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SOUTHERN BORNO STATE WHERE RELIGION AND ETHNICITY TEAR AN OPPRESSED PEOPLE APART.By:A.G.Abubakar

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SOUTHERN BORNO STATE WHERE RELIGION AND ETHNICITY TEAR AN OPPRESSED PEOPLE APART.
By:A.G.Abubakar

The Ubuntu which is a Zulu philosophy of unity of purpose doesn’t seem to hold among the ethnic nationalities of Southern Borno. The philosophy is rendered as “Umuntu, Ngumuntu, Ngabuntu” which literally translates as “i am because we are”, or put differently to mean ” a person is a person through other people “. The import of both underscore the importace of unity of purpose among people in forging progress. This spirit of togetherness has but vanished among the people, as they pull in different directions, at a time they needed to turn the socioeconomic and political fortunes of the region around. No thanks, to ethno-religious factors and the inequitable manner succussive state governments treated the zone.

The present version of Borno State was created in 1991 after Yobe was curved out. Before then it was part of the defunct North Eastern State, comprising today’s Adamawa, Bauchi, Taraba, Gombe and Yobe states. The North East State was highly diverse in terms of faiths and ethnicnationalities. Maiduguri, the then state capital was a laid back and accomodating metropolis. Non of the ethnic groups namely; Fulani, Hausa, Bachama, Mumuye, Tera, Mandara, Tangale, Marghi, Bolewa, Babur, Bura Chibok ,etc tried to lord it on each other.

The Kanuri power was diluted. Across the state too Muslims, Christians and the various ethnic groups that made up the state (NE) lived in peace with minimal distrust. People like Minso Gadzama, Azi Nyako, Bello Kirfi, Abubakar Umar, Maina Waziri, Ibrahim Biu, Gujbawu, Yerima Balla, Shehu Awak, etc were collectively united in moving the NE state forward.

A spirit that resonated with Borno state’s current mantra thus becoming the “Home of Peace and Hospitality”; a mantra, now turned on it’s head, so it seems. Three decades down the line Borno State had turned out to be one of the most inequitable in the Nigerian federation. The state as configured in 1991 gave the muslim Kanuri absolute dominance that literally made smaller ethnic groups and the Christian religion punching bags. With a reduced surface area the Kanuri is able to exert absolute political and economic control over the rest with impunity. This, they do through both tacit and overt policies including divide and rule along fault lines such as ethnic, religious differences and cultural affinity.

The overt discriminatory policies started with the late Musa Dagash’s circulars nos.CSC/2/89, Ref: BO/CSC/459/5.2/1 of 17th April 1989 and CSC/3/89, Ref:BO/CSC/459/S.15/5 of 21st April 1989 respectively. The import of the circulars was to place embargo on the recruitment and promotion of Southern Borno indigenes in the the Borno State service. Their crime was that they came from the wrong region, besides they were considered “too many” in the civil service which called for decimation. Dagash then was incharge of the State’s Civil Service Commission.

The discriminatory practice didn’t stop there, as successive governments in the state found it difficult to equitably include Southern Borno people in state nominations for Federal appointments. People from the zone have to struggle on their own or through friends to secure places. Nominations for appointments as ambassadors, Chairmen and/or board memberships are exclusive preserve of the Kanuri.The attrition or the blocking tactics didn’t end with appointive opportunities; this has been extended to religion especially the non Muslim folks. Government’s posture towards the non Muslim community in state has become a source of concern for lovers of the state and her future. Today, the state would find it expidient to train Arabic teachers but not CRK.

Government too could provide state resources in support of mosques/Islamiyya but did so minimally for non Muslim worship centers. And in matters of career progression, non Muslim folks in the state civil service are not having it easy, compared to their Muslim counterparts from the same South. These and many more are sure recipes for instability, given the centrality of religion and ethnic identity in the lives of our people. Unfortunately in their quest for redress the Christian faithfuls tend to elienate the very southern Borno Muslim brothers, they should ordinarily join hands with, through omissions or commissions. First they overlook historical realities. Realities of inter and intra ethnic interactions across Southern Borno and indeed the Kanuri nation. Second, Islamic values have a binding characteristics that shape perception among the faithfuls. They see themselves as one Ummah. Thus it becomes naive to expect equal levels of reaction or despair among the Muslim and Christian groups in Southern Borno regarding the government’s widespread inequalities.

For a fact, Muslims from the South may not be faring any better but the religion and cultural affinity have numbing effect, especially when they stretch far back in history. The relationships among some of the groups predate the 19th century Islam (in action) and Christianity in parts of Borno during the 1920s. Early Churches include the CBM established in Garkida and then Waka in 1927 under the defunct Borno province. was in 1923 and came to Waka in 1927.

It is therefore obvious that the feeling may not be the same in terms of intensity. In specific terms, the Marghi (Damboa), the Mandara, the Babur enclave of Babur-Bura, the Tera, and the Fulani (in their midst) may feel less grudge towards the Kanuri. Not so good a development but that is the reality. Realities that should be born in mind in building a united front in the South in checkmating the powers that be, from the continued exploitation of this fault lines. The reality of Southern Borno is not a black and white issue which calls for contextual appreciation of the challenges. Internal wrangling, name calling and aggression as a strategy can only be counterproductive. Referring to each other as being slaves to the status quo, sycophants, sell outs, ignorant, enemies of progress for not sharing a stand amounts to shooting oneself in the foot. Worse still, the defeatist attempt by some elite Christians to railroad Borno South into the Middle Belt region.

The frustrations may be justified or even palpable, but it’s a defective strategy. For, it will solve one problem especially the Christian faithfuls but constitute a new challenge for their Muslim brothers (the unwilling co-travellers) in the new environment in all its complexities. The way forward is for the christian South to appreciate its relative size which is about 15 to 20 percent of the state population. It can not therefore force its way through.

The faithfuls should engage and educate/ engage the ethnic minority and Muslim brothers to collectively rise against marginalisation and uneven development in Borno State. Building such a consensus however requires being realistic and open, away from wishful thinking and blackmail. The current posture by some to the effect that ” you are either with us or against us” doesn’t help much. Peculiar problems born out of injustice should be presented and treated as such; and brought into sharper focus and context.

The battle requires numbers and a critical mass as such everyone counts.The Muslim and the Christian, the informed and the uninformed, the wise and the foolish, the enlightened and the unenlightened, the educated and the uneducated, all have a place. The reality is, they are not only in the same boat but are facing the same storm! They will have to depend on each other to prevail. Let’s all come clean. agbarewa@gmail.com

SOUTHERN BORNO STATE WHERE RELIGION AND ETHNICITY TEAR AN OPPRESSED PEOPLE APART.
By:A.G.Abubakar

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How propaganda and exaggerated genocide narratives triggered punitive international actions against Nigeria

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How propaganda and exaggerated genocide narratives triggered punitive international actions against Nigeria

By: Zagazola Makama

Recent United States visa restrictions and mass deportation measures affecting Nigerian nationals have reopened debate on how sustained propaganda, misinformation and alarmist narratives about insecurity in Nigeria shaped international perceptions and policy responses against the country.

While Nigeria continues to face real security challenges including terrorism by ISWAP, Boko Haram, AlQaeda, banditry, farmer–herder clashes and transnational jihadist infiltration, the framing of these conflicts as an organised, state-backed “Christian genocide” has increasingly been questioned by Nigerians.

Yet, for several years, a powerful campaign driven largely by Nigerian activists, politicians and diaspora-based pressure groups portrayed Nigeria as the world’s epicentre of religious extermination, with claims that were grossly exaggerated, unverifiable or outright false.

The agitations grew domestic grievance to international propaganda. Between 2021 and 2024, a wave of advocacy emerged accusing the Nigerian state of deliberately sponsoring or protecting jihadists allegedly engaged in the daily slaughter of Christians. Some campaigners claimed that 1,500 Christians were being killed every day, a figure that would translate to more than 540,000 deaths annually, a number exceeding fatalities recorded in most active war zones globally.

One widely circulated narrative claimed that between 2010 and October 2025, 185,000 people were killed on account of their faith, including 125,000 Christians and 60,000 Muslims, allegedly based on reports from Intersociety, one of the NGO created to push the false claims.” The same narrative alleged that 19,100 churches had been burned and 1,100 Christian communities completely seized and occupied by jihadists supposedly backed or shielded by the Nigerian government.

However, independent verification of these figures consistently failed. No global conflict-monitoring organization, including ACLED, UN agencies, or major international human rights bodies as well as official bodies like Police, DSS, and the NHRC, corroborated such numbers. Nigeria’s total population stands at approximately 240 million, making such casualty claims statistically implausible without triggering global humanitarian emergency responses on the scale of Gaza, Syria or Ukraine.

Zagazola Makama report that while religiously motivated attacks occur, Nigeria’s violence landscape is far more complex, driven by criminal banditry, resource conflict, insurgency, arms proliferation, climate stress and weak border control, affecting Muslims, Christians, Pagan, traditionalist and adherents of other faiths alike.

Despite the lack of empirical grounding, these activities keep weaponizing faith to internationalise pressure. The genocide narrative gained traction in U.S. political circles, evangelical advocacy groups and sections of Western media. Some Nigerian politicians amplified these claims at international forums, urging sanctions, arms embargoes and even military intervention against their own country.

The expectation among agitators was that Trump’s administration would deploy American forces or impose targeted sanctions against Nigerian officials and groups like Miyetti Allah, Boko Haram, Bandit and those that once push for Shariah laws. Instead, the policy response took a different and far more consequential direction. Rather than physical military intervention, Washington opted for strategic intervention with the armed forces of Nigeria through technical support while in their country they opted for tougher penalties like border control, immigration enforcement and visa restrictions, citing insecurity, terrorist activity, document integrity issues and vetting challenges.

Nigeria was subsequently placed under partial U.S. travel restrictions, with the U.S. government explicitly referencing the activities of Boko Haram and ISWAP, and difficulties in screening travellers from affected regions.

The unintended security backlash
Ironically, following persistent framing of Nigeria’s violence as a religious war produced outcomes opposite to what campaigners claimed to seek. Rather than protecting Christians, the rhetoric emboldened extremist groups to carry even more deadlier attacks.

Terrorist organisations, including ISWAP, JAS and al-Qaeda-linked JNIM elements now infiltrating North-Central Nigeria, capitalised on global narratives portraying Nigeria as a battlefield of faith. By attacking churches, clergy and Christian communities, these groups sought to validate the propaganda, provoke sectarian retaliation and trigger a broader religious conflict. This strategy mirrors jihadist doctrine across the Sahel: manufacture sectarian violence, polarise society, delegitimise the state and attract recruits.

Security intelligence from Kwara and Niger States, for instance, shows JNIM’s Katiba Macina exploiting communal tensions along the Benin–Nigeria corridor, recruiting Fulani youths while framing attacks as resistance against “tyranny” language deliberately aimed at feeding international narratives of persecution.

The U.S. Department of Homeland Security has since justified its tougher posture using data-driven assessments: visa overstay rates, terrorism risks, weak civil documentation systems and law-enforcement information gaps.
For Nigeria, these translated into: Partial visa suspensions for B, F, M and J categories, increased scrutiny of Nigerian travellers, inclusion in broader immigration enforcement actions, Indirect reputational damage affecting trade, education and diplomacy

Meanwhile, The Department Homeland Security announced record deportations and self-removals, over 2.5 million exits since January 2025, a development that disproportionately affects nationals of countries portrayed as high-risk, Nigeria included. Crucially, those most affected are ordinary Nigerians students, professionals, families and entrepreneurs, not terrorists, bandit leaders or militia commanders.

The Fulani bandit in the forest has no interest in a U.S. visa. It is the Nigerian student, pastor, doctor and trader who bears the cost.

Notably, as sanctions and restrictions took effect, the loud genocide rhetoric largely faded from public discourse. The activists who once dominated international media cycles have grown quieter, perhaps confronted by the reality that the consequences fell on Nigeria as a whole, not on imagined perpetrators. This pattern point to a broader lesson in strategic communication: when a nation’s internal crises are exaggerated into existential falsehoods, external actors respond not with rescue but with containment.

A cautionary lesson for national discourse is that; Nigeria’s security challenges are real and demand sustained reform, diplomatic support, and international cooperation. But weaponising religion, spreading unverifiable casualty figures and lobbying for foreign punitive action against one’s own country undermines national security rather than strengthening it. More dangerously, it feeds extremist propaganda, deepens communal mistrust and invites external decisions based on distorted perceptions.

When internal challenges are projected internationally without context or factual balance, foreign governments respond not with solidarity but with restrictions, sanctions and containment. In this environment, propaganda even when framed as advocacy, erodes diplomatic goodwill and inflicts long-term harm on citizens whose lives and opportunities are shaped by external policy decisions.

False alarms and absolutist narratives fracture social trust, embolden extremists and inflame the very fault lines terrorists seek to exploit. Ultimately, propaganda however emotionally persuasive does not protect communities; it weakens national resilience and leaves society more vulnerable to the forces it hopes to defeat.

Zagazola Makama is a Counter Insurgency Expert and Security Analyst in the Lake Chad region

How propaganda and exaggerated genocide narratives triggered punitive international actions against Nigeria

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Gunmen kill soldier, abduct 13 passengers on Okene–Auchi highway

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Gunmen kill soldier, abduct 13 passengers on Okene–Auchi highway

By: Zagazola Makama

Suspected kidnappers disguised in military uniforms have killed a serving soldier and abducted 13 passengers during coordinated attacks on two commercial vehicles along the Okene–Auchi Federal Highway.

Zagazola Makama report that the incident occurred at about 5:35 p.m. on Dec. 16 when unknown gunmen intercepted a green Toyota Sienna, conveying nine passengers from Abuja to Delta State.

The source said six passengers were abducted from the vehicle, while three others were rescued.

According to the source, the attackers also stopped a white Toyota Hiace bus, conveying 11 passengers from Delta State to Abuja, during the same operation.

“Seven passengers were abducted from the Hiace bus, while four were rescued,” the source said.

Tragically, the source said a serving Non-Commissioned Officer of the Nigerian Army, who was among the passengers and had identified himself as a soldier, was shot by the attackers.

“He sustained gunshot injuries to his legs and thighs and was later confirmed dead,” the source added.

Both vehicles were recovered and towed to a police station for safe keeping, while five empty shells of 7.62mm ammunition suspected to be from an AK-47 rifle were recovered at the scene as exhibits.

The corpse of the deceased soldier was deposited at the Okengwe General Hospital mortuary for autopsy, while statements were obtained from the rescued victims to aid investigation.

It was gathered that troops have launched joint rescue operations, including bush combing and intensive surveillance along the highway, with a view to rescuing the abducted passengers and arresting the perpetrators.

The authorities assured motorists that measures were being intensified to secure the Okene–Auchi corridor and prevent further attacks.

Gunmen kill soldier, abduct 13 passengers on Okene–Auchi highway

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Bandits kill one, abduct several in Zamfara

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Bandits kill one, abduct several in Zamfara

By: Zagazola Makama

Armed bandits have killed a young man and abducted several others during an attack on a store area in Bungudu Local Government Area of Zamfara State.

Zagazola report that the incident occurred at about 12:30 a.m. on Dec. 16 when gunmen, carrying AK-47 rifles and other sophisticated weapons, launched a sporadic shooting spree in Karakkai district.

The source said one Lukman Rabe, aged 21, was shot dead during the attack, while an unspecified number of people were abducted and taken to an unknown location.

Army troops in collaboration with joint Police, and local hunters, were immediately mobilised to the scene to secure the area.

Sources said that efforts are ongoing to rescue the abducted victims and apprehend the fleeing suspects, while residents have been urged to remain vigilant and report any suspicious activity to security agencie
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