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VP SHETTIMA AND THE WINGLESS KITE OF SUBSTITUTION: THE KWANKWASO ANGLE.

VP SHETTIMA AND THE WINGLESS KITE OF SUBSTITUTION: THE KWANKWASO ANGLE.
By Inuwa Bwala
They want to make it look like a game, much larger than the topic being discussed, and the intrigues are also quite familiar.
They want to make it look as if it is more the issue of a particular region, trying to force itself back into reckoning, having effectively lost out in the political chess game in Nigeria.
But it is a ploy to sway public attention and to divert the government from pursuing its lofty programmes.
A similar narrative played out when the El-Rufais and the Gandujes were in power reckoning in the race to 2023 when they tried to pitch the North East against the North West. It woefully failed that time, but they seem not to have learnt their lessons.
Unfortunately, it is an agenda flying on a wingless kite and an in a coach less locomotive. The North East and North West have historically been allies in Nigeria’s power equation. Trying to change the narrative to please a few will always fail.
They are few, but very rich and powerful. It is the case of a few people desperately in search of a political oracle amongst them, around whom the political fortunes of a whole region will now oscillate.
I could not therefore help smiling to myself, as I watched the recorded encounter between my brother Daniel Bwala and one TV presenter Gimba Umar: discussing a presumed 2027 Vice Presidential race, between the Vice President Kashim Shettima and former Kano State Governor, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso.
The presumptions that there is going to be a change of a running mate to President, Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2027, is in itself funny to those who knew the existing bond between Tinubu and Shettima, as well as those who were familiar with the circumstances surrounding the emergence of Kashim Shettima, as the Vice President, in the first place.
I smiled because I am familiar with the narrative in this agenda setting game, which the presenter is trying to push.
But I smiled because, as usual, Daniel Bwala, also saw through the plot and presented lucid arguments, often leaving the interviewer scavenging for counter naratives, which turned out to sound rather politically infantile and naive to a discerning mind.
As a journalist, I know the anchor must have realised he made the wrong choice in inviting Daniel to kick-start that rather unpopular narrative.
From all indications, those writing the script of a change in the Vice President in 2027 are both uncharitable to President Tinubu and calous in featuring Rabiu Kwankwaso as the protagonist of that, absurd theatre.
Be that as it may, I wish to briefly discuss a few posers, which could serve as a clue as to why that topic should not be given the garb of an issue, but confined to the dustbin, where it rightfully belongs.
Firstly, one needs to ask whether there is a break in the relationship between the president and the vice president. If there is none, then one needs to ask where Vice President Kashim Shettima may have faltered in the discharge of his duties to warrant the need for a change.
Again, given the tight political fusion between the President and the Vice President, what makes anybody think that, Rabiu Kwankwaso or any of his ilks in the Northwest could make a better trusted ally to the President more than Kashim Shettima?
With the outcome of the 2023 elections, which clearly rubbished earlier hypotheses of political and regional influence futile, what makes anybody think that President Tinubu will want to revisit the futile permutations of the old?
Against the background of Vice President Kashim Shettima’s excellent outing as Vice President, coupled with his growing political sagacity, is Rabiu Kwankwaso a competent rival, even in a contest of public court?
Unless Kwankwaso, like the stubborn fly, forgets to let go of the coffin, which is being lowered, he risks being buried with this unpopular political thesis.
But more importantly, with less than one year into the life of an administration, who knows who will be well and alive to think of a challenge in a presumptions race in 2027, when the ultimate judgement rests with the almighty.
I will deliberately skip exposing the unseen hands in pushing for that narrative, but not without cautioning, that we are familiar with the trenches, where they are firing.
Inuwa Bwala was two times Commissioner for Home Affairs, Information and Culture in Borno State.
VP SHETTIMA AND THE WINGLESS KITE OF SUBSTITUTION: THE KWANKWASO ANGLE.
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Borno State Government Launches Massive Ramadan Iftar Program, Reaching 46,000 Daily

Borno State Government Launches Massive Ramadan Iftar Program, Reaching 46,000 Daily
By: Our Reporter
The Borno State Government has demonstrated its unwavering commitment to the welfare of its citizens during Ramadan by launching a comprehensive Iftar program, providing daily meals to 46,000 less privileged individuals across Maiduguri and surrounding areas.
Governor Babagana Umara Zulum’s initiative, officially launched on Wednesday, March 12, 2025, at the Ministry of Religious Affairs in Maiduguri, establishes 230 feeding centres, ensuring vital support for vulnerable communities throughout the holy month.

“This program reflects Governor Zulum’s deep compassion and dedication to alleviating hardship during Ramadan,” stated Alhaji Hassan Abdallah Hassan, Ministerial Secretary of the Ministry of Religious Affairs, and also permanent secretary designate during the launch ceremony.
“It is our honour to facilitate this initiative, which will provide sustenance and support to 46,000 individuals daily.”

The program strategically covers 22 wards in the Maiduguri Metropolitan Council (MMC), Jere, and parts of the Mafa Local Government Area, leveraging the expertise of 110 Bulamas to oversee community distribution.
Dedicated staff from the Ministry will ensure the smooth operation of the feeding centres, overseeing food preparation and distribution.
Alhaji Mohammed Lawan Abubakar, Permanent Secretary of the Ministry, representing the Honourable Commissioner ministry of religious affairs Alhaji Babagana Malarima, emphasised Governor Zulum’s leadership and commitment to the people of Borno State.
“Governor Zulum’s continuous efforts to support his people are truly commendable,” he said.
“This Ramadan Iftar program is a testament to his dedication to providing vital assistance to those in need. He is a performing governor in the history of the state.”
The government’s proactive approach underscores its commitment to fostering a sense of community and solidarity during Ramadan.

He also urged all involved in the program to work diligently to ensure its success and maximise its impact.
The launch event, attended by key ministry officials, including Director of Finance Ali Umar (Arrow) and Director of Religious Affairs Umar Ali, concluded with the distribution of food materials to community representatives, marking the official commencement of the program.
Borno State Government Launches Massive Ramadan Iftar Program, Reaching 46,000 Daily
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The Origin and Expansion of the Lakurawa Militia in Niger and Northern Nigeria

The Origin and Expansion of the Lakurawa Militia in Niger and Northern Nigeria
By: Our Reporter
The term Lakurawa originates from the Hausa word lakurawa, meaning “recruits.” It refers to young men undergoing military training for national service. The term itself challenges the theory that the group originated in an English-speaking country like Nigeria, as it is rooted in a French linguistic influence. The name also implies that these individuals were not just hastily trained militia members but had received structured training in formal state institutions.
The Lakurawa militia was formed in 1997 under the presidency of Ibrahim Baré Maïnassara in Niger. Its primary objective was to provide protection for pastoralist communities suffering from rampant cattle rustling, particularly in western Niger. At the time, armed bandits from Mali frequently crossed into Niger to raid livestock, leaving local herders vulnerable. Given the inability of the national army to provide security in remote areas, the government saw the need to create an auxiliary force.
To effectively combat the well-armed raiders, the Lakurawa militia underwent military training and received weapons to match their adversaries. The first training camp was established in Ekrafane, approximately 10 km from an official military detachment. The militia recruits quickly became known as Lakurawa.
Under Baré’s leadership, the Lakurawa successfully carried out several counteroffensives against the armed bandits. Their operations were so effective that the Malian raiders stopped crossing into Niger altogether. Those who did were relentlessly pursued and had their stolen livestock recovered. Encouraged by their success, President Baré expanded the militia program, establishing at least three additional Lakurawa training camps between Ekrafane and Banibangou.
Integration and Dismantling of the Lakurawa
Following Baré’s assassination in 1999, the Lakurawa faced an uncertain future. When Mamadou Tandja assumed power, he sought to integrate the Lakurawa into Niger’s National Guard. However, political disputes within his administration stalled the process. The then-Prime Minister, Hama Amadou, and the Minister of the Interior, Albadé Abouba, both members of the ruling party, disagreed on the fate of the militia.
Albadé reportedly ordered the disarmament and disbandment of the Lakurawa, despite opposition from Hama Amadou. Later, with the appointment of Mounkaila Modi as Minister of the Interior, Hama managed to halt the disarmament process. Instead, he established a second militia composed of recruits from Ouallam, using public funds.
The Lakurawa’s existence is well-known among military officers who served under both President Baré and Tandja. Many current members of Niger’s ruling junta, the CNSP (Conseil National pour la Sauvegarde de la Patrie), were involved in these militias between 1997 and 2012. Today, however, these officials remain silent, allowing the junta leader, General Abdourahamane Tiani, to shift blame while ignoring the militia’s long-standing impact.
The failure to properly integrate the Lakurawa into the national security structure had severe consequences. Many demobilized militia members disappeared with their weapons, forming independent armed groups. Some of these former Lakurawa later resurfaced in a more dangerous form.
From Government Militia to Jihadist Fighters
After the fall of Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi in 2011 and the subsequent rise of insecurity in the Sahel, some Lakurawa fighters found a new purpose. In 2012, several of them joined the Movement for Oneness and Jihad in West Africa (MUJAO), a jihadist faction that fought against the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA) in northern Mali. This marked a turning point, as former state-backed militiamen transitioned into extremist insurgents.
Expansion into Northern Nigeria
The Lakurawa’s trajectory changed again after France launched Operation Serval in 2013 to oust jihadist groups from northern Mali. Many MUJAO fighters, including former Lakurawa, were displaced and forced to relocate. Some of them moved further south, crossing into Niger’s border regions and eventually settling in northwestern Nigeria, particularly in Sokoto and Kebbi states.
Initially, these fighters were welcomed by local communities because of their strong stance against banditry and kidnapping. Their reputation as experienced fighters made them popular among rural populations suffering from insecurity. However, over time, their real intentions became clear. Their goal was not merely to fight crime but to establish an Islamic caliphate.
Unlike other militant groups, the Lakurawa avoided publicity. They did not claim responsibility for attacks or release propaganda. Instead, they blended into existing networks of transnational bandits operating across Nigeria and Niger. This strategy of concealment allowed them to expand undetected. However, as their influence grew, the Nigerian government took action.
In December 2024, Nigerian authorities launched a large-scale military offensive against Lakurawa strongholds. A combination of air and ground assaults led to hundreds of casualties among the group.
The Nigerien Junta’s Response
While Nigeria has deployed significant military resources to neutralize the Lakurawa, Niger’s ruling junta has taken a different approach. Instead of acknowledging the threat, General Tiani’s government has focused on political blame games, accusing Nigeria of interference while failing to confront the growing insurgency.
The Lakurawa are now linked to at least five sabotage attacks on Niger’s oil pipeline, as well as multiple incursions into villages in the Dosso and Tahoua regions. Despite these ongoing threats, the Nigerien leadership appears more interested in rhetoric than action, leaving the country increasingly vulnerable to further instability.
Conclusion
The Lakurawa militia’s history is a cautionary tale of how state-sponsored armed groups can evolve beyond their original purpose. Initially formed to protect pastoralists, they later fragmented into independent fighters, some of whom joined jihadist movements. Their expansion into northern Nigeria further complicated regional security, as they established a hidden presence among criminal networks.
Today, while Nigeria is actively working to dismantle the Lakurawa, Niger’s government remains passive, allowing the militia to continue operating freely. If left unchecked, the Lakurawa could further destabilize the entire Sahel and West African region, proving once again that militias created for short-term security solutions can become long-term threats.
The Origin and Expansion of the Lakurawa Militia in Niger and Northern Nigeria
News
Gunmen Kill Man, Abduct Another in Adamawa

Gunmen Kill Man, Abduct Another in Adamawa
By: Zagazola Makama
Gunmen have killed a 53-year-old man and kidnapped another in Jabi Village, near the mountainous area of Tola District in Mayo-Belwa Local Government Area of Adamawa State.
Intelligence sources told Zagazola Makama that the incident occurred around 2:00 a.m. when the attackers stormed the residence of one Salamu Joda and shot him in the lap, inflicting grievous injuries.
They also abducted a 48-year-old man, Yusufa Mijiyawa, and took him to an unknown destination.
Joda was rushed to Cottage Hospital in Mayo-Belwa for treatment but was confirmed dead on arrival. His body has been deposited at the hospital for autopsy.
Following the attack, a joint security task force under Operation Farauta, comprising the Military, police and local hunters, has launched a manhunt for the assailants and is making efforts to rescue the kidnapped victim.
Gunmen Kill Man, Abduct Another in Adamawa
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