News
The Origin and Expansion of the Lakurawa Militia in Niger and Northern Nigeria

The Origin and Expansion of the Lakurawa Militia in Niger and Northern Nigeria
By: Our Reporter
The term Lakurawa originates from the Hausa word lakurawa, meaning “recruits.” It refers to young men undergoing military training for national service. The term itself challenges the theory that the group originated in an English-speaking country like Nigeria, as it is rooted in a French linguistic influence. The name also implies that these individuals were not just hastily trained militia members but had received structured training in formal state institutions.
The Lakurawa militia was formed in 1997 under the presidency of Ibrahim Baré Maïnassara in Niger. Its primary objective was to provide protection for pastoralist communities suffering from rampant cattle rustling, particularly in western Niger. At the time, armed bandits from Mali frequently crossed into Niger to raid livestock, leaving local herders vulnerable. Given the inability of the national army to provide security in remote areas, the government saw the need to create an auxiliary force.
To effectively combat the well-armed raiders, the Lakurawa militia underwent military training and received weapons to match their adversaries. The first training camp was established in Ekrafane, approximately 10 km from an official military detachment. The militia recruits quickly became known as Lakurawa.
Under Baré’s leadership, the Lakurawa successfully carried out several counteroffensives against the armed bandits. Their operations were so effective that the Malian raiders stopped crossing into Niger altogether. Those who did were relentlessly pursued and had their stolen livestock recovered. Encouraged by their success, President Baré expanded the militia program, establishing at least three additional Lakurawa training camps between Ekrafane and Banibangou.
Integration and Dismantling of the Lakurawa
Following Baré’s assassination in 1999, the Lakurawa faced an uncertain future. When Mamadou Tandja assumed power, he sought to integrate the Lakurawa into Niger’s National Guard. However, political disputes within his administration stalled the process. The then-Prime Minister, Hama Amadou, and the Minister of the Interior, Albadé Abouba, both members of the ruling party, disagreed on the fate of the militia.
Albadé reportedly ordered the disarmament and disbandment of the Lakurawa, despite opposition from Hama Amadou. Later, with the appointment of Mounkaila Modi as Minister of the Interior, Hama managed to halt the disarmament process. Instead, he established a second militia composed of recruits from Ouallam, using public funds.
The Lakurawa’s existence is well-known among military officers who served under both President Baré and Tandja. Many current members of Niger’s ruling junta, the CNSP (Conseil National pour la Sauvegarde de la Patrie), were involved in these militias between 1997 and 2012. Today, however, these officials remain silent, allowing the junta leader, General Abdourahamane Tiani, to shift blame while ignoring the militia’s long-standing impact.
The failure to properly integrate the Lakurawa into the national security structure had severe consequences. Many demobilized militia members disappeared with their weapons, forming independent armed groups. Some of these former Lakurawa later resurfaced in a more dangerous form.
From Government Militia to Jihadist Fighters
After the fall of Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi in 2011 and the subsequent rise of insecurity in the Sahel, some Lakurawa fighters found a new purpose. In 2012, several of them joined the Movement for Oneness and Jihad in West Africa (MUJAO), a jihadist faction that fought against the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA) in northern Mali. This marked a turning point, as former state-backed militiamen transitioned into extremist insurgents.
Expansion into Northern Nigeria
The Lakurawa’s trajectory changed again after France launched Operation Serval in 2013 to oust jihadist groups from northern Mali. Many MUJAO fighters, including former Lakurawa, were displaced and forced to relocate. Some of them moved further south, crossing into Niger’s border regions and eventually settling in northwestern Nigeria, particularly in Sokoto and Kebbi states.
Initially, these fighters were welcomed by local communities because of their strong stance against banditry and kidnapping. Their reputation as experienced fighters made them popular among rural populations suffering from insecurity. However, over time, their real intentions became clear. Their goal was not merely to fight crime but to establish an Islamic caliphate.
Unlike other militant groups, the Lakurawa avoided publicity. They did not claim responsibility for attacks or release propaganda. Instead, they blended into existing networks of transnational bandits operating across Nigeria and Niger. This strategy of concealment allowed them to expand undetected. However, as their influence grew, the Nigerian government took action.
In December 2024, Nigerian authorities launched a large-scale military offensive against Lakurawa strongholds. A combination of air and ground assaults led to hundreds of casualties among the group.
The Nigerien Junta’s Response
While Nigeria has deployed significant military resources to neutralize the Lakurawa, Niger’s ruling junta has taken a different approach. Instead of acknowledging the threat, General Tiani’s government has focused on political blame games, accusing Nigeria of interference while failing to confront the growing insurgency.
The Lakurawa are now linked to at least five sabotage attacks on Niger’s oil pipeline, as well as multiple incursions into villages in the Dosso and Tahoua regions. Despite these ongoing threats, the Nigerien leadership appears more interested in rhetoric than action, leaving the country increasingly vulnerable to further instability.
Conclusion
The Lakurawa militia’s history is a cautionary tale of how state-sponsored armed groups can evolve beyond their original purpose. Initially formed to protect pastoralists, they later fragmented into independent fighters, some of whom joined jihadist movements. Their expansion into northern Nigeria further complicated regional security, as they established a hidden presence among criminal networks.
Today, while Nigeria is actively working to dismantle the Lakurawa, Niger’s government remains passive, allowing the militia to continue operating freely. If left unchecked, the Lakurawa could further destabilize the entire Sahel and West African region, proving once again that militias created for short-term security solutions can become long-term threats.
The Origin and Expansion of the Lakurawa Militia in Niger and Northern Nigeria
Crime
Troops neutralise three terrorist kingpins in Sokoto ambush

Troops neutralise three terrorist kingpins in Sokoto ambush
By: Zagazola Makama
Troops of Operation FANSAN YAMMA (OPFY) have neutralised three notorious terrorist kingpins during a successful ambush operation in Sabon Birni Local Government Area (LGA) of Sokoto State.
Zagazola Makama report that the operation was conducted on July 25 between Mallamawa and Mazau villages in the Tsamaye/Mai Lalle District of the LGA.
During the operation, the troops neutralised the terrorists identified as Kachalla Nagomma, Gurmu and Ali Yar Daribiyar, and recovered three AK-47 rifles with magazines and a motorcycle.

Sources told Zagazola that the terrorists and their foot soldiers were in the area to collect ransom and illegal levies imposed on residents when they were ambushed by the troops.
The source said the operation has triggered widespread relief and jubilation among residents of Mai Lalle, Tsamaye, Rimaye and nearby communities across Sabon Birni and Goronyo LGAs.
“These terrorists have long tormented the communities with killings, kidnappings and extortion, so this success is a huge morale boost for the people,” the source added.
The troops have continued to intensify kinetic and non-kinetic efforts in synergy with other security agencies and local vigilante groups.
The military has urged members of the public to continue providing credible and timely information to assist the troops in sustaining momentum against criminal elements.
Troops neutralise three terrorist kingpins in Sokoto ambush
News
Amnesty International must stop defending dangerous falsehoods in the name of free speech

Amnesty International must stop defending dangerous falsehoods in the name of free speech
By: Zagazola Makama
Once again, Amnesty International has taken a predictable but deeply troubling stance, this time, condemning the lawful detention of a social media influencer, Ghali Isma’il, who is facing charges over a false and provocative video announcing the death of Nigeria’s sitting President. In its hasty and one-sided statement, Amnesty labeled the Department of State Services’ (DSS) action as “a clear demonstration of abuse of power.” This knee-jerk condemnation reeks not only of bias but of a dangerous disregard for the responsibility that comes with free speech.
It’s important to remember that the Nigerian authorities are acting within the bounds of the law. Ghali Isma’il appeared before a competent magistrate and is being tried for spreading false information an issue of concern to public safety and stability. The viral video claiming the President’s death by poisoning, however unfounded and provocative, point to the need for responsible speech, especially in a period when misinformation can quickly escalate tensions or cause panic.
Let’s be clear: no one is above the law. Isma’il was not whisked away to a secret cell. He was arraigned before a competent magistrate court in Abuja and is being tried according to the laws of the land. The charges spreading false information with intent to cause public alarm and inciting disaffection against the government are not political fabrications.
They are legitimate concerns, especially when tied to a video falsely claiming that President Bola Tinubu had died after being poisoned, and presented with an air of certainty that could spark panic in a country already battling complex security and economic challenges.
If this is what Amnesty International classifies as “freedom of expression,” then the organization must clarify where it draws the line between speech and sabotage. Are we now to accept that individuals can publish death hoaxes about national leaders and peddle wild, fabricated conspiracy theories under the guise of digital activism? Would Amnesty extend this same compassion if the target were a leader in Europe or America?
Is it truly free speech when falsehoods threaten public order or incite unrest? Would Amnesty International hold the same stance if similar misinformation targeted leaders in other parts of the world? These are complex issues with no easy answers, but it is crucial that we weigh the right to expression against the potential harm caused by reckless or deliberately false content.
Let us also not forget that this is not Ghali Isma’il’s first brush with dangerous disinformation. He has repeatedly posted bizarre claims including that former U.S. President Donald Trump was compelling Nigeria to repatriate terrorists into the country and quoting the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Yusuf Tugger, who never mentioned such in his interview. Yusuf said they are ex- convict from Venezuela but Ismail, said they are “Terrorists” . When does free speech become reckless speech? When does falsehood become a threat to national peace and cohesion? This calls for a measured discussion on when speech crosses into dangerous territory especially when it influences public perception and stability.
Moreover, one must ask: where was Amnesty International when ISWAP terrorists released gruesome videos of mass executions? Where was Amnesty when bandits kidnapped and murdered citizens or when IPOB loyalists torched police stations and killed security personnel? The silence or muted response from Amnesty International in those cases raises questions about consistency and priorities. Their silence in the face of these atrocities is deafening. Yet, whenever the Nigerian state acts to preserve order and prevent chaos, Amnesty rushes in with a press release always siding with the provocateur.
Ultimately, the right to free speech must be exercised responsibly. Supporting lawful limits when speech could threaten national peace isn’t a contradiction to human rights but a recognition of their importance in a complex society.
Amnesty International faces an important question: will it stand as a defender of genuine human rights and democratic stability, or does it risk becoming a platform that inadvertently enables disinformation that jeopardizes it?
This double standard is becoming increasingly apparent to Nigerians. The right to free speech must be protected, yes but it must also be exercised with responsibility. Defending lies that threaten national unity under the cloak of human rights advocacy is not activism; it is sabotage.
Amnesty International must decide: is it here to protect Nigeria’s democracy or to shield those who exploit social media to endanger it?
Zagazola Makama is a Counter Insurgency Expert and Security Analyst in the Lake Chad Region
Amnesty International must stop defending dangerous falsehoods in the name of free speech
News
Abuja property mogul raises alarm over FCTA’s MoU with developers

Abuja property mogul raises alarm over FCTA’s MoU with developers
By: Michael Mike
Managing Director, Abuja Technology Village Free Zone Company Limited, Yohana Dyelkop has raised an alarm over a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) purportedly signed by the Federal Capital Territory Administration (FCTA) and some property developers.
The businessman, who expressed this concern at a news conference on Saturday in Abuja, said he was worried by media reports about the said land development MoU.
He said media reports recently indicated that the Ministry of the Federal Capital Territory had sealed an agreement with some local and foreign investors to develop 200 hectares of land in the Abuja Technology Village.
According to him, the reports specifically allege that the MoU has purportedly been signed between FCTA and two organisations, Mag International Links Limited and the National Agency for Science and Technology (NASENI).
Dyelkop said that government’s genuine efforts to attract foreign investment, especially property developers, was commendable but it was expedient to clarify that Abuja Technology Village has numerous plots across various districts.
He warned that his properties: Plots 22 and 23, C17 Industrial Area 2, Pyakasa Village, Airport Road, are located within the area earmarked for the allocation.
“Unless the MoU explicitly excludes these plots, any agreement covering them would be unlawful,” he stressed.
Dyelkop warned that the prospective developers should steer clear of his land as they are subjects of ongoing litigation, adding that cases of land grabbing and encroachment were rampant in the FCT.
According to him, his company has officially written to the parties involved expressing its concern about the MoU, warning them and the prospective investors to steer clear of his properties and avoid possible contempt of court.
“We are concerned about news reports regarding an MoU between the entities and the Federal Capital Territory Administration (FCTA) for the purpose of land development.
“Specifically, Plots 22 and 23, C17 Industrial Area 2, Pyakasa Village, Airport Road, are subject to ongoing litigation, with the Hon. Minister as a defendant.
“All parties have been served with a court order, and unless the MoU explicitly excludes these plots, any agreement covering them would be unlawful,” he added.
The real estate mogul, who is also the National Chairman of a political group, “Better Opportunities With Tinubu (BOWT) 2027, called for caution and respect for the rule of law to avoid denting President Bola Tinubu’s image.
Abuja property mogul raises alarm over FCTA’s MoU with developers
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