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SOUTHERN BORNO STATE WHERE RELIGION AND ETHNICITY TEAR AN OPPRESSED PEOPLE APART.By:A.G.Abubakar
SOUTHERN BORNO STATE WHERE RELIGION AND ETHNICITY TEAR AN OPPRESSED PEOPLE APART.
By:A.G.Abubakar
The Ubuntu which is a Zulu philosophy of unity of purpose doesn’t seem to hold among the ethnic nationalities of Southern Borno. The philosophy is rendered as “Umuntu, Ngumuntu, Ngabuntu” which literally translates as “i am because we are”, or put differently to mean ” a person is a person through other people “. The import of both underscore the importace of unity of purpose among people in forging progress. This spirit of togetherness has but vanished among the people, as they pull in different directions, at a time they needed to turn the socioeconomic and political fortunes of the region around. No thanks, to ethno-religious factors and the inequitable manner succussive state governments treated the zone.
The present version of Borno State was created in 1991 after Yobe was curved out. Before then it was part of the defunct North Eastern State, comprising today’s Adamawa, Bauchi, Taraba, Gombe and Yobe states. The North East State was highly diverse in terms of faiths and ethnicnationalities. Maiduguri, the then state capital was a laid back and accomodating metropolis. Non of the ethnic groups namely; Fulani, Hausa, Bachama, Mumuye, Tera, Mandara, Tangale, Marghi, Bolewa, Babur, Bura Chibok ,etc tried to lord it on each other.
The Kanuri power was diluted. Across the state too Muslims, Christians and the various ethnic groups that made up the state (NE) lived in peace with minimal distrust. People like Minso Gadzama, Azi Nyako, Bello Kirfi, Abubakar Umar, Maina Waziri, Ibrahim Biu, Gujbawu, Yerima Balla, Shehu Awak, etc were collectively united in moving the NE state forward.
A spirit that resonated with Borno state’s current mantra thus becoming the “Home of Peace and Hospitality”; a mantra, now turned on it’s head, so it seems. Three decades down the line Borno State had turned out to be one of the most inequitable in the Nigerian federation. The state as configured in 1991 gave the muslim Kanuri absolute dominance that literally made smaller ethnic groups and the Christian religion punching bags. With a reduced surface area the Kanuri is able to exert absolute political and economic control over the rest with impunity. This, they do through both tacit and overt policies including divide and rule along fault lines such as ethnic, religious differences and cultural affinity.
The overt discriminatory policies started with the late Musa Dagash’s circulars nos.CSC/2/89, Ref: BO/CSC/459/5.2/1 of 17th April 1989 and CSC/3/89, Ref:BO/CSC/459/S.15/5 of 21st April 1989 respectively. The import of the circulars was to place embargo on the recruitment and promotion of Southern Borno indigenes in the the Borno State service. Their crime was that they came from the wrong region, besides they were considered “too many” in the civil service which called for decimation. Dagash then was incharge of the State’s Civil Service Commission.
The discriminatory practice didn’t stop there, as successive governments in the state found it difficult to equitably include Southern Borno people in state nominations for Federal appointments. People from the zone have to struggle on their own or through friends to secure places. Nominations for appointments as ambassadors, Chairmen and/or board memberships are exclusive preserve of the Kanuri.The attrition or the blocking tactics didn’t end with appointive opportunities; this has been extended to religion especially the non Muslim folks. Government’s posture towards the non Muslim community in state has become a source of concern for lovers of the state and her future. Today, the state would find it expidient to train Arabic teachers but not CRK.
Government too could provide state resources in support of mosques/Islamiyya but did so minimally for non Muslim worship centers. And in matters of career progression, non Muslim folks in the state civil service are not having it easy, compared to their Muslim counterparts from the same South. These and many more are sure recipes for instability, given the centrality of religion and ethnic identity in the lives of our people. Unfortunately in their quest for redress the Christian faithfuls tend to elienate the very southern Borno Muslim brothers, they should ordinarily join hands with, through omissions or commissions. First they overlook historical realities. Realities of inter and intra ethnic interactions across Southern Borno and indeed the Kanuri nation. Second, Islamic values have a binding characteristics that shape perception among the faithfuls. They see themselves as one Ummah. Thus it becomes naive to expect equal levels of reaction or despair among the Muslim and Christian groups in Southern Borno regarding the government’s widespread inequalities.
For a fact, Muslims from the South may not be faring any better but the religion and cultural affinity have numbing effect, especially when they stretch far back in history. The relationships among some of the groups predate the 19th century Islam (in action) and Christianity in parts of Borno during the 1920s. Early Churches include the CBM established in Garkida and then Waka in 1927 under the defunct Borno province. was in 1923 and came to Waka in 1927.
It is therefore obvious that the feeling may not be the same in terms of intensity. In specific terms, the Marghi (Damboa), the Mandara, the Babur enclave of Babur-Bura, the Tera, and the Fulani (in their midst) may feel less grudge towards the Kanuri. Not so good a development but that is the reality. Realities that should be born in mind in building a united front in the South in checkmating the powers that be, from the continued exploitation of this fault lines. The reality of Southern Borno is not a black and white issue which calls for contextual appreciation of the challenges. Internal wrangling, name calling and aggression as a strategy can only be counterproductive. Referring to each other as being slaves to the status quo, sycophants, sell outs, ignorant, enemies of progress for not sharing a stand amounts to shooting oneself in the foot. Worse still, the defeatist attempt by some elite Christians to railroad Borno South into the Middle Belt region.
The frustrations may be justified or even palpable, but it’s a defective strategy. For, it will solve one problem especially the Christian faithfuls but constitute a new challenge for their Muslim brothers (the unwilling co-travellers) in the new environment in all its complexities. The way forward is for the christian South to appreciate its relative size which is about 15 to 20 percent of the state population. It can not therefore force its way through.
The faithfuls should engage and educate/ engage the ethnic minority and Muslim brothers to collectively rise against marginalisation and uneven development in Borno State. Building such a consensus however requires being realistic and open, away from wishful thinking and blackmail. The current posture by some to the effect that ” you are either with us or against us” doesn’t help much. Peculiar problems born out of injustice should be presented and treated as such; and brought into sharper focus and context.
The battle requires numbers and a critical mass as such everyone counts.The Muslim and the Christian, the informed and the uninformed, the wise and the foolish, the enlightened and the unenlightened, the educated and the uneducated, all have a place. The reality is, they are not only in the same boat but are facing the same storm! They will have to depend on each other to prevail. Let’s all come clean. agbarewa@gmail.com
SOUTHERN BORNO STATE WHERE RELIGION AND ETHNICITY TEAR AN OPPRESSED PEOPLE APART.
By:A.G.Abubakar
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ISWAP’s acknowledgement of commander’s death highlights gains by troops, cracks within insurgent ranks
ISWAP’s acknowledgement of commander’s death highlights gains by troops, cracks within insurgent ranks
By: Zagazola Makama
Fresh intelligence indicating that the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) has internally acknowledged the death of one of its senior commanders killed by Nigerian troops has provided a rare insight into the impact of recent military operations in the North-East.
The insurgent commander, identified as Modu Kundiri, served as the Qa’id (camp commander) of ISWAP’s Pulka axis in Gwoza Local Government Area of Borno State, a strategic location close to the border with Adamawa State and the Sambisa Forest corridor.
Intelligence sources told Zagazola Makama that Kundiri was neutralised during recent military operation along the Madagali–Gwoza axis, an area that has remained a critical operational corridor for insurgent movements between Borno and Adamawa.
What makes the development particularly significant is that the confirmation of his death did not come through official propaganda channels of the insurgent group but through intercepted communications among ISWAP members themselves.
According to intelligence obtained on March 11, a conversation between an insurgent identified as Abubakar, who was using Kundiri’s GSM line from a location opposite Pulka Market, and an associate named Fatima in Gonidamgari area of Maiduguri, revealed that the commander had been killed by military troops during the operation. Such internal acknowledgements often provide a clearer picture of battlefield realities than propaganda statements, which insurgent groups frequently manipulate to project strength.
Before his death, Kundiri was reportedly involved in coordinating or participating in several attacks across multiple local government areas in Borno and Adamawa states. These included operations in Gwoza, Askira/Uba, Bama and Konduga LGAs in Borno State, as well as Madagali LGA in Adamawa State.
Security sources say his operational reach across several LGAs reflected his familiarity with the terrain and his ability to coordinate movements along the rugged border areas linking Sambisa Forest to northern Adamawa.
His influence within the insurgent hierarchy had recently increased after he was reportedly elevated to senior command by Mallam Ba’ana Chingori, a prominent ISWAP figure believed to be operating within the Sambisa Forest enclave and Timbuktu Triangle.
The appointment placed Kundiri in charge of coordinating insurgent activities in the Pulka axis, an area frequently targeted by troops because of its strategic importance to insurgent logistics and movement.
The loss of such a commander could temporarily disrupt ISWAP’s operational coordination in the southern Borno corridor.
Field commanders like Kundiri typically serve as the link between strategic leadership in forest enclaves and operational cells responsible for attacks, recruitment and logistics.
“When such commanders are eliminated, it often creates a short-term vacuum in the command structure,” a counter-insurgency analyst said. However, insurgent organisations often attempt to quickly fill these gaps to maintain continuity.
Evidence of such attempts may already be emerging. Intelligence sources noted that the GSM line previously used by Kundiri is now being operated by another ISWAP member. This could be an attempt by the group to conceal the commander’s death temporarily or maintain communication channels within the network to avoid operational disruption.
Such tactics are common among insurgent groups trying to prevent panic or confusion among fighters following the loss of key leaders.
ISWAP’s acknowledgement of commander’s death highlights gains by troops, cracks within insurgent ranks
News
Operation Hadin Kai debunks Fake news on ISWAP enclave in Tuba, Jere in Borno
Operation Hadin Kai debunks Fake news on ISWAP enclave in Tuba, Jere in Borno
By: Zagazola Makama
Reports circulating online claiming that Boko Haram and ISWAP insurgents have established a new enclave in Tuba, Jere Local Government Area, have been strongly condemned by military sources in Operation HADIN KAI, describing the claims as false, misleading, and deliberately designed to spread fear.

According to the sources, recent operations conducted by troops of 212 Battalion, Operation HADIN KAI, across Tuba and surrounding areas including Dusuman, Jabarmari, Gongulong, Ngom, and along the Maiduguri-Monguno and Maiduguri-Mafa highways, found no evidence of any terrorist enclave, concentration, or movement as claimed in the reports.
The military sources expressed outrage over the circulation of such unverified stories, noting that some media platforms appear to be serving interests contrary to national security and public safety. “These claims are false, sensational, and do not reflect the reality on the ground,” the sources said.
They pointed to previous instances of deliberate exaggeration, where some outlets reported that 40 or even 100 soldiers were killed during attacks in Konduga figures that were never corroborated by even the insurgents themselves. Another example cited involved reports claiming Boko Haram had taken over Ngoshe, only for videos of troops firmly securing the area to emerge, exposing the lies. Despite this, some media still went ahead to report that Army has recaptured Ngoshe without providing further details of how the Operation tool place.

“Who are these media outlets serving?” the military sources demanded. “Are they advancing national or public interest, or are they actively trying to support the terrorists to disintegrate the country through fake narratives?”
While acknowledging operational challenges in the theatre, the military sources emphasized that troops continue to maintain operational dominance, safeguard residents, and protect highways and strategic installations across the North East region.
In other countries, citizens rally around their military to support them in countering violent extremism. Hardly will you find active citizens working as though they are tool of terrorists propaganda. They warned that unverified reports undermine troop morale, endanger civilians, and distort public perception of ongoing security efforts in the country.
Journalists and media platforms were urged to exercise professionalism, verify facts before publication, and avoid being used as instruments of destabilisation. Residents were advised to rely only on credible sources and report suspicious activities to security agencies.
The military remains committed to defeating terrorism, ensuring stability in Borno State and the broader North-East, and will not be distracted or demoralized by falsehoods masquerading as news.
Operation Hadin Kai debunks Fake news on ISWAP enclave in Tuba, Jere in Borno
News
Fresh tension in ISWAP camps as top commander Modu Kunduli neutralised by troops in Borno
Fresh tension in ISWAP camps as top commander Modu Kunduli neutralised by troops in Borno
By: Zagazola Makama
Fresh tension and anxiety have gripped Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) camps following the neutralisation of one of its top commanders, Modu Kunduli, by troops of Operation HADIN KAI during a failed assault on the Army Forward Operation Base in Mayanti village, Bama Local Government Area of Borno State.
Sources say the late commander met his end during a last week’s failed mission targeting the Army Forward Operation Base at Mayanti village. His death is expected to create a significant leadership vacuum within ISWAP, particularly in Sambisa Forest, given his mastery of local terrain and fluency in Fulfulde, Kanuri, and Marghi.
Zagazola report that Kunduli, a high-profile ISWAP commander, had been orchestrating attacks across Borno and Adamawa states for the past ten years, dating back to the era of Boko Haram founder Abubakar Shekau. He joined ISWAP shortly after the death of Shekau in 2021z
He was notorious for terrorising communities in Askira Uba Local Government Area, including Lassa, Multaku, Uvu, Wamdeo, and Ruimirgo villages. Reports also indicate his involvement in attacks on Vita, Yamtage, Izge, Pulka, Warabe, Limankara, and Ubawa villages in Gwoza Local Government Area.
Beyond Borno, Kunduli held operational control over Galta, a border community linking Adamawa and Borno states, overseeing large swathes of territory in Madagali and Michika Local Government Areas of Adamawa. His deep knowledge of the Sambisa Forest terrain, coupled with his leadership capabilities, earned him the command of several ISWAP branches across the region.
Zagazola note that Kunduli’s elimination represents a major blow to ISWAP’s operational capabilities in the north-east, disrupting the group’s command structure and its ability to coordinate attacks across Borno and Adamawa states.
Troops of Operation HADIN KAI continue to exploit the area and maintain aggressive patrols to prevent remaining insurgents from regrouping.
Military sources have assured residents that the offensive will continue until the remnants of the terrorist group are decisively neutralised.
Fresh tension in ISWAP camps as top commander Modu Kunduli neutralised by troops in Borno
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