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SOUTHERN BORNO STATE WHERE RELIGION AND ETHNICITY TEAR AN OPPRESSED PEOPLE APART.By:A.G.Abubakar

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SOUTHERN BORNO STATE WHERE RELIGION AND ETHNICITY TEAR AN OPPRESSED PEOPLE APART.
By:A.G.Abubakar

The Ubuntu which is a Zulu philosophy of unity of purpose doesn’t seem to hold among the ethnic nationalities of Southern Borno. The philosophy is rendered as “Umuntu, Ngumuntu, Ngabuntu” which literally translates as “i am because we are”, or put differently to mean ” a person is a person through other people “. The import of both underscore the importace of unity of purpose among people in forging progress. This spirit of togetherness has but vanished among the people, as they pull in different directions, at a time they needed to turn the socioeconomic and political fortunes of the region around. No thanks, to ethno-religious factors and the inequitable manner succussive state governments treated the zone.

The present version of Borno State was created in 1991 after Yobe was curved out. Before then it was part of the defunct North Eastern State, comprising today’s Adamawa, Bauchi, Taraba, Gombe and Yobe states. The North East State was highly diverse in terms of faiths and ethnicnationalities. Maiduguri, the then state capital was a laid back and accomodating metropolis. Non of the ethnic groups namely; Fulani, Hausa, Bachama, Mumuye, Tera, Mandara, Tangale, Marghi, Bolewa, Babur, Bura Chibok ,etc tried to lord it on each other.

The Kanuri power was diluted. Across the state too Muslims, Christians and the various ethnic groups that made up the state (NE) lived in peace with minimal distrust. People like Minso Gadzama, Azi Nyako, Bello Kirfi, Abubakar Umar, Maina Waziri, Ibrahim Biu, Gujbawu, Yerima Balla, Shehu Awak, etc were collectively united in moving the NE state forward.

A spirit that resonated with Borno state’s current mantra thus becoming the “Home of Peace and Hospitality”; a mantra, now turned on it’s head, so it seems. Three decades down the line Borno State had turned out to be one of the most inequitable in the Nigerian federation. The state as configured in 1991 gave the muslim Kanuri absolute dominance that literally made smaller ethnic groups and the Christian religion punching bags. With a reduced surface area the Kanuri is able to exert absolute political and economic control over the rest with impunity. This, they do through both tacit and overt policies including divide and rule along fault lines such as ethnic, religious differences and cultural affinity.

The overt discriminatory policies started with the late Musa Dagash’s circulars nos.CSC/2/89, Ref: BO/CSC/459/5.2/1 of 17th April 1989 and CSC/3/89, Ref:BO/CSC/459/S.15/5 of 21st April 1989 respectively. The import of the circulars was to place embargo on the recruitment and promotion of Southern Borno indigenes in the the Borno State service. Their crime was that they came from the wrong region, besides they were considered “too many” in the civil service which called for decimation. Dagash then was incharge of the State’s Civil Service Commission.

The discriminatory practice didn’t stop there, as successive governments in the state found it difficult to equitably include Southern Borno people in state nominations for Federal appointments. People from the zone have to struggle on their own or through friends to secure places. Nominations for appointments as ambassadors, Chairmen and/or board memberships are exclusive preserve of the Kanuri.The attrition or the blocking tactics didn’t end with appointive opportunities; this has been extended to religion especially the non Muslim folks. Government’s posture towards the non Muslim community in state has become a source of concern for lovers of the state and her future. Today, the state would find it expidient to train Arabic teachers but not CRK.

Government too could provide state resources in support of mosques/Islamiyya but did so minimally for non Muslim worship centers. And in matters of career progression, non Muslim folks in the state civil service are not having it easy, compared to their Muslim counterparts from the same South. These and many more are sure recipes for instability, given the centrality of religion and ethnic identity in the lives of our people. Unfortunately in their quest for redress the Christian faithfuls tend to elienate the very southern Borno Muslim brothers, they should ordinarily join hands with, through omissions or commissions. First they overlook historical realities. Realities of inter and intra ethnic interactions across Southern Borno and indeed the Kanuri nation. Second, Islamic values have a binding characteristics that shape perception among the faithfuls. They see themselves as one Ummah. Thus it becomes naive to expect equal levels of reaction or despair among the Muslim and Christian groups in Southern Borno regarding the government’s widespread inequalities.

For a fact, Muslims from the South may not be faring any better but the religion and cultural affinity have numbing effect, especially when they stretch far back in history. The relationships among some of the groups predate the 19th century Islam (in action) and Christianity in parts of Borno during the 1920s. Early Churches include the CBM established in Garkida and then Waka in 1927 under the defunct Borno province. was in 1923 and came to Waka in 1927.

It is therefore obvious that the feeling may not be the same in terms of intensity. In specific terms, the Marghi (Damboa), the Mandara, the Babur enclave of Babur-Bura, the Tera, and the Fulani (in their midst) may feel less grudge towards the Kanuri. Not so good a development but that is the reality. Realities that should be born in mind in building a united front in the South in checkmating the powers that be, from the continued exploitation of this fault lines. The reality of Southern Borno is not a black and white issue which calls for contextual appreciation of the challenges. Internal wrangling, name calling and aggression as a strategy can only be counterproductive. Referring to each other as being slaves to the status quo, sycophants, sell outs, ignorant, enemies of progress for not sharing a stand amounts to shooting oneself in the foot. Worse still, the defeatist attempt by some elite Christians to railroad Borno South into the Middle Belt region.

The frustrations may be justified or even palpable, but it’s a defective strategy. For, it will solve one problem especially the Christian faithfuls but constitute a new challenge for their Muslim brothers (the unwilling co-travellers) in the new environment in all its complexities. The way forward is for the christian South to appreciate its relative size which is about 15 to 20 percent of the state population. It can not therefore force its way through.

The faithfuls should engage and educate/ engage the ethnic minority and Muslim brothers to collectively rise against marginalisation and uneven development in Borno State. Building such a consensus however requires being realistic and open, away from wishful thinking and blackmail. The current posture by some to the effect that ” you are either with us or against us” doesn’t help much. Peculiar problems born out of injustice should be presented and treated as such; and brought into sharper focus and context.

The battle requires numbers and a critical mass as such everyone counts.The Muslim and the Christian, the informed and the uninformed, the wise and the foolish, the enlightened and the unenlightened, the educated and the uneducated, all have a place. The reality is, they are not only in the same boat but are facing the same storm! They will have to depend on each other to prevail. Let’s all come clean. agbarewa@gmail.com

SOUTHERN BORNO STATE WHERE RELIGION AND ETHNICITY TEAR AN OPPRESSED PEOPLE APART.
By:A.G.Abubakar

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Troops Raid Illegal Bunkering Site in Bayelsa, Recover Equipment, Stolen Products

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Troops Raid Illegal Bunkering Site in Bayelsa, Recover Equipment, Stolen Products

By: Zagazola Makama

Troops of Sector 2, Operation DELTA SAFE (OPDS), have raided a suspected illegal oil bunkering site at Kpansia general area in Yenagoa, Bayelsa State.

The operation, which took place at about 00:40 hours on 16 June 2026, led to the recovery of two vehicles, one pumping machine, 53 sacks of illegally refined Automotive Gas Oil (AGO) estimated at about 2,650 litres, five empty drums, and two wheelbarrows.

A military source said the troops acted on credible intelligence and stormed the location, disrupting ongoing illegal bunkering activities in the area.

The recovered items and products were evacuated to a safe location for destruction, owing to the densely populated nature of the community.

The source added that operations are still ongoing in the area to track and apprehend other members of the syndicate.

Troops Raid Illegal Bunkering Site in Bayelsa, Recover Equipment, Stolen Products

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Electoral Act 2026: A New Threat to Nigeria’s Democracy

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Electoral Act 2026: A New Threat to Nigeria’s Democracy

By: Victor Emejuiwe

The political environment ahead of the 2027 General Elections presents one of the biggest tests of Nigeria’s democracy since the return to civilian rule in 1999. Unfortunately, this test is taking place amid growing concerns about the shrinking space for political competition and the increasing concentration of political power in the hands of the ruling party.

In recent months, Nigerians have watched a steady movement of opposition politicians and governors into the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). At the same time, attempts by opposition leaders to build a united front ahead of 2027 have faced legal and judicial obstacles. Internal crises and factional disputes have emerged in key opposition parties, many of which have ended up in court. The recent deregistration of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) by the Federal High Court has only added to public anxiety.

Many Nigerians believe these developments are not mere coincidences but part of a broader strategy to weaken the opposition ahead of the next elections. Whether this perception is correct or not, one thing is clear: the Electoral Act, 2026 has deepened concerns about the future of democracy in Nigeria.

These concerns came to the fore during a stakeholders’ meeting convened to examine the Electoral Act, 2026 and its implications for the credibility of the 2027 General Elections. Electoral experts, legal practitioners, civil society organisations and democracy advocates expressed serious reservations about several provisions of the Act. Among the leading voices were former Resident Electoral Commissioner, Barrister Mike Igini, and political scientist, Professor Abdulmumini Kuna.

Their concern was not simply that the law contains technical flaws. Rather, they argued that some provisions create opportunities for manipulation, weaken accountability and make it more difficult to challenge electoral wrongdoing.

One of the most controversial provisions is Section 60. The section provides that where electronic transmission of election results fails because of communication challenges, the result contained in Form EC8A becomes the primary basis for collation and declaration.

Supporters may argue that this is a practical response to network failures. However, Barrister Igini warned that it reopens the loopholes that electoral reforms were designed to close. The introduction of BVAS and electronic transmission of results was intended to reduce human interference and make election results more transparent. By creating room for manual alternatives whenever network challenges are claimed, the law creates an opportunity for abuse. In highly contested areas, electronic transmission could simply be abandoned on the excuse of technical failure, thereby weakening public confidence in election outcomes.

Section 63(2) raises another serious concern. The provision allows Returning Officers to count ballot papers that do not bear official marks if they are satisfied that such ballots came from materials supplied to the polling unit.

While the provision may have been introduced to address administrative challenges, it places too much discretion in the hands of election officials. According to Barrister Igini, election laws should reduce discretion and increase transparency. Once a Returning Officer is empowered to determine which unofficial ballots should count, the process becomes open to abuse. In a closely contested election, such decisions could influence the final outcome and trigger avoidable disputes. This is why stakeholders called for the repeal of Section 63(2) while retaining Section 63(1).

Another provision that has generated concern is Section 77. The section requires political parties to submit membership registers to INEC at least twenty-one days before party primaries and provides that only those whose names appear in those registers can vote or be voted for during primaries.

While transparency in party administration is important, stakeholders questioned whether the provision could be used to exclude candidates from participating in the political process. Nigerian politics is fluid, with political alignments and alliances often changing close to election periods. The strict timelines imposed by the law may prevent otherwise qualified aspirants from contesting elections simply because their names were not captured in a party register within the required period.

In the same light Professor Abdulmumini Kuna acknowledged that digital membership registers could improve transparency. However, he warned that the requirements may place smaller political parties at a disadvantage and could also affect citizens’ constitutional rights to political participation and freedom of association.

Even more troubling are Sections 137 and 138. Section 137(3) provides that where an election petition involves the conduct of an electoral officer, presiding officer or returning officer, such officials do not need to be joined in the petition. Instead, INEC assumes responsibility for defending itself and its officers.

This provision weakens accountability. Electoral officers are often central figures in election disputes. Their actions can determine whether electoral laws are complied with or violated. Shielding them from direct scrutiny makes it harder to establish responsibility when misconduct occurs. Barrister Igini noted that previous legal frameworks allowed electoral officials to appear before tribunals and provide evidence where necessary. The removal of this safeguard raises concerns about the ability of election tribunals to uncover the truth.

Section 138 creates another major challenge. The provision narrows the grounds upon which elections can be challenged. Under the new law, elections may largely be questioned on the basis of corrupt practices, non-compliance with the Electoral Act or failure to secure the majority of lawful votes cast.

What is particularly worrying is the removal of candidate qualification issues as grounds for challenging election outcomes. In the past, allegations involving forged certificates, false declarations and constitutional disqualifications served as important checks on those seeking public office. By excluding such issues from election petitions, the law weakens one of the key mechanisms for holding candidates accountable.

Professor Kuna warned that this creates a conflict between the Constitution and the Electoral Act. While the Constitution sets qualifications for public office, the Electoral Act appears to limit the ability of citizens and political parties to challenge candidates who do not meet those requirements.

Taken together, these provisions raise serious questions about the direction of Nigeria’s electoral system. Stakeholders warned that the Act could weaken electronic result management, reduce accountability, increase litigation and create opportunities for manipulation. There are also concerns that smaller political parties, women, young people and other underrepresented groups may be disproportionately affected.

Most worrying is the possibility that elections may gradually move away from the ballot box and into the courtroom. Democracy works best when voters determine electoral outcomes. It becomes weaker when legal technicalities become more important than the will of the people.

For this reason, stakeholders called for the repeal of Sections 60(3) and 63(2), stronger protections for electronic transmission of results and the restoration of measures that hold electoral officials accountable for their actions. They also urged citizens and civil society organisations to intensify advocacy for electoral reforms before the 2027 elections.

The defence of democracy cannot be left to politicians alone. Nigerians must demand a review of the controversial provisions of the Electoral Act and insist on a legal framework that promotes transparency, accountability and fairness. There is also a need to challenge questionable provisions in court where they appear to conflict with constitutional rights.

The National Judicial Council should develop clear guidelines for election tribunals to ensure that cases are decided on the basis of justice and the will of the people rather than technical loopholes. Likewise, development partners such as the European Union, the United States, the United Kingdom and the United Nations should engage the Nigerian government and encourage a review of provisions that threaten public confidence in elections.

The time to act is now. Once the electoral process begins, it may become much harder to correct these flaws. Democracy does not collapse in a day. It is weakened gradually when citizens fail to challenge laws and decisions that undermine accountability and the will of the people. Nigerians must ensure that the Electoral Act, 2026 does not become one of the instruments that weakens the foundations of our democracy.

Victor Emejuiwe

Program Manager

Resource Centre for Human Rights and Civic Education (CHRICED)

Writes from Abuja

08068262366

Electoral Act 2026: A New Threat to Nigeria’s Democracy

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KACRAN Hails Buni Over Appointment of New Ngazargamu Emir, Pledges Support for Peace and Development

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KACRAN Hails Buni Over Appointment of New Ngazargamu Emir, Pledges Support for Peace and Development

By: Michael Mike

The Kulen Allah Cattle Rearers Association of Nigeria (KACRAN) has commended Yobe State Governor, Mai Mala Buni, for what it described as a transparent and inclusive process that culminated in the appointment of a new Emir of Ngazargamu.

In a statement issued by its National President, Hon. Khalil Mohd Bello, the association also expressed deep condolences to the government and people of Yobe State, the Ngazargamu Emirate Council, and the royal family over the death of the late Emir, Ahmad Tijjani Ibn Saleh Geidam.

KACRAN described the late monarch’s passing as a great loss to the emirate and prayed for Allah’s forgiveness and eternal reward for his contributions to the development and unity of the people.

The association equally congratulated the newly appointed Emir, Yerima Ibn Mahmud, on his ascension to the throne, describing him as an experienced administrator, accomplished public servant and respected statesman whose wealth of experience would benefit the emirate.

According to KACRAN, the new monarch’s track record in public service, including his tenure as Executive Chairman of Yunusari Local Government Area, member of the Yobe State House of Assembly, Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs, Special Adviser on Local Government and Chieftaincy Matters, and Commissioner in the Ministry of Livestock Development, positions him well to provide visionary leadership.

The association noted that Governor Buni’s handling of the succession process reflected his commitment to preserving cultural heritage while promoting peace, stability and inclusiveness in the state.

“KACRAN commends Governor Mai Mala Buni for the transparent, peaceful and inclusive process that produced this appointment. By upholding cherished tradition while ensuring stability, the Governor has reaffirmed his deep respect for culture, heritage and the aspirations of the people,” the statement said.

The group further described the emergence of the new Emir as a positive development at a time when the country requires stronger traditional institutions to foster unity, peace and grassroots development.

Reaffirming its commitment to the emirate, KACRAN pledged its loyalty and full support to the new monarch, assuring him of the association’s cooperation in promoting peace, security and socio-economic development across the emirate.

The association expressed confidence that the combined efforts of the new Emir and the Yobe State Government would usher in a new era of harmony, prosperity and sustainable development for the people of Ngazargamu Emirate and beyond.

KACRAN Hails Buni Over Appointment of New Ngazargamu Emir, Pledges Support for Peace and Development

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