ambitions for industrialisation, digital innovation, manufacturing growth and foreign investment will remain severely constrained.

The challenge before Tegbe therefore goes beyond fixing transformers or stabilising the grid. His real assignment is to restore credibility to a sector where public trust has nearly collapsed.

There are signs that structural reforms may finally be gaining momentum. The Electricity Act 2023 has opened the door for states to develop independent electricity markets, reducing overdependence on the fragile national grid. Several states are already moving toward decentralised power arrangements.

But Nigerians have heard reform language before.

What they seek now is evidence.

The success or failure of Tegbe’s tenure may ultimately depend on one simple question: can his administration deliver stable and predictable improvement, even if gradual?

If he succeeds, he could become the minister who finally begins the long-delayed transformation of Nigeria’s electricity sector.

If he fails, he risks joining a long list of officials whose promises disappeared into the darkness Nigerians know too well.

Between Hope and History: What Nigerians Expect from Tegbe as Power Minister

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