Politics
The Voice of Dan Balki: An Attempt to Derail the Gains of Building a Stronger North with VP Kashim Shettima as “Jagoran Arewa”
The Voice of Dan Balki: An Attempt to Derail the Gains of Building a Stronger North with VP Kashim Shettima as “Jagoran Arewa”
By: Dr. James Bwala
The emergence of influential voices and opposing forces shapes not only the political ideologies in the North but also the trajectories of leadership, particularly now that the North is seeking one true leader under its umbrella to champion the course of the North returning history to the glorious days of its shining. Many voices supporting the One North rise are rallying around Nigeria’s vice president, Kashim Shettina. But opposing forces are marching in their characters and building on rented voices. One such figure is Dan Balki, whose rhetoric and activism against Vice President Kashim Shettima embody a larger struggle for the soul of Northern Nigeria. As Shettima assumes the mantle of “Jagoran Arewa,” or the leader of the North, by his position as Nigeria’s vice president, it becomes paramount to dissect the implications of Dan Balki’s recent opposition and the collective efforts of dissenting factions aiming to undermine Shettima’s God-given position of leadership chosen from amongst hundreds and perhaps thousands who feel equally important for this ambitious position.
Despite the pushback posed by Dan Balki and his allies, Shettima’s vision for a stronger North remains valid and essential for the region’s socio-political and economic advancement. To understand the contentious relationship between Dan Balki and Shettima, we must first delve into the historical context that has plagued Northern Nigeria. The North has faced myriad challenges ranging from economic deprivation, educational underachievement, and security concerns, culminating in a loss of political power and relevance on the national stage. In this atmosphere of disillusionment and tension, Shettima, formerly the Governor of Borno State, emerged as a beacon of hope, propelled by his development initiatives and commitment to addressing the unique challenges facing the North. His policies aimed at fostering unity, peace, and economic revitalization resonate deeply amidst a populace yearning for effective leadership.
However, the recent emergence of vocal opponents like Dan Balki signifies a critical fracture within Northern politics. Dan Balki’s narrative encapsulates a blend of regionalist sentiment and skepticism towards Shettima’s administration by powerful individuals who are not satisfied with the position they currently occupy. Framing Shettima as a pawn of broader national politics, these individuals are using Dan Balki to leverage populist rhetoric to cultivate dissent among constituents, thus sowing seeds of division. His recent arguments often highlight grievances related to perceived neglect of certain local interests or failure to adequately involve grassroots stakeholders in decision-making processes. These tactics are reminiscent of age-old political maneuverings in which leaders are pitted against one another to create distractions from pressing issues.
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The impact of Dan Balki’s voice should not be underestimated. He serves as a reminder of the plurality of opinions in Nigerian politics—a reflection of diverse aspirations and ideologies within the Northern constituency. Yet, while this multiplicity is vital for democracy, it can also hinder progress if left unchecked. Dan Balki’s continued criticisms could lead to a paralysis of governance, where leaders are more preoccupied with countering dissent than implementing crucial reforms. Such a scenario would ultimately serve only to stifle the progress Shettima seeks to achieve.
Counterarguments may posit that Dan Balki’s resistance stems from legitimate grievances that reflect the authentic desires of constituents. To some extent, this claim holds merit. Indeed, Shettima must engage with various stakeholders across the North to solidify his position and capitalize on the victories he has championed. However, it is essential to distinguish constructive criticism from polarized antagonism. True leadership demands an understanding of nuance—a recognition that dissent can serve as both a catalyst for improvement and an obstacle to advancement. For Shettima, navigating this political minefield necessitates a thoughtful approach that embraces dialogue while remaining steadfast in his vision for the North.
A crucial aspect of Shettima’s agenda is his commitment to economic development through infrastructural investment, education, and youth empowerment. These pillars are foundational for fostering a prosperous Northern region capable of competing on both national and global fronts. The initiatives launched during his gubernatorial tenure offer a glimpse into what can be achieved under his leadership. For instance, Shettima’s focus on rebuilding Borno State post-insurgency, including enhancing agricultural outputs and technological advancements, sets a precedent for sustainable growth. Detractors like Dan Balki may diminish these achievements, but the empirical evidence supports Shettima’s vision as one rooted in practicality and necessity.
Indeed, it is crucial to consider the broader implications of Shettima’s role within the national government. As vice president, he occupies a platform that allows for broader advocacy and representation of Northern interests on the national stage. Rather than viewing this as a dilution of regional identity, constituents should recognize the potential for leveraging such a position to attract investments and foster collaborations that align with the North’s unique challenges. Rather than allowing Dan Balki’s divisive rhetoric to distract from this opportunity, it is imperative for Shettima to delineate how his policies can yield tangible benefits for the entire region.
Shettima’s commitment to unity is a cornerstone of his political philosophy. In a region often fractured by tribal, religious, and political divides, embracing a narrative of togetherness becomes increasingly significant. While Dan Balki’s voice echoes sentiments of dissatisfaction, it is vital to counter those sentiments with positive, inclusive narratives that speak to shared goals and aspirations. Campaigns highlighting collaborative projects and inter-ethnic dialogues would demonstrate that Shettima is not merely a politician operating in isolation but rather a leader attuned to the complexities of Northern Nigeria’s social fabric.
A concerted effort towards grassroots mobilization can effectively mitigate the influence of opposition voices. Building a robust network of community engagement initiatives that directly involve citizens in discussions about their needs and expectations can circumvent the narrative of discontent framed by Dan Balki. By amplifying local voices within the decision-making process, Shettima can reinforce a sense of ownership among constituents, thereby reducing the allure of oppositional figures who thrive on creating rifts.
The challenge posed by Dan Balki and other opposing forces underscores the dynamic nature of political discourse in Northern Nigeria. While dissent is a natural element within any democracy, the prioritization of progress over partisanship is essential. As the North charts its path forward, the ability to unite diverse voices behind a collective objective will determine the strength and resilience of the region. Shettima’s position as “Jagoran Arewa” epitomizes an opportunity to rally support around a shared identity, catalyzing a movement towards rejuvenation and prosperity.
The voice of Dan Balki serves as a reminder of the complexities inherent in politics, particularly in a region as diverse and historically rich as Northern Nigeria. Nevertheless, beneath the noise of dissent lies an opportunity for growth and transformation. As Vice President Kashim Shettima navigates this political landscape, his focus must remain unwavering—centering on building a stronger, more cohesive North. Through strategic engagement, inclusive dialogue, and an unwavering commitment to the aspirations of the people, Shettima has the potential to rise above opposition and pave the way for a brighter future. In the face of adversity, true leadership is defined not solely by the absence of dissent but by the ability to harness divergent views to forge a path towards unity and progress.
* * James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.
The Voice of Dan Balki: An Attempt to Derail the Gains of Building a Stronger North with VP Kashim Shettima as “Jagoran Arewa”
Politics
Kashim Shettima: Dirty Datti and his Tinubu cap theory
Kashim Shettima: Dirty Datti and his Tinubu cap theory
By: Dr James Bwala
The controversy surrounding Vice President Kashim Shettima’s political symbolism has recently gained renewed attention following remarks by Datti Baba Ahmed, who questioned Shettima’s authenticity by asserting that he does not wear the Asiwaju cap—a potent emblem associated with political allegiance to President Tinubu and his Renewed Hope agenda. Baba Ahmed further challenged observers to enquire why Shettima refrains from donning this symbolic headgear and cited purported advice from Marabouts discouraging him from doing so.
Well, let’s just say that politics is here again and big men lie for cheap gains. Datti Baba Ahmed did not do his homework well to start attacking Nigeria’s vice president, Kashim Shettima, for not wearing President Tinubu’s cap as he alleged. Let me also assure Malam Datti Baba Ahmed, the Mauritanian boy from a Marabouts clan, that the APC is not a cult organisation that requires marabouting to see vision, and Kashim Shettima is not a figure that pretends loyalty or demonstrates such by constantly following what others choose to do for themselves.
The dirty Datti theory and claims overlook the visible reality. VP Shettima indeed wears the Asiwaju cap at public events and actively promotes the administration’s vision for national renewal, thereby aligning himself with Tinubu’s political identity. While Dattigan’s style reveals a deeper struggle over narrative control and political loyalty within Nigeria’s evolving power dynamics, he often misses the point when he makes attempts on Nigeria’s vice president, Kashim Shettima. We know his history and respect his family, but he keeps dragging them into his political mud. Attacking Shettima will only open a can of worms about the dirty Mauritanian journey to Nigeria, something we do not want to discuss out of respect for the larger Baba Ahmed’s family.
However, there is a debate regarding Shettima’s use of the Asiwaju cap. Datti wants to draw that it transcends mere fashion, and it encapsulates questions of symbolism, representation, and perceived commitment to a collective political project. Contrary to Datti Baba Ahmed’s assertions, Vice President Shettima’s actions represent more than just the act of wearing a cap. His consistent public appearances as Nigeria’s vice president demonstrate not only his visible endorsement of President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope agenda but also challenge the notion that only wearing Asiwaju’s cap speaks loyalty.
Vice President Kashim Shettima embodies a rich cultural heritage that is deeply rooted in the Kanuri ethnic identity and lineage from the historic El-Kanemi dynasty. This background not only shapes his personal character but also informs his political demeanour and leadership style, distinguishing him as a well-cultured personality within Nigeria’s complex socio-political landscape. Contrary to some criticisms levelled by figures such as Datti Baba Ahmed, who question Shettima’s prolonged tenure and political relevance, it is essential to recognise that Shettima’s identity transcends mere political positioning; it reflects a profound connection to his cultural roots and values. Shettima’s modernist approach to life and relationships that prioritise self-reliance and rational governance over traditional mystical practices did not align with Datti Baba Ahmed’s claims, which often hold sway in certain northern Nigerian communities, where the “Yan”bori Marabouting culture breathes.
The partnership between Bola Tinubu from the South West and Kashim Shettima from the North East symbolises more than just a political alliance of cap wearing; it represents an intentional fusion of diverse regional identities aimed at fostering national unity. This north-south alliance not only bridges ethnic and regional divides but also showcases a shared commitment to progressive governance grounded in cultural authenticity and mutual respect. Moreover, Shettima’s commitment to cultural integrity and pragmatic leadership underscores the strength of the Tinubu-Shettima partnership as a model for inclusive governance that respects Nigeria’s diverse ethnic fabric while advancing a forward-looking political agenda. This cultural authenticity, combined with a pragmatic and forward-thinking leadership style, enables Shettima to navigate the complexities of Nigerian politics without resorting to traditional or mystical shortcuts, thereby reinforcing his image as a modern statesman rooted in Kanuri heritage.
This synergy between Tinubu and Shettima not only exemplifies the political maturity needed to address Nigeria’s complex ethno-regional dynamics but also highlights how leaders grounded in their cultural identities can collaboratively drive national progress without succumbing to divisiveness or archaism.
- James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja
- Kashim Shettima: Dirty Datti and his Tinubu cap theory
Politics
2027: Borno will never witness another Gubio tragedy
2027: Borno will never witness another Gubio tragedy
By: Dr. James Bwala
The recent ambush on Hon. Mustapha Gubio’s convoy, the All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship candidate in Borno State, by suspected ISWAP terrorists along the Gubio–Kareto–Damasak road has reignited fears about the ongoing insurgency in northeastern Nigeria. This incident not only highlights the security challenges that political figures face in areas plagued by militant violence but also brings back haunting memories of a similar tragedy from 2011.
Back then, another governorship candidate from Borno, the late Fannami Gubio, tragically lost his life on what became known as “Black Friday,” a day marred by political violence and chaos. The recurrence of such attacks reveals a disturbing trend where violent extremist groups disrupt political processes, aiming to undermine governance and democratic engagement.
The mixed reactions from news vendors and local communities reflect the complicated relationship between fear, resilience, and political involvement in conflict-affected regions. This latest attack serves as a stark reminder of the ongoing instability in Borno State and the pressing need for stronger security measures to protect not just political figures but also the wider civilian population caught in the crossfire of insurgency.
This incident underscores the persistent threat posed by ISWAP in the area and highlights the crucial need for continuous military vigilance and community collaboration to prevent such attacks from derailing the democratic process. In light of these events, it’s essential for both the government and security agencies to ramp up their efforts to dismantle terrorist networks in Borno State, ensuring that political activities can continue without the shadow of violence or intimidation looming over them.
The attack on Thursday highlights the persistent challenges that political figures in Borno State are grappling with, as insurgent groups like ISWAP take advantage of security weaknesses to disrupt elections and instill fear in both candidates and voters. This troubling trend of repeated assaults along vital routes, such as the Gubio–Kareto–Damasak road, not only jeopardizes the safety of political leaders like Mustapha Gubio but also hampers crucial transportation and economic activities. This situation calls for a robust strategy that tackles the underlying causes of insurgency, encourages socio-economic growth, and promotes inclusive governance to pave the way for lasting peace in Borno State.
To strengthen these efforts, it’s essential for the government to improve intelligence gathering and foster community engagement initiatives that empower local residents to become vigilant partners in security. This approach can help shrink the operational space for insurgents like ISWAP. To genuinely protect the democratic process and safeguard candidates like Mustapha Gubio, security agencies must not only react quickly to attacks but also adopt proactive measures that incorporate local intelligence and community collaboration to prevent future threats.
While the immediate response to the recent attack was commendable, it’s evident that without ongoing and coordinated efforts that blend military vigilance with community resilience and development programs, such incidents will keep undermining the stability of Borno State. Achieving lasting peace in Borno State hinges on ensuring that military actions are paired with continuous community engagement and socio-economic development initiatives that address the root issues exploited by insurgent groups.
James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja
2027: Borno will never witness another Gubio tragedy
Politics
APC received 5000 decampees in Yobe
APC received 5000 decampees in Yobe
By: Yahaya Wakili
Yobe State All Progressives Congress (APC) has received 5,000 decampees from various political parties across the Yobe South Senatorial District (Zone B).
The All Progressives Congress receives defectors from the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), and African Democratic Congress (ADC). The decampments are drawn from the Nangere, Fika, Potiskum, and Nangere local government areas.

Governor Mai Mala Buni CON, COMN, of Yobe State, ably represented by his deputy, Hon. Idi Barde Gubana (Wazirin Fune), assured those who shifted their loyalty to APC would be treated equally with the old members, adding that the APC believes in one Nigeria.
He appreciated the All Progressives Congress (APC) supporters for their commitment to the growth of the party, which, according to him, enhanced service delivery to the people of the state.
The governor expressed delight at receiving the decampments from the various political parties into the All Progressives Congress (APC), the ruling party in the state and Nigeria in general.
The state party chairman, Alhaji Mohammed Gadaka (Madakin Gudi), called on the people of the other political parties to join the APC to move Yobe state forward and assured to carry the new members along in all the party activities.
Hajiya Budu Lawan, the APC women’s leader in the state, promised that women in Yobe state would come out in mass to support and vote for the APC in the upcoming general election.
Hon. Musa Gulani, the state youth leader, expressed his appreciation for the youth in Zone B, adding that youth in Yobe state would vote for APC from top to bottom in the 2027 general election.
The APC governorship candidate, Alhaji Baba Mallam Wali mni (BMW), ably represented by his running mate, Hon. Sale Samanja, said, “If elected in 2027, we would uphold the legacies of Governor Mai Mala Buni. “
Hon. Yakubu Shehu Damagum (alias Yakubu Doctor), State chairman of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), said, “I left the party last year due to some circumstances, but I didn’t join the APC officially till today.”
He said, “The reason behind my defection is that I watched the development strides in Yobe state under the APC administration of Governor Mai Mala Buni, and there is no need to continue fighting with the ruling party, because a small party in Yobe state has no impact.”
Abba Balube, a former chairman of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) from the Fune local government area, revealed that he decided to leave the ADC completely because of the bad leadership and because there is no respect in the party.
Ali DPO, former chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) Potiskum local government area, said he joined APC, the ruling party in the state, because of Governor Mai Mala Buni’s transparency, especially the equal sharing of the developmental projects and employment across the state. The event ended up with the presentation of plagues to decampers.
APC received 5000 decampees in Yobe
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