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Tinubu,Shettima: The epidemic of economic, insecurity in Nigeria

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Tinubu, Shettima

Tinubu,Shettima: The epidemic of economic, insecurity in Nigeria

By: Dr. James Bwala

With the rhetoric around the economy and security situation in the country, those blaming the government have failed to look at the history and those involved in it that brought Nigeria to its current predicament. The eight-year rule of the Buhari regime has given birth to criminality with untold consequences for Nigeria, but many who are now speaking ill of the Tinubu and Shettima administration are deliberately shying away from that creation, now biting the fabric covering the nakedness of Nigeria as a people and nation.

The fingers pointing at the present economic and security situation never consider some big names flooring on the pages of newspapers, both living and dead, who have melted the economy of this country and secured insecurity to this heights that left tears around and in many families who lost loved ones to banditry and other criminality.

Since May 29, 2023, I have gone through the pages of informed newspapers in the country and read success stories of greater achievements in security operations by our soldiers, police, the DSS, and other security agencies. But critics, as they are, are not quoting some of these successes to encourage the government and say we are with you in this movement. They would rather omit these achievements in their narrations to make the devil out of the new administration that, during Buhari’s time, they told us to be patient with when, in six months, the country was without a minister and nothing seemed to be moving in the face of the same security and economic challenges.

In the North, they say it is our own. And so, nobody speaks ill of the Buhari regime, despite its failure in all phases at the time. Those who reflected back at the Good Luck administration to make comparisons to Buhari’s government are seen as anti-north.

The community of the northern leaders has rallied around the regime to not allow the nakedness of the government to be seen by outsiders. They preach the sermon of never washing your dirty lining in public places, though in the closets they are gnashing their teeth in anguish and regret that their roars are eating them while they watch. Those who dare the government are shown the way to Kuje prison, and those who do not want to go that way retract their shells and watch with hopelessness.

Before the 2023 general elections that brought the victory for Tinubu and Kashim Shettima, Nigerians witnessed the shocking twist in both the security and economic situation, anchored by very few individuals in Buhari’s archery.

Recently, the Lagos elderstateman, Chief Bode George, was trending on a video calling on the government to invite three Nigerians for questioning. One of them was late but opened a ten billion naira retirement home at less than sixty years old. One was circling around the courtroom and prison since the Tinubu and Shettima administration closed on him, and the other, according to Chief Bode George, was a floor boy in the banking hall before rising to prowess.

There are others nitting to the immediate past regime of Buhari, which the current administration seemed to be taking careful steps to cover around them. Perhaps long before a comment credited to a former military ruler in the country.

A statement recently credited to the former Military President, Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, asked President Tinubu to be careful to avoid military takeover. I believe the former military ruler has the ears of some military commanders in service, and his entreaty should be positively anchored to preaching democracy and rule of law so Nigeria should not derailed.

A man of such vintage should caution at the close door and not allow an air of a few words to fall into the ears of some power-hungry morons because what hatches the eggs is the constant daily warmth that comes from a light bulb. Tinubu and Kashim Shettima have fought big battles to come thus far in their careers as politicians.

Today, they are leading Nigeria to get to the promised land, and it is not only about them and their families. It is also about over two hundred million Nigerians moving together to reach a goal. It could take forty days or forty years, depending on the faith we carry and our decision not to murmur at every inch.

Since the Nigerian journey is not about Tinubu or Shettima but a movement of over 200 million people towards a goal, I feel it is rather in the interest of all to rally around the government to support it. Since the onset of the administration, Nigerians have applauded their choice of individuals for service chiefs and other credible appointments.

Of course, no kingdom arrangement is complete without the Judas; we have seen a few of them, and the administration did creditably well in doing the needful. A case of the humanitarian minister and more are coming. This shows the seriousness of this administration in dealing with the Nigerian people by the books they swore on oath.

Those who want to criticize Tinubu or the VP, Kashim Shettima, over the current economic and security situation should do so with good intentions and help the government by offering solutions. They should do so with facts to praise and to condemn. The government is open to criticism, but positive criticism is what builds a nation.

The economic and security situation will fizzle out when we all go back to the drawing board to trace the actions and inactions of the past that led to the current situation. Tinubu and Kashim Shettima mean well, and we can do well to support them and Nigeria. As leaders, they should also be encouraged to give their best to building the nation. So, we can all reach the promised land.

I believe as many Nigerians had hope to have a peaceful country free of security situations and greater economic revival, both Tinubu and Kashim Shettima are on the same page with Nigerians because there is no other country where we can all be proud of like Nigeria. If we come together to support the government, we can tailor this fabric of economy and insecurity to a desired shape that will be pleasing to all. Dear compatriots, let us come together to do as we say in our anthem.

***James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.

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“Guguwar Buhari “Is Gone: The End of Handout Votes in Arewa Politics

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“Guguwar Buhari “Is Gone: The End of Handout Votes in Arewa Politics

By Isaac Abrak

In the wake of Nigeria’s 2015 general elections, a powerful Hausa phrase emerged: “Guguwar Buhari” —literally Buhari’s whirlwind.It aptly captured the tidal wave of support that swept General Muhammadu Buhari and many others into power under the banner of the All Progressives Congress (APC). The whirlwind was so intense that it carried along even political unknowns—individuals with no record, reputation, or merit—simply because they stood beside Buhari, either on campaign posters or on the ballot.

That year, the APC logo became a winning ticket. Voters, driven by their deep trust in Buhari, voted for any name attached to it. The former general himself fueled this trend with his now-famous campaign line: “APC sama da kasa”—vote APC from top to bottom. And that’s exactly what the Talakawa (the masses), particularly in the North, did. From the presidency to the National Assembly, governorships, state assemblies, and local councils, a wave of victories was handed out—not earned—thanks to one man’s charisma.

But mere months into Buhari’s administration, another Hausa phrase quietly entered public discourse: “Guguwar Buhari ta kwashi yayi”—“Buhari’s whirlwind picked up garbage”. The people began to wake up. The same whirlwind that propelled leaders into power had also brought in many unqualified, self-serving, and underperforming politicians. Disillusionment replaced euphoria. The Talakawa realized that too many of their elected representatives were unworthy of the offices they held.

By 2019, the tide was turning. Buhari may have secured a second term, but many of those who had previously clung to his coattails were rejected by a more conscious electorate. The blind loyalty was fading. Voters began asking tougher questions and demanding results. Northern Nigeria was slowly moving away from political sentimentalism toward issue-based engagement.

In 2023, another dimension to Buhari’s political capital emerged—*tthe myth of his “sacred 12 million votes. For over a decade, Buhari had consistently pulled around 12 million votes in presidential elections, largely from the North. This voting bloc became a prized political asset. Every major candidate, including now-President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, sought to harness this number. Whether he succeeded or not is a matter for future political autopsy. But what’s no longer in doubt is that the *whirlwind* that delivered that power is now gone.

Some politicians still believe they can inherit this legacy—that they can simply stand in Buhari’s shoes and command the North’s votes. But such thinking is delusional.

As one guest rightly noted during a special NTA broadcast on the day of Buhari’s burial, those 12 million votes weren’t earned overnight. They were built over decades of public service—beginning with Buhari’s tenure as Military Governor of the old North-Eastern State, followed by his service as Minister of Petroleum, Head of State, Chairman of the Petroleum Trust Fund, and eventually President. It was a reputation forged through discipline, integrity, and patriotic service.

Even so, Buhari’s aura wasn’t untouchable. As his presidency wore on, the same Talakawa who had once idolized him began expressing disappointment. He was booed at campaign rallies in Kano and Bauchi in 2019, and most memorably in Maiduguri in 2020, when he visited after a Boko Haram attack. Angry residents chanted “Ba mu da shugaba!” (“We have no leader!”) and “Ba mayi!” (we don’t want!). His controversial border closure policy, intended to curb smuggling, had instead led to food scarcity and economic hardship. If “Mai Gaskiya” (The Truthful One) could be jeered, how much more any politician attempting to coast on his reputation?

Today, the Northern voter is changing. The Talakawa want more than slogans. They now demand:

  • Functional hospitals
  • Affordable, quality education
  • Food security
  • Reliable electricity
  • Clean water
  • And, above all, security from terrorism and violence

These are not campaign fantasies—they are expected deliverables. Any leader who wants to command the North must first prove they can deliver these essentials. The North is at a crossroads. It must move from dependency to productivity. Leaders must rise to this challenge or risk being discarded by a growing wave of enlightened voters.

Indeed, there is evidence of this awakening everywhere. On social media,young Northerners—many of them Hausa-Fulani Muslims—are openly rejecting traditional political formulas.Some now declare they would rather vote for a Christian-Christian ticket than a Muslim-Muslim one, if it means better governance. It’s tempting to dismiss this as fringe sentiment—but the message is spreading fast. And it’s reshaping public consciousness.

Let’s be clear: Buhari’s 12 million votes pampered a generation of politicians. Many rode on his back without offering anything meaningful to the people. That era is now behind us. The Northern voter is evolving. Political awareness is rising. And with it, a new demand for performance, integrity, and accountability.

Whoever aspires to lead the North, command the Talakawa, and inherit Buhari’s political legacy must offer more than recycled slogans. They must present tangible evidence of good governance not just political promises.

This shift isn’t a crisis—it’s a victory for democracy. And perhaps, it’s the greatest legacy Buhari leaves behind: a Nigeria where voters are thinking for themselves. If you doubt it, just wait for 2027. The Talakawa will speak again—and this time, even louder.

In death, Buhari has unexpectedly revived his 2015 campaign slogan:“Chanji Dole! no need to translate this one.

Isaac Abrak is a Hostile Environment Journalist, a One Nigerianist, and Chairman of the Northern Christian Youth Professionals.
isaaclinus@gmail.com

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THE BIU FORUM: FEW THINGS TO KNOW

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THE BIU FORUM: FEW THINGS TO KNOW.

By: A G Abubakar

The Biu Forum was a child of circumstances. It was born in response to the fall out from the August 1991 state creation exercise by the Babangida military regime which initially located Biu in Yobe but removed same after a couple of days. To push for a redress or for an answer, the Forum was initiated. Its drivers came from the entire spectrum of the present day Biu Emirate and Shani Chiefdom, who were then resident in Lagos, the former federal capital.The first meeting was held in October 1991 at Block 4, Flat 3, the Bar Beach Towers, Victoria Island.

The inaugural and subsequent meetings of the forum were attended by such personalities as Shettima Saleh, Saidu Pindar, Tahir A.Musa, PC Abdullahi Mohammed, Musa Yamta, Hassan Bdliya, John Balami, Audu Shettima, Sanda Usman, Adamu Abdullahi, Musa Shani, Major (now Gen) Usman, Muhammad Dili, Ahmed Kuru, Jibrin A.Jibrin, A.G.Abubakar (Convener along with Musa Yamta), Mamman Audu, Paul Mari, Ishaku Abdullahi, Sale Mari Maina, Major. Ibrahim Bantam, Samaila Mamman, Sule Usman, C.D.Gali, and many more. These foundation members nurtured the Forum for years in Lagos before the seat of government was formally moved to Abuja.

Some of them are of blessed memory (may the Almighty grant them His mercy, Ameen), though a lot more are still living. The major objective of the forum at inception was to build a unity of purpose to tackle the challenges facing Biu Emirate, particularly its excision from the then newly created Yobe State. Plus, the need to call for attention to the brazen discriminations visited upon Biu people in the state’s civil service, while also pursuing the creation of a Savannah State. Same, with extending moral and material supports to victims of natural disasters and others like the then Waka-Biu crisis.

It would be recalled that after the Babangida military government decided to split old the Borno State, late General Abacha, then the Chief of Army Staff and the defacto number “two” man, who happened to be of Borno extraction, was assigned to consult with the Shehu as well as other opinion leaders on the government’s proposal to curve out a new state out of Borno. Late Bunu Sherrif, a son of the soil (Goniri), who was then serving as Minister of Labour among others, was to serve as a facilitator. The rough edges were therefore smoothened.

Eventually, Yobe was created. The configuration of which comprised three emirates, namely Biu, Fika, and Bade. Borno and Bama emirates were to remain as the New Borno State. The number of local governments was equally balanced at 22 each. Now, it is lopsidedly 17 and 27 LGAs for Yobe and Borno, respectively.

Along the line, some forces opposed to the inclusion of Biu emerged. The first one was the supposed friction between the Emirs of Biu and Fika regarding the order of protocol. A smokescreen, however, because the real reason was that Fika Emirate was promised the State capital (precisely Potiskum), but that was if Biu wasn’t part of the equation. The other reason was that Biu and Borno Emirates had a historical tie that made the duo almost conjoined. This was also untenable in that Ngazargamo that served as the capital of the old Kanem-Borno was severed into Yobe State. In the end, Biu remains part of Borno.

This development polarised the citizens of Biu Emirate into two. The Elders were not so favourably disposed towards leaving Borno, while the larger youth groups were at home with Yobe.

The advantages they averred included the possibility of playing more dominant political and economic roles in the new state, given the fact that Biu used to hold and still holds the Deputy Governor portfolio in Borno. The emirates (Fika and Biu) equally serve as the manpower base of the region . State politics could turn out to be like Adamawa, where all ethnic groups and/or stripes of faith can become the number one citizen of the state. The Emir of Biu would naturally be the most senior, in addition.

Based on the foregoing, Biu made a case for inclusion or, better still, a re-inclusion into Yobe. A move that was resisted vehemently by certain quarters under the umbrella of BEDA. Others who lent their voices included the Birma, Galadima Stanley Balami, PC Ali Biu, and Alhaji Ibrahim Damchida, all of blessed memory.

The Biu citizens who were pushing for the readjustment initially got the support of His Royal Highness, the Revered Mai Umar, who gracefully endorsed the demand document titled, “A Call For the Adjustment of Biu Emirate into Yobe State.” Or rather agreed for the document to be endorsed on his behalf, which was done. However, under pressure from all corners, His Royal Highness had to reconsider his support, as the Emirate found itself in a difficult situation. It was this development and regardless of the push back that the Biu Forum was formed as an alternative platform to still pursue the inclusion of Biu and Shani into Yobe State.

A petition to the government, was subsequently produced and forwarded. And to get a wider publicity and forestall suppression the Forum’s document was sent to the press . The rested influencial national newspaper, the Sunday Concord of 6th October 1991 carried the entire document. Yours faithfully picked the bill.

One of the the committed and highly articulate members of the Forum at the time, Alh. Muhammed Shehu Birma had his relationship with his principal, the Hon. Minister, Bunu Sheriff strained because of his role and support. Alh. Birma was one of the Special Assistants to the Minister who worked tirelessly to obtain the concurrence of major stakeholders to buy into the Forum’s activities.

When the misunderstanding so created on account of the state creation seemed unabating, formal meetings were called by the late elder statesman Alh. Damcida at his Probyn road, Ikoyi, home to sort things out. The “family” gathering enjoyed the presence of late Dr.Saidu Muhammad, PC Ali Biu, A.G.Abubakar, Muhammad S.Birma, Amb. Saidu Pindar, Alhaji Madu Biu, Shettima Saleh, with apologies from Dr.Bukar Usman.

One of the resolutions that came out of the series of dialogues was an undertaking by Mallam to seek an audience with General Abacha for possible reconsideration of the petition. The outcome was the creation of Hawul and Kwaya Kusar LGAs, while Biu as a whole stayed in Borno State.

As time went on, moves got started to merge the activities of the Forum to those of the senior Biu Development Association, BDA. The BDA is now BEDA (Biu Emirate Development Association). The move never materialised and the activities of both slowed down. It took the efforts of patriots like Engineer Ibrahim Usman, Dan Masani Muhammad Ibrahim, Adamu Abdullahi, Amb. Saidu, Ibrahim M.Kwajaffah, Muhammad Buba, Mai Musti, Bukar Umar and a host of others to revive the Forum and keep it going.

So for all intents and purposes the Biu Forum was not a Biu Local Government outfit. It was initiated to protect and promote the interest of Biu and Shani Emirates. And indeed every Aburwa on the planet. How it became a Forum exclusively for Biu Local Government Area was maybe a later development to give the Forum a sharper focus. And maybe to ensure a seamless coexistence with the senior BEDA.This has been a short story of the now, 33-year old (1991 to –) initiative.

A.G.Abubakar agbarewa@gmail.com

THE BIU FORUM: FEW THINGS TO KNOW

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Nigeria: Why the youths must say “NO” to protest. 

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Say "NO" to Protest

Nigeria: Why the youths must say “NO” to protest. 

By: Dr. James Bwala

History should teach us lessons. And we have so many examples that are part of the history of some countries around us. Protests as being engineered and called for are never in the interest of the young Nigerian; rather, they are a way to further suppress and darken the future of young ones, and therefore, I see this as another evil rising on Nigeria, which I hope the youths will see as reasons not to be tempted to join those who do not mean well for them and for Nigeria. Those who want to cash in on the protest to their advantage are pushing their own evil interests to deny the young Nigerian his or her own hope for the future. 

I followed many calls on Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram and listened to many voices calling on the Nigerian youths to join them on the days to demonstrate and show their displeasure to the government over hunger in the land. They claimed it was about a policy, and I did not really understand the truth about such claims. Some pointed to the issue of insecurity that people cannot go to their farms and blamed the present administration led by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Senator Kashim Shettima, and on this too, they are not speculating on facts that are leading them to want to express anger through protest. 

I could not understand why all the things they are pointing to have been on their doorsteps for over 10 years and they would not protest until now. Does it mean that their eyes are now open to the situation we all found ourselves in? I have lived in northeastern Nigeria, and I have seen situations created by insecurity where children, young men, and adults hold each other’s hands and cry out for help to have a drop of grain and for one cut of a handful of mold grain flour to go through their mouths and down their throats for the day, but they could not have the assurance of such a meal. No one came to the rescue; no one called for a protest, and the people built their resilience until the heavens brought succor. 

READ ALSO:https://newsng.ng/the-plight-of-farida/

The situation in which certain individuals are coming to tell young Nigerians to protest or to demonstrate against the administration requires a deeper look into their motives. It may not be about hunger in the land afterwards, for we have endured many hungers and we did not protest, so why now? Politics is still in the play, and a few individuals—I mean, very few individuals—who are not happy with the Tinubu and Shettima administration are orchestrating the wind horses. Some young Nigerians may think otherwise, but believe me, there are many more evils behind the call for protest than what you are hearing on social media, and these are about destroying a whole lot of what you have hoped for. 

I will suggest that no Nigerian youth should join or listen to calls from those who have sent their children abroad for you to continue to be their foot soldiers, and in the end, they achieve something and you achieve nothing. Take a look at the protests or demonstrations in the past. Not outside Nigeria, but within. Some of you have participated, and you are still on the street after that protest. Your peace and happiness have been taken. Those you fought for—have they come to salvage your situation? Unless you want to remain perpetually a fool on the street with very little to gain and no knowledge of what you are bargaining, then you may choose to go with the evil callers; otherwise, say ‘NO’ to protest as it is not actually in your interest. 

This administration, which you are being instigated to demonstrate against, has won many battles in the last year. The latest in the Hope initiative are the achievements of the court ruling on local government autonomy. This government has achieved free imports for drugs and rice and brought peace through the establishment of the livestock ministry. These are a few achievements from the last six months. We have waited for eight years in hope through the Buhari administration, and no one has seen positive changes, but we waited. Herein, with the Tinubu and Shettima administrations, we are seeing the moves and the results. Can we not hold on to this renewed hope since we are seeing the changes coming? 

Nigerian youths, let no one deceive us into doing their bid. They have places to go; we only have Nigeria, which is all we have. When they moved out, we remained here. They cannot come from Europe and America to ask us to set our houses on fire while they go back to their second homes and leave us in the shackles that we used our own hands to perpetuate their desires against us for their selfish and evil interests. No, we must not come to the level they want us to reach. We must rise with renewed hope and join this administration to build a Nigeria where peace and justice reign, just as we pledged to build in our re-engineering calls for a better tomorrow. 

Dr. James BWALA, PhD, writes from Abuja.

Nigeria: Why the youths must say “NO” to protest. 

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