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Transforming education sector in Borno State – The Zulum example
Transforming education sector in Borno State – The Zulum example
By Chidi Omeje
Recently, the administration of Governor Babagana Zulum of Borno State came under a media campaign of calumny aimed to smear his good image and distract his resolve to reinvigorate the lame-duck education sector he inherited in the state.
Through misinformation, mischief makers are spreading spurious allegations that some teachers in the state are being paid N7,000 monthly salaries in spite of the economic crunch in the country.
The architects of this and other fake news are careless to investigate and verify such claims before waxing their axes so as to avoid misleading the people on the remarkable feats achieved in the education sector in the last five years of Zulum’s stewardship of Borno state.
After a two-week intensive investigation, the Citizens’ Initiative for Security Awareness (CISA), an Abuja-based non-governmental organization, has exposed the underlying motives of those destabilizing the system. The research revealed that certain policies implemented by the Borno State Governor aimed at overhauling the troubled education sector have been obstructed by individuals who have benefited from the ongoing disarray for many years.
A group of CISA fact checkers deployed to Borno for the independent investigation, discovered that allegation is misleading. The fact remains that, based on Gov Zulum’s intervention, the majority of teachers who have been verified, retrained and newly recruited are now placed on minimum wage of N30,000 or more.
Sadly, this campaign is targeted at an astute academic and seasoned public administrator who exhibited great passion and concern for teachers’ welfare as well as demonstrated high political acumen to demystify the teaching profession to enable them to perform maximally towards meeting the educational needs of the modern society.
Arguably, the problem bedeviling the education sector ranging from teacher recruitment, retention, remuneration and decayed infrastructure pre-dated the Zulum administration owing to the political negligence, and flagrant abuse of national policy which allowed Local Education Authorities (LEAs), to fill employment gaps without recourse to best practices resulting to quantum of unqualified teachers and ghost workers in the state.
CISA has also found out that Education stands as a key pillar in the Borno State’s 25 -Year Development Plan; the 10 -Year Strategic Transformation Initiative, and the Infrastructure Development Master Plan, to which governor Zulum believes that a sound educational system driven by an adequately-paid and a highly-motivated staff, is necessary to drive the Borno Restoration Project (BRP).
To reposition the education sector and achieve the administration’s goals of sustainable social and economic development of the state, Zulum initiated viable reform programmes and restructure public institutions to herald Borno as one of the best educationally advance state in Nigeria.
In 2020, governor Zulum ordered the Ministry of Education to clean-up the mess of local education authorities.The ministry through its verification exercise and discovered that 15,823 out of the 18,451 teachers presented for verification are fit to teach, and 2,628 others were unqualified based of the requirements inline with national and global best practices.
Zulum established a Review Committee to appraise cases of candidates who did not appear in the previous verification exercise. The committee reaffirmed the findings of the earlier committee, and recommended 144 candidates to be relocated into the payroll based on merit.
Succinctly, the results of the competency test conducted by the Lawan Wakilbe committee revealed that 5,257 teachers passed, while 6,227 were found trainable and 4,339 failed. Therefore, the governor out of compassion decided not to throw to the bins those who failed the test, and directed that they should be placed on a monthly stipend pending their transfer to other sectors.
On new recruitment, the Wakilbe committee also recommended engagement of 3,000 out of the 19,313 candidates who applied as teachers, on N30,000 minimum wage.
To enhance teacher development, the Zulum administration in collaboration with the National Teachers Institute (NTI), implemented the Emergency Teachers Upgrade Programme (ETUP), to scale up the competence and pedagogy of trainable teachers for 3,524 candidates. At the end of the exercise, some 2,396 teachers passed, and 1,468 had been recommended for immediate engagement and retention on the minimum wage.
Furthermore; the Zulum administration successfully restructured the Teaching Service Board (TSB); the State Universal Basic Education Board (SUBEB), established the Senior Secondary Education Board (SSEB) and Arabic and Sangaya Education Board, all in a bid to repositioned the education sector on a solid pedestal.
In the same vein, Zulum has recently approved and released the sum of N1 billion for the training of 1,949 teachers found trainable following the competency test which revealed that out of the 15,823 teachers who sat for the test, only 5,257 passed; 6,227 performed below the required pass mark, but were considered trainable; while 4,339 others were found to be untrainable
In this regards, the governor approved the training of 1,949 teachers under the first phase of the programme at the College of Education, Waka Biu; Umar Ibn Ibrahim Elkanemi College of Education, Science and Technology, Bama, while 2,730 others were billed to benefit under the second phase of the exercise.
The state government also organised a three-month sandwich programme for 1,884 beneficiaries, while 846 others who do not have tertiary qualification will undergo a full-time NCE programme, to build their capacities towards enhancing the standard of education.
This is in addition to the N1.3 billion scholarship for 997 nursing and midwifery students as well as N201 million bursary awards to over 2,000 indigent students of higher institutions of learning across the country.
Apart from viable teacher development and welfare programmes, CISA has also found out, with evidential facts, that Zulum has spent millions of naira in the execution of school infrastructure, construction of classrooms, establishment of new mega schools, provision of furniture and instructional materials to basic and post basic schools all geared towards enhancing delivery of free quality education for all.
Governor Zulum’s strong commitment to educational advancement has led to the enhancement of all state-owned tertiary institutions to meet world-class standards. This was made possible through the provision of infrastructure, state-of-the-art equipment, teacher development programs, scholarships, and bursaries for both educators and students, all aimed at fostering academic excellence. Additionally, thanks to Zulum’s efforts, the Borno State University (BOSU) successfully obtained accreditation for its programs from the National Universities Commission (NUC).
To attest to these feats, the Nigerian Union of Teachers (NUT), Borno State chapter commended the efforts of governor Zulum in transforming the education sector.
The NUT Chairman, Comrade Zali Audu Garba said: “Your Excellency, it is my candid belief that the education sector is undergoing a tremendous transformation, ranging from human and infrastructural development”.
Our team of investigators also interviewed Comrade Bulama Abiso, a former NLC chairman, who provided insight into the education sector crisis, particularly concerning primary school teachers who fall under the authority of the local government council. He explained that the Governor, like his predecessors, inherited a longstanding issue that dates back many years.
He attributed the problems to the local government education secretaries who neglected their responsibilities when they should have been upholding them. According to him, these secretaries engaged in unethical practices such as appointing the children of deceased senior staff members to positions within the Local Education Authorities (LEAs) illegally. These individuals, hired as staff, received a fraction of their late parent’s salary.
For instance, if a senior head teacher previously earned N100,000, four individuals would be employed as junior staff to divide the salary among them. This resulted in the enrollment of numerous unqualified individuals as teachers, compromising the quality of education provided.
Interestingly; in recognition of Zulum’s commitment and giant strides in education development, the governor has been invited to deliver a speech at the 2024 Edition UN Dialogue on Education Transformation in Africa Series (ADS 2024), held at the United Nations headquarters in New York, from May 6 to 24.
According to a publication by the UN on its website, the programme titled: “Africa Month” is to mobilise actions by leveraging science, technology and innovation to transform education in Africa. Governor Zulum, H.E. Mr. Dennis Francis, President of the 78th Session of the UN General Assembly, Ms. Cristina Duarte, UN Under-Secretary-General and UN Special Adviser on Africa, and many other stakeholders will be attending the dialogue.
This year’s dialogue series has the theme: “Education through Science, Technology and Innovation toward the Africa We Want.” It will focus on obtaining a concerted Africa-centred policy shift needed to fast-track the transformation of the educational landscape on the continent.
These invitations serve as a testament to Zulum’s significant contributions to educational development in both the state and Nigeria as a whole. This underscores the importance for well-meaning citizens of Borno State to come together in support of the administration’s efforts to realize its objectives of establishing a new, peaceful, and prosperous state.
_Chidi is the National Coordinator of CISA, and he writes from Abuja.
Transforming education sector in Borno State – The Zulum example
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Troops repel bandits’ attack in AgatuBenue
Troops repel bandits’ attack in Agatu
Benue
By Zagazola Makama
Troops of the Nigerian Army, in collaboration with the police, repelled an attack by suspected armed bandits on a joint patrol team in Agatu Local Government Area of Benue State.
Security sources said the incident occurred at about 9:00 a.m. on April 4, when the troops on routine patrol encountered the armed bandits.
According to the sources, the bandits opened fire on sighting the troops, leading to a gun duel.
“The troops responded decisively, forcing the bandits to retreat after a brief exchange of fire,” the source said.
The attackers reportedly fled through a nearby river, taking advantage of the difficult terrain.
The sources confirmed that no casualty was recorded among the troops during the encounter.
Following the incident, troops have intensified patrols and commenced combing operations in surrounding bushes to track down the fleeing suspects.
The operation is part of ongoing efforts by the military to curb banditry and sustain peace in the area.
Troops repel bandits’ attack in Agatu
Benue
News
Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive
Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive
By Zagazola Makama
Additional details have emerged on the identities of notorious bandit leaders eliminated during the recent military offensive in Tsafe Local Government Area of Zamfara State, where the son of feared kingpin Ado Allero and scores of fighters were neutralised.
At the heart of the operation was the elimination of Kachalla Iliya Sarki, the son of Ado Allero, alongside more than 65 fighters and several high-ranking commanders who had long orchestrated attacks, kidnappings, and cattle rustling across Zamfara and neighbouring states.

For years, the forests of Tsafe, Shinkafi, and Zurmi have served as operational bases for heavily armed groups, with Allero’s network emerging as one of the most feared. The death of his son, widely regarded as a rising figure within the hierarchy, is not just a tactical success, it is a symbolic strike at the core of the group’s command structure.
Security sources confirmed that the offensive, which targeted multiple camps in Munhaye and surrounding forest enclaves, led to the elimination of several key commanders.

Among them was Kachalla Biyabiki, a notorious kidnapping kingpin linked to numerous abductions in the western Tsafe axis. Intelligence indicated he had at least 10 victims in captivity at the time of his death, with ransom negotiations ongoing.
Also killed was Kachalla Dogon Bete, a feared field commander known for leading violent raids on rural communities and coordinating cattle rustling operations.
Other commanders neutralised include Kachalla Dan Bakolo, believed to be responsible for arms supply and logistics; Kachalla Na’Isa, a sub-commander involved in enforcement operations; Kachalla Yellow, linked to reprisal attacks; and Kachalla Mudi, associated with kidnapping activities along rural transit routes.

Together, these figures formed a critical part of the operational backbone of banditry in the Tsafe–Shinkafi corridor.
“These individuals were key actors within the network. Their neutralisation has disrupted command and control structures in the area,” a security source said.
The offensive, which targeted multiple camps in Munhaye and surrounding forest enclaves, also resulted in the destruction of hideouts and recovery of weapons and other logistics.
However, security experts warn that the killing of such high-profile figures—particularly the son of Ado Allero—may provoke retaliatory attacks by fleeing elements seeking revenge.
Troops have consequently intensified clearance operations, aerial surveillance, and aggressive patrols across Tsafe, Shinkafi, and adjoining areas to prevent regrouping and forestall possible reprisals.
Efforts are ongoing to track down remaining loyalists and dismantle residual cells operating within the wider Zamfara-Katsina forest corridor.
In Zamfara’s forests, where power shifts quickly and alliances are fluid, today’s victory can only be secured by tomorrow’s vigilance.
Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive
News
Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed
Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed
By Zagazola Makama
In Plateau State, the sound of gunfire is no longer shocking. It is expected. What follows each incident has also become predictable outrage, media attention, blames and accusations, as well as a rush to frame the tragedy within familiar narratives.
The latest reports of miners lynched by unknown gunmen have once again drawn national and international attention. Youth leaders, clerics, and advocacy groups are already describing the incident in sweeping terms, some branding it as genocide.
But beneath the headlines lies a more complicated and more troubling reality. Plateau is not witnessing isolated acts of violence. It is caught in a deeply entrenched cycle of reprisals, where attacks and counter-attacks have become the norm, and where truth is often buried beneath sentiment and selective narratives.
In the early hours of April 3, troops responded to a distress call from Sabongida village in Jos South Local Government Area. What they found was grim: the lifeless, beheaded body of a 30-year-old herder, identified as Shafiyu, lying in the bush. Security sources indicated that the killing was allegedly carried out by suspected Berom youths. Before the shock of that incident could settle, retaliation came swiftly.
Later that same day, armed men attacked an illegal mining site in Gyel village, Riyom Local Government Area. Three miners, including Samuel Davou, were killed in cold blood, while others fled for safety as troops moved in to secure the area. What might appear as separate incidents are, in reality, part of a continuous chain of violence, one feeding directly into the other.
Across Plateau, recent events reveal a troubling pattern that has defined the conflict for years.
On March 25, the body of Abdullahi Mohammed , a Fulani boy, was discovered in a shallow grave in Mangu Local Government Area, raising suspicions of targeted killing. On the same day in Riyom, irrigation farms belonging to several farmers were destroyed, by Fulani herdsmen, an act capable of provoking immediate retaliation.
Three days later, on March 28, gunmen assassinated Alhaji Bilyaminu Julde, a prominent Fulani community leader and Ardo of Gindiri, in Barkin Ladi. The attack, carried out at his residence, sent ignited tensions through the Fulani community and set off alarm bells across the state.
That same day, another flashpoint emerged in Riyom, where stray cattle destroyed farmlands in Tahoss village an incident that further strained relations between farmers and herders.
By April 2, violence had escalated again. In Bokkos Local Government Area, troops foiled an attack by suspected armed herders following a clash with vigilantes over grazing disputes. One vigilante sustained gunshot injuries.
Then came April 3, a day that encapsulated the crisis. Aside from the killing of the herder in Sabongida and the retaliatory attack on miners in Gyel, more killing were reported in Jos South.
On the same day, troops in Barkin Ladi recovered suspected rustled cattle reportedly taken by the Birom armed militia, while in Riyom, another Fulani youth was allegedly killed in an isolated attack. Each of these incidents is not just an entry in a security log. They are links in a chain, each one strengthening the justification for the next.
The Plateau conflict has increasingly been framed through singular lenses, often ethnic or religious. While these dimensions exist, they do not fully capture the complexity of what is happening on the ground. What emerges from security reports and field accounts is a cycle of reciprocal violence involving armed elements across communities. Fulani herders have been attacked and killed. Berom farmers and miners have also been targeted in deadly reprisals.
Yet, public discourse often pointing fongers only one side of the suffering.
This selective framing creates a dangerous distortion. It fuels anger, deepens divisions, and makes reconciliation even more difficult. More importantly, it prevents a clear understanding of the crisis one that is essential for any meaningful solution.
As observed by Simon Kolawole, the conflict has become a cycle of “attacks and counter-attacks, reprisals and counter-reprisals.”
In such an environment, violence becomes normalized. Communities begin to see retaliation not as a crime, but as justice.
Without accountability, peace remains elusive,”he said in his latest article, titled The Killing fields in plateau State.
In Plateau State, the search for peace has become a long, uncertain journey with no immediate destination in sight. Despite sustained military deployments and repeated calls for calm, deadly attacks continue to rage across communities, reinforcing a grim reality: this is a conflict deeply rooted in cycles of violence, mistrust, and silence.
For many residents, the first instinct after every attack is to look toward the government, Security forces and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Questions are asked why were the troops not there? Why was the intelligence not acted upon? Why are communities left exposed?
These concerns are valid. The primary responsibility of any government is the protection of lives and property. Yet, beneath these criticisms lies a difficult truth that is often left unspoken. In many cases, the same communities that demand protection are unwilling to confront the problem from within.
Across flashpoints in Riyom, Barkin Ladi, Bokkos, and Mangu, patterns have consistent which suggest that perpetrators of violence are not faceless outsiders operating in isolation. They are often known by name, by face, by affiliation. But they are rarely exposed. Instead, a culture of silence prevails. Fear, loyalty, and sometimes complicity prevent communities from identifying or handing over those responsible for attacks.
This silence creates a protective shield around perpetrators, allowing them to strike repeatedly without consequences. The result is a dangerous cycle: attacks occur, blame is assigned externally, and the real actors remain embedded within the communities.
There have been instances where youth leaders publicly blamed Fulani groups for atrocities even in cases where the victims themselves were Fulani. Such claims stretch logic and risk undermining credibility. The argument that a group would attack itself, rustle or poison its own livestock, and transport it into rival territory solely to assign blame raises fundamental questions.
While misinformation is a powerful tool in conflict, it cannot fully explain away patterns that are repeatedly documented by security agencies. These narratives, rather than promoting justice, deepen mistrust and inflame passions, making reconciliation more difficult.
This cycle has blurred the lines between victim and aggressor. Communities that mourn their dead today may be accused of launching attacks tomorrow. In such an environment, truth becomes contested, and justice becomes subjective. A herder is killed, reprisal follows.
Miners are attacked, revenge is planned.
Cattle are rustled, retaliation is inevitable. Each incident becomes both consequence and justification.
Intelligence gathering, the backbone of effective security operations depends heavily on local input. When communities withhold information, protect suspects, or distort facts, security agencies are left to operate in the dark.
This creates gaps that perpetrators exploit.
Blaming the government alone, without acknowledging this dynamic, presents an incomplete picture of the crisis.
Security forces have remained active, responding to distress calls, conducting patrols, and attempting to stabilize volatile areas. Yet, their presence has not been enough to stop the killings. The reality is that no amount of military deployment can fully secure a population that is unwilling to cooperate.
One of the most dangerous drivers of the conflict is impunity. For decades, perpetrators of violence in Plateau have rarely been brought to justice. Killings are recorded, condemned, and eventually forgotten until the next incident occurs.
Community, religious and youths leaders, who should serve as stabilizing forces, are increasingly unable to control armed youth groups. Such interventions are rare and often overshadowed by more powerful forces of anger and revenge. In many cases the leaders are the once directly fueling the crises and encouraging the youths to take up arms to carry out reprisals attacks.
The nature of the Plateau conflict makes it resistant to purely military solutions. This is not a conventional war with clear battle lines. It is a fragmented conflict driven by local grievances, economic competition, and historical mistrust.
Calls for heavy-handed interventions, including suggestions of foreign military involvement, fail to recognize this reality. Force alone cannot resolve a conflict that is rooted in social and communal dynamics.
If Plateau is to break free from this cycle, the first step must be honesty. The violence must be acknowledged for what it is a series of interconnected attacks involving multiple actors, not a one-sided campaign. Only then can meaningful solutions emerge.
This is not just a story of victims and aggressors. It is a story of a society caught in a loop of vengeance, where yesterday’s victim can become today’s perpetrator. Until the truth is confronted in its entirety without bias, without omission peace will remain elusive.
The government must move beyond reactive security measures and take decisive steps to address the root causes of the conflict. This includes ensuring accountability, strengthening intelligence capabilities, and facilitating genuine dialogue among communities.Equally important is the role of local leaders. They must rise above partisan interests and work actively to restrain their followers, promote peace, and reject all forms of violence regardless of who commits them.
Zagazola Makama is a Counter Insurgency Expert and Security Analyst in the Lake Chad Region
Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed
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