National News
The Hidden Truth: How Niger’s Sovereignty Was Secretly Sold to Foreign Powers
The Hidden Truth: How Niger’s Sovereignty Was Secretly Sold to Foreign Powers
By: Our Reporter
A shocking revelation has come to light, exposing the true origins of foreign military deployment in Niger. Contrary to popular belief, it was not President Mohamed Bazoum who initiated the permanent presence of foreign troops in the country. Instead, classified documents and insider accounts reveal that it was the 2010-2011 military junta—the same type of government Niger is under today—that secretly invited French forces into Niger and granted them unrestricted military access.
The Secret Deal That Changed Niger Forever
On September 18, 2010, General Salou Djibo, then head of Niger’s ruling military junta, was preparing to leave for the United Nations General Assembly in New York. Before his departure, he held a closed-door meeting with his second-in-command, Colonel Abdoulaye Badié, and the Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces (FAN), General Salou Souleymane. The main topic of discussion? Whether to allow a permanent French military presence in Niger. Whether to permit French military aircraft to land, refuel, and operate from Nigerien soil.
At first, both Badié and Djibo rejected the idea of allowing a French military base in Niger. However, what they didn’t know was that General Salou Souleymane had already made promises to France behind their backs. Weeks before this meeting, General Souleymane had personally assured the French Chief of Defense Staff, Admiral Édouard Guillaud, that Niger would approve France’s request to deploy its military forces.
This secret arrangement was not debated in public, nor was it disclosed to the Nigerien people. Instead, the decision was made in total secrecy, away from the eyes of the nation. With General Djibo about to leave for New York, the situation escalated. Prime Minister Mahamadou Danda and Defense Minister General Mamadou Ousseini were pressured into granting France full permission to deploy its forces in Niger. The final approval was given on the night of September 18, 2010.
Colonel Badié was personally tasked with informing French Ambassador Alain Holleville that Niger had given France the green light. The same night, General Salou Souleymane personally called the French Military Attaché in Niamey, Hervé Pilette, to confirm the authorization.
Within hours, the French military had already begun its deployment: Two Breguet Atlantic reconnaissance aircraft with five full crews. One Falcon 50 aircraft with two crews. A total of 115 French soldiers, including special forces and intelligence officers. By September 19, 2010, French forces were officially operating in Niger, under the justification that they were there to search for hostages kidnapped in Arlit a region rich in uranium, heavily exploited by French company Areva (now Orano).
The Junta’s Internal Crisis: How The Truth Was Buried
Upon returning from New York on September 26, 2010, General Salou Djibo found a top-secret report on his desk from his special staff. The report was alarming:
It said “The positioning of French troops on Nigerien territory seriously harms the image of Niger and the credibility of the Armed Forces (FAN). It creates the perception that our military is weak and unable to defend the country from threats like AQIM without French intervention.”
The report further warned that the French presence was no longer necessary, since it had become clear that the kidnapped hostages were already in Mali, not Niger. In other words, the original justification for allowing French troops into Niger was no longer valid.
However, by this point, the junta was trapped. The French military was already in Niger, and any attempt to remove them would have led to a diplomatic crisis. The truth was buried, and the Nigerien people were never informed of the secret deal that had been made.
This one decision set off a chain reaction that led to years of escalating foreign military presence: 2013: The United States established a drone base in Niamey to conduct operations across the Sahel. 2017: The U.S. expanded its presence by constructing Air Base 201 in Agadez, one of the largest drone bases in Africa. 2014-2019: France launched Operation Barkhane, stationing thousands of troops in the region, including in Niger. 2022: Following France’s expulsion from Mali, French troops redeployed to Niger, solidifying their military footprint.
By the time President Mohamed Bazoum took office in 2021, the foreign military presence was already deeply entrenched, making it nearly impossible to reverse.
The Hypocrisy of the Current Junta
Fast forward to 2023: General Abderrahmane Tiani overthrows President Bazoum, claiming that his government was too dependent on foreign powers. However, the same military elite that now calls itself “patriotic” was directly involved in the original plans to bring in foreign partners starting from 2010-2011.
It the military is so opposed to foreign troops, why did they allow French forces into Niger in 2010? Why has the military remained silent about its role in secretly authorizing foreign military deployment? Why did it take a coup d’état for them to suddenly oppose a policy that they themselves initiated?
A Nation Deceived for 13 Years
For over a decade, Nigeriens have been misled into believing that foreign military forces were imposed on them by civilian governments.
The truth is far more sinister: Niger’s own military leaders were responsible for inviting foreign troops in the first place. Today, General Tiani and his junta claim to be “restoring sovereignty.” But their own predecessors men they once served under were the original enablers of foreign intervention.
Foreign military forces never left instead, they expanded their presence under different pretexts. The so called betrayal of Niger’s sovereignty did not start with Bazoum or Issoufou it started in 2010, under military rule.
Nigeriens must ask themselves: If this was covered up for 13 years, what else has been hidden from them? If military rule brought foreign troops, why should you trust them to remove them now? If sovereignty is truly the goal, why has no one been held accountable for the original betrayal?
The Hidden Truth: How Niger’s Sovereignty Was Secretly Sold to Foreign Powers
VP Shettima Attends AU Heads of State Plenary Session
By: Our Reporter
Vice President Kashim Shettima is attending the plenary of the 39th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the African Union in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
The opening session has drawn leaders from across the continent and beyond, as delegates convene to address critical issues under this year’s theme: “Assuring Sustainable Water Availability and Safe Sanitation Systems to Achieve the Goals of Agenda 2063.”
The Vice President is representing President Bola Ahmed Tinubu at the high-level gathering.
VP Shettima Attends AU Heads of State Plenary Session
National News
Experts Warn Senate Amendment to Electoral Act May Weaken Electronic Transmission Safeguards
Experts Warn Senate Amendment to Electoral Act May Weaken Electronic Transmission Safeguards
By: Michael Mike
A coalition of electoral reform advocates, legal experts and technology specialists has warned that the proposed amendment to Clause 60(3) of Nigeria’s Electoral Act could undermine recent gains in electoral transparency if not carefully revised.
They gave support to the position of the House of Representatives over that of the Senate, stating that the lower legislative arm position on the amendment of the electoral act was a lesser devil than that of the upper chamber.
The position emerged from an Expert Round Table convened in Abuja on Friday by ActionAid Nigeria, YIAGA Africa and the Movement for the Transformation of Nigeria. The meeting brought together academics, civil society leaders, lawyers, engineers, election administrators and governance specialists to examine the implications of the National Assembly’s amendment to Clause 60(3) of the Electoral Act 2022.
At the centre of deliberations was the provision dealing with electronic transmission of election results. While the current law provides for electronic transmission, the Senate’s amendment affirms that manually signed polling unit results remain legally valid if electronic transmission fails. Participants argued that this caveat could reopen long-standing vulnerabilities in Nigeria’s electoral process.
Experts at the forum stressed that credible elections are the bedrock of democratic legitimacy and political stability. They noted that Nigeria’s democratic history has repeatedly been strained by allegations of manipulation, flawed collation processes and protracted post-election litigation. According to participants, strengthening transparency in result transmission is critical to rebuilding public confidence.
A major focus of the discussion was the role of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and the INEC Result Viewing Portal (IReV) in safeguarding results at polling units. Participants described electronic transmission not merely as a technological innovation but as a protective mechanism against manipulation during collation — historically considered the weakest link in Nigeria’s elections.
Technical experts at the meeting maintained that electronic transmission is largely feasible nationwide, citing data that shows approximately 98 per cent network coverage across polling units, with only about two per cent classified as connectivity blind spots. They recommended targeted infrastructure investment to address these gaps rather than reverting to manual safeguards that could compromise transparency.
Concerns were also raised about legal ambiguities in the proposed amendment. Participants observed that the Senate version does not explicitly mandate electronic transmission through BVAS, nor does it clearly outline procedures in the event of technical failure. This, they argued, could create loopholes and fuel conflicting interpretations between manual and electronically transmitted results.
Another issue highlighted was the legal status of regulations issued by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Many operational guidelines governing electronic transmission are contained in subsidiary regulations rather than entrenched in the Act itself, potentially weakening their enforceability in court.
The experts warned that ambiguity in the law could increase election petitions and deepen what they described as the “judicialization of politics,” where electoral outcomes are increasingly determined in courtrooms rather than at the ballot box.
Beyond the amendment, participants identified broader institutional challenges affecting electoral integrity, including perceived executive influence in appointments to INEC, vote buying, weak enforcement of electoral offences and political interference. They called for comprehensive reforms to strengthen the independence and technical capacity of the electoral body.
In their resolutions, the roundtable participants reached consensus that electronic transmission should be clearly established in law as the primary and legally binding method for transmitting election results. They expressed preference for the version passed by the House of Representatives, which does not prioritise manually signed results in cases of transmission failure, while recommending further refinements to ensure clarity.
They also urged lawmakers to incorporate key INEC regulations directly into the Electoral Act, reform judicial procedures governing election disputes for faster resolution, and invest in election technology infrastructure.
Looking ahead, the experts advocated a long-term reform agenda that could eventually include electronic voting, drawing from international best practices. They further called on the National Assembly to conduct a public hearing on the technical glitches recorded during the 2023 general elections to prevent recurrence and enhance accountability.
The meeting concluded that Nigeria’s democratic future depends on ensuring that electoral reforms strengthen — rather than dilute — safeguards designed to reflect the true will of voters. Participants pledged continued legislative engagement and public advocacy to protect the integrity of the country’s electoral framework.
Experts Warn Senate Amendment to Electoral Act May Weaken Electronic Transmission Safeguards
Wife of the Vice President of Nigeria in Ethiopia
By: Our Reporter
Wife of the Vice President of Nigeria Hajiya Nana Shettima arrived Addis Ababa With Her Husband, Senator Kashim Shettima to attend the 30th General Assembly of Organization of African First Ladies For Development (OAFLAD) while The Vice President will be attending the 39th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of African Union Heads of States and Government on behalf of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu
Mrs Shettima is Representing First Lady of Nigeria Senator Oluremi Tinubu CON.
The African First Ladies are expected to Focus on internal issues and advance OAFLAD’s strategic priorities.
The 30th General Assembly’s open session under the theme “Building Resilience for Women and Girls: Climate, Conflict, and Sustainable Futures will be held on the 15th of February.
Mrs Shettima who left Abuja this afternoon for Addis Ababa the Capital of Ethiopia will participate in various meetings with African First Ladies spanning for Three Days
Wife of the Vice President of Nigeria in Ethiopia
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