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SOUTHERN BORNO STATE WHERE RELIGION AND ETHNICITY TEAR AN OPPRESSED PEOPLE APART.By:A.G.Abubakar
SOUTHERN BORNO STATE WHERE RELIGION AND ETHNICITY TEAR AN OPPRESSED PEOPLE APART.
By:A.G.Abubakar
The Ubuntu which is a Zulu philosophy of unity of purpose doesn’t seem to hold among the ethnic nationalities of Southern Borno. The philosophy is rendered as “Umuntu, Ngumuntu, Ngabuntu” which literally translates as “i am because we are”, or put differently to mean ” a person is a person through other people “. The import of both underscore the importace of unity of purpose among people in forging progress. This spirit of togetherness has but vanished among the people, as they pull in different directions, at a time they needed to turn the socioeconomic and political fortunes of the region around. No thanks, to ethno-religious factors and the inequitable manner succussive state governments treated the zone.
The present version of Borno State was created in 1991 after Yobe was curved out. Before then it was part of the defunct North Eastern State, comprising today’s Adamawa, Bauchi, Taraba, Gombe and Yobe states. The North East State was highly diverse in terms of faiths and ethnicnationalities. Maiduguri, the then state capital was a laid back and accomodating metropolis. Non of the ethnic groups namely; Fulani, Hausa, Bachama, Mumuye, Tera, Mandara, Tangale, Marghi, Bolewa, Babur, Bura Chibok ,etc tried to lord it on each other.
The Kanuri power was diluted. Across the state too Muslims, Christians and the various ethnic groups that made up the state (NE) lived in peace with minimal distrust. People like Minso Gadzama, Azi Nyako, Bello Kirfi, Abubakar Umar, Maina Waziri, Ibrahim Biu, Gujbawu, Yerima Balla, Shehu Awak, etc were collectively united in moving the NE state forward.
A spirit that resonated with Borno state’s current mantra thus becoming the “Home of Peace and Hospitality”; a mantra, now turned on it’s head, so it seems. Three decades down the line Borno State had turned out to be one of the most inequitable in the Nigerian federation. The state as configured in 1991 gave the muslim Kanuri absolute dominance that literally made smaller ethnic groups and the Christian religion punching bags. With a reduced surface area the Kanuri is able to exert absolute political and economic control over the rest with impunity. This, they do through both tacit and overt policies including divide and rule along fault lines such as ethnic, religious differences and cultural affinity.
The overt discriminatory policies started with the late Musa Dagash’s circulars nos.CSC/2/89, Ref: BO/CSC/459/5.2/1 of 17th April 1989 and CSC/3/89, Ref:BO/CSC/459/S.15/5 of 21st April 1989 respectively. The import of the circulars was to place embargo on the recruitment and promotion of Southern Borno indigenes in the the Borno State service. Their crime was that they came from the wrong region, besides they were considered “too many” in the civil service which called for decimation. Dagash then was incharge of the State’s Civil Service Commission.
The discriminatory practice didn’t stop there, as successive governments in the state found it difficult to equitably include Southern Borno people in state nominations for Federal appointments. People from the zone have to struggle on their own or through friends to secure places. Nominations for appointments as ambassadors, Chairmen and/or board memberships are exclusive preserve of the Kanuri.The attrition or the blocking tactics didn’t end with appointive opportunities; this has been extended to religion especially the non Muslim folks. Government’s posture towards the non Muslim community in state has become a source of concern for lovers of the state and her future. Today, the state would find it expidient to train Arabic teachers but not CRK.
Government too could provide state resources in support of mosques/Islamiyya but did so minimally for non Muslim worship centers. And in matters of career progression, non Muslim folks in the state civil service are not having it easy, compared to their Muslim counterparts from the same South. These and many more are sure recipes for instability, given the centrality of religion and ethnic identity in the lives of our people. Unfortunately in their quest for redress the Christian faithfuls tend to elienate the very southern Borno Muslim brothers, they should ordinarily join hands with, through omissions or commissions. First they overlook historical realities. Realities of inter and intra ethnic interactions across Southern Borno and indeed the Kanuri nation. Second, Islamic values have a binding characteristics that shape perception among the faithfuls. They see themselves as one Ummah. Thus it becomes naive to expect equal levels of reaction or despair among the Muslim and Christian groups in Southern Borno regarding the government’s widespread inequalities.
For a fact, Muslims from the South may not be faring any better but the religion and cultural affinity have numbing effect, especially when they stretch far back in history. The relationships among some of the groups predate the 19th century Islam (in action) and Christianity in parts of Borno during the 1920s. Early Churches include the CBM established in Garkida and then Waka in 1927 under the defunct Borno province. was in 1923 and came to Waka in 1927.
It is therefore obvious that the feeling may not be the same in terms of intensity. In specific terms, the Marghi (Damboa), the Mandara, the Babur enclave of Babur-Bura, the Tera, and the Fulani (in their midst) may feel less grudge towards the Kanuri. Not so good a development but that is the reality. Realities that should be born in mind in building a united front in the South in checkmating the powers that be, from the continued exploitation of this fault lines. The reality of Southern Borno is not a black and white issue which calls for contextual appreciation of the challenges. Internal wrangling, name calling and aggression as a strategy can only be counterproductive. Referring to each other as being slaves to the status quo, sycophants, sell outs, ignorant, enemies of progress for not sharing a stand amounts to shooting oneself in the foot. Worse still, the defeatist attempt by some elite Christians to railroad Borno South into the Middle Belt region.
The frustrations may be justified or even palpable, but it’s a defective strategy. For, it will solve one problem especially the Christian faithfuls but constitute a new challenge for their Muslim brothers (the unwilling co-travellers) in the new environment in all its complexities. The way forward is for the christian South to appreciate its relative size which is about 15 to 20 percent of the state population. It can not therefore force its way through.
The faithfuls should engage and educate/ engage the ethnic minority and Muslim brothers to collectively rise against marginalisation and uneven development in Borno State. Building such a consensus however requires being realistic and open, away from wishful thinking and blackmail. The current posture by some to the effect that ” you are either with us or against us” doesn’t help much. Peculiar problems born out of injustice should be presented and treated as such; and brought into sharper focus and context.
The battle requires numbers and a critical mass as such everyone counts.The Muslim and the Christian, the informed and the uninformed, the wise and the foolish, the enlightened and the unenlightened, the educated and the uneducated, all have a place. The reality is, they are not only in the same boat but are facing the same storm! They will have to depend on each other to prevail. Let’s all come clean. agbarewa@gmail.com
SOUTHERN BORNO STATE WHERE RELIGION AND ETHNICITY TEAR AN OPPRESSED PEOPLE APART.
By:A.G.Abubakar
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Troops repel bandits’ attack in AgatuBenue
Troops repel bandits’ attack in Agatu
Benue
By Zagazola Makama
Troops of the Nigerian Army, in collaboration with the police, repelled an attack by suspected armed bandits on a joint patrol team in Agatu Local Government Area of Benue State.
Security sources said the incident occurred at about 9:00 a.m. on April 4, when the troops on routine patrol encountered the armed bandits.
According to the sources, the bandits opened fire on sighting the troops, leading to a gun duel.
“The troops responded decisively, forcing the bandits to retreat after a brief exchange of fire,” the source said.
The attackers reportedly fled through a nearby river, taking advantage of the difficult terrain.
The sources confirmed that no casualty was recorded among the troops during the encounter.
Following the incident, troops have intensified patrols and commenced combing operations in surrounding bushes to track down the fleeing suspects.
The operation is part of ongoing efforts by the military to curb banditry and sustain peace in the area.
Troops repel bandits’ attack in Agatu
Benue
News
Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive
Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive
By Zagazola Makama
Additional details have emerged on the identities of notorious bandit leaders eliminated during the recent military offensive in Tsafe Local Government Area of Zamfara State, where the son of feared kingpin Ado Allero and scores of fighters were neutralised.
At the heart of the operation was the elimination of Kachalla Iliya Sarki, the son of Ado Allero, alongside more than 65 fighters and several high-ranking commanders who had long orchestrated attacks, kidnappings, and cattle rustling across Zamfara and neighbouring states.

For years, the forests of Tsafe, Shinkafi, and Zurmi have served as operational bases for heavily armed groups, with Allero’s network emerging as one of the most feared. The death of his son, widely regarded as a rising figure within the hierarchy, is not just a tactical success, it is a symbolic strike at the core of the group’s command structure.
Security sources confirmed that the offensive, which targeted multiple camps in Munhaye and surrounding forest enclaves, led to the elimination of several key commanders.

Among them was Kachalla Biyabiki, a notorious kidnapping kingpin linked to numerous abductions in the western Tsafe axis. Intelligence indicated he had at least 10 victims in captivity at the time of his death, with ransom negotiations ongoing.
Also killed was Kachalla Dogon Bete, a feared field commander known for leading violent raids on rural communities and coordinating cattle rustling operations.
Other commanders neutralised include Kachalla Dan Bakolo, believed to be responsible for arms supply and logistics; Kachalla Na’Isa, a sub-commander involved in enforcement operations; Kachalla Yellow, linked to reprisal attacks; and Kachalla Mudi, associated with kidnapping activities along rural transit routes.

Together, these figures formed a critical part of the operational backbone of banditry in the Tsafe–Shinkafi corridor.
“These individuals were key actors within the network. Their neutralisation has disrupted command and control structures in the area,” a security source said.
The offensive, which targeted multiple camps in Munhaye and surrounding forest enclaves, also resulted in the destruction of hideouts and recovery of weapons and other logistics.
However, security experts warn that the killing of such high-profile figures—particularly the son of Ado Allero—may provoke retaliatory attacks by fleeing elements seeking revenge.
Troops have consequently intensified clearance operations, aerial surveillance, and aggressive patrols across Tsafe, Shinkafi, and adjoining areas to prevent regrouping and forestall possible reprisals.
Efforts are ongoing to track down remaining loyalists and dismantle residual cells operating within the wider Zamfara-Katsina forest corridor.
In Zamfara’s forests, where power shifts quickly and alliances are fluid, today’s victory can only be secured by tomorrow’s vigilance.
Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive
News
Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed
Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed
By Zagazola Makama
In Plateau State, the sound of gunfire is no longer shocking. It is expected. What follows each incident has also become predictable outrage, media attention, blames and accusations, as well as a rush to frame the tragedy within familiar narratives.
The latest reports of miners lynched by unknown gunmen have once again drawn national and international attention. Youth leaders, clerics, and advocacy groups are already describing the incident in sweeping terms, some branding it as genocide.
But beneath the headlines lies a more complicated and more troubling reality. Plateau is not witnessing isolated acts of violence. It is caught in a deeply entrenched cycle of reprisals, where attacks and counter-attacks have become the norm, and where truth is often buried beneath sentiment and selective narratives.
In the early hours of April 3, troops responded to a distress call from Sabongida village in Jos South Local Government Area. What they found was grim: the lifeless, beheaded body of a 30-year-old herder, identified as Shafiyu, lying in the bush. Security sources indicated that the killing was allegedly carried out by suspected Berom youths. Before the shock of that incident could settle, retaliation came swiftly.
Later that same day, armed men attacked an illegal mining site in Gyel village, Riyom Local Government Area. Three miners, including Samuel Davou, were killed in cold blood, while others fled for safety as troops moved in to secure the area. What might appear as separate incidents are, in reality, part of a continuous chain of violence, one feeding directly into the other.
Across Plateau, recent events reveal a troubling pattern that has defined the conflict for years.
On March 25, the body of Abdullahi Mohammed , a Fulani boy, was discovered in a shallow grave in Mangu Local Government Area, raising suspicions of targeted killing. On the same day in Riyom, irrigation farms belonging to several farmers were destroyed, by Fulani herdsmen, an act capable of provoking immediate retaliation.
Three days later, on March 28, gunmen assassinated Alhaji Bilyaminu Julde, a prominent Fulani community leader and Ardo of Gindiri, in Barkin Ladi. The attack, carried out at his residence, sent ignited tensions through the Fulani community and set off alarm bells across the state.
That same day, another flashpoint emerged in Riyom, where stray cattle destroyed farmlands in Tahoss village an incident that further strained relations between farmers and herders.
By April 2, violence had escalated again. In Bokkos Local Government Area, troops foiled an attack by suspected armed herders following a clash with vigilantes over grazing disputes. One vigilante sustained gunshot injuries.
Then came April 3, a day that encapsulated the crisis. Aside from the killing of the herder in Sabongida and the retaliatory attack on miners in Gyel, more killing were reported in Jos South.
On the same day, troops in Barkin Ladi recovered suspected rustled cattle reportedly taken by the Birom armed militia, while in Riyom, another Fulani youth was allegedly killed in an isolated attack. Each of these incidents is not just an entry in a security log. They are links in a chain, each one strengthening the justification for the next.
The Plateau conflict has increasingly been framed through singular lenses, often ethnic or religious. While these dimensions exist, they do not fully capture the complexity of what is happening on the ground. What emerges from security reports and field accounts is a cycle of reciprocal violence involving armed elements across communities. Fulani herders have been attacked and killed. Berom farmers and miners have also been targeted in deadly reprisals.
Yet, public discourse often pointing fongers only one side of the suffering.
This selective framing creates a dangerous distortion. It fuels anger, deepens divisions, and makes reconciliation even more difficult. More importantly, it prevents a clear understanding of the crisis one that is essential for any meaningful solution.
As observed by Simon Kolawole, the conflict has become a cycle of “attacks and counter-attacks, reprisals and counter-reprisals.”
In such an environment, violence becomes normalized. Communities begin to see retaliation not as a crime, but as justice.
Without accountability, peace remains elusive,”he said in his latest article, titled The Killing fields in plateau State.
In Plateau State, the search for peace has become a long, uncertain journey with no immediate destination in sight. Despite sustained military deployments and repeated calls for calm, deadly attacks continue to rage across communities, reinforcing a grim reality: this is a conflict deeply rooted in cycles of violence, mistrust, and silence.
For many residents, the first instinct after every attack is to look toward the government, Security forces and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Questions are asked why were the troops not there? Why was the intelligence not acted upon? Why are communities left exposed?
These concerns are valid. The primary responsibility of any government is the protection of lives and property. Yet, beneath these criticisms lies a difficult truth that is often left unspoken. In many cases, the same communities that demand protection are unwilling to confront the problem from within.
Across flashpoints in Riyom, Barkin Ladi, Bokkos, and Mangu, patterns have consistent which suggest that perpetrators of violence are not faceless outsiders operating in isolation. They are often known by name, by face, by affiliation. But they are rarely exposed. Instead, a culture of silence prevails. Fear, loyalty, and sometimes complicity prevent communities from identifying or handing over those responsible for attacks.
This silence creates a protective shield around perpetrators, allowing them to strike repeatedly without consequences. The result is a dangerous cycle: attacks occur, blame is assigned externally, and the real actors remain embedded within the communities.
There have been instances where youth leaders publicly blamed Fulani groups for atrocities even in cases where the victims themselves were Fulani. Such claims stretch logic and risk undermining credibility. The argument that a group would attack itself, rustle or poison its own livestock, and transport it into rival territory solely to assign blame raises fundamental questions.
While misinformation is a powerful tool in conflict, it cannot fully explain away patterns that are repeatedly documented by security agencies. These narratives, rather than promoting justice, deepen mistrust and inflame passions, making reconciliation more difficult.
This cycle has blurred the lines between victim and aggressor. Communities that mourn their dead today may be accused of launching attacks tomorrow. In such an environment, truth becomes contested, and justice becomes subjective. A herder is killed, reprisal follows.
Miners are attacked, revenge is planned.
Cattle are rustled, retaliation is inevitable. Each incident becomes both consequence and justification.
Intelligence gathering, the backbone of effective security operations depends heavily on local input. When communities withhold information, protect suspects, or distort facts, security agencies are left to operate in the dark.
This creates gaps that perpetrators exploit.
Blaming the government alone, without acknowledging this dynamic, presents an incomplete picture of the crisis.
Security forces have remained active, responding to distress calls, conducting patrols, and attempting to stabilize volatile areas. Yet, their presence has not been enough to stop the killings. The reality is that no amount of military deployment can fully secure a population that is unwilling to cooperate.
One of the most dangerous drivers of the conflict is impunity. For decades, perpetrators of violence in Plateau have rarely been brought to justice. Killings are recorded, condemned, and eventually forgotten until the next incident occurs.
Community, religious and youths leaders, who should serve as stabilizing forces, are increasingly unable to control armed youth groups. Such interventions are rare and often overshadowed by more powerful forces of anger and revenge. In many cases the leaders are the once directly fueling the crises and encouraging the youths to take up arms to carry out reprisals attacks.
The nature of the Plateau conflict makes it resistant to purely military solutions. This is not a conventional war with clear battle lines. It is a fragmented conflict driven by local grievances, economic competition, and historical mistrust.
Calls for heavy-handed interventions, including suggestions of foreign military involvement, fail to recognize this reality. Force alone cannot resolve a conflict that is rooted in social and communal dynamics.
If Plateau is to break free from this cycle, the first step must be honesty. The violence must be acknowledged for what it is a series of interconnected attacks involving multiple actors, not a one-sided campaign. Only then can meaningful solutions emerge.
This is not just a story of victims and aggressors. It is a story of a society caught in a loop of vengeance, where yesterday’s victim can become today’s perpetrator. Until the truth is confronted in its entirety without bias, without omission peace will remain elusive.
The government must move beyond reactive security measures and take decisive steps to address the root causes of the conflict. This includes ensuring accountability, strengthening intelligence capabilities, and facilitating genuine dialogue among communities.Equally important is the role of local leaders. They must rise above partisan interests and work actively to restrain their followers, promote peace, and reject all forms of violence regardless of who commits them.
Zagazola Makama is a Counter Insurgency Expert and Security Analyst in the Lake Chad Region
Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed
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