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Western Developed Economies Asked to Spend Equally on Warfare and Climate Debt

Published

7 months ago

July 15, 2025

Ochuwa Ibrahim

Western Developed Economies Asked to Spend Equally on Warfare and Climate Debt

By: Michael Mike

Countries in West Africa have been asked to come together to fight for climate justice as separate agitation would yield no result.

The Western developed economies have also been asked to allocate the same resources being spent on warfare on issues around problems climate change.

These are the agreements of environmental crusaders from countries of West Africa during the West Africa Climate Justice Roundtable in Abuja on Tuesday.

Speaking at the Roundtable, the Director of Health of Mother Earth Foundation (HOMEF), Nnimmo Bassey said the rich countries spent $2.7 trillion in warfare in 2024, insisting that the same amount should be spent as climate debt especially to Africa and other developing countries who bear the major brunt of climate change.

That’s how much is spent, a military armament. So to me, climate debt per year can be equated to how much money they’re spending on warfare and destruction.

Bassey, while speaking on “Linking Challenges and Creating Connections: Building a Regional Climate Movement in West Africa,” noted that undoubtedly, climate change represents the most significant challenge facing the West Africa, both in terms of its impact and the urgent necessity for action.

He noted that: “The shifting climate has extensive implications and consequences in every aspect of human existence, spanning nations and climes. The challenges extend beyond the global shifts in weather; they also encompass the ways these changes interact with and impact people’s lives, including their livelihoods, security, and overall wellbeing. In addition to the direct impacts of climate change, the repercussions of inadequate efforts to tackle the issue have frequently led to complications that worsen the challenges faced by individuals, particularly within local communities.”

He lamented that: “West Africa stands as one of the world’s most susceptible areas to the effects of climate change, affecting sectors such as energy, agriculture, health, water and sanitation, security, ecosystem resilience, and migration patterns.”

Bassey noted that: “At present, the increase in temperatures in West Africa surpasses the global average, and this pattern is anticipated to persist in the foreseeable future. The effects of climate change in West Africa will be significant under both the 1.5 degrees and 2.0 degrees Celsius temperature target scenarios being bandied in climate policy circles around the world. West Africa is expected to experience a significant increase in the number of hot days across all these scenarios.”

He decried that: “Regrettably, policy makers in Africa persist in their inability to take action and implement measures that effectively tackle climate change issues. African leaders and policymakers have frequently allowed the continent to serve as a testing ground for unproven and controversial climate change response strategies and misleading solutions, such as the so-called ‘smart agriculture,’ GMOs, REDD+, and carbon markets… blue carbon… solar radiation management & other geoengineering experiments.”

He stated that: “The vast majority of people in West Africa who are impacted by climate change have frequently been overlooked in the policies and responses designed to tackle the crisis,” stressing that:
“The mechanisms for responding to climate change frequently adhere to the same neo-colonial and exploitative frameworks that caused the crisis in the first place.”

He revealed that: “The West Africa Climate Justice Movement recognises that within the West African context, climate justice entails ensuring that those most affected have a say in developing the solutions,” noting that: “For many of these frontline communities, effective solutions entail protecting lands and water bodies from reckless extractivism and pollution, protecting rainforests and mangroves, and stopping mega-projects and industrial agriculture.”

He said: “Simultaneously, there is a need to support and promote transformative economies through agroecology, the establishment of community-owned and controlled energy democracies, food sovereignty, and just transitions.”

He insisted that: “Climate justice efforts in West Africa also focus on holding corporations and historical polluters accountable for their contributions to climate change and demanding that they address the damage they have caused.

Bassey decried that: “Climate change is already causing significant loss and damage in West Africa, including displacement, loss of livelihoods, and damage to infrastructure.”

He noted that the West Africa Climate Justice Movement aims to engage all crucial stakeholders and actors across the region—be they campaigners, policymakers, or frontline communities—to unite in the pursuit of building popular power.

He added that: “The movement focusses on developing strategies, enhancing solidarity across nations, sharing knowledge, and supporting collaborative climate justice initiatives grounded in a mutual understanding of the interconnectedness of the climate crisis and the necessity for unified action.”

Bassey, while noting that West Africa Climate Justice Conference, Abuja, Nigeria
builds on previous engagements with frontline civil society organisations, communities, academics and movement leaders across the region, disclosed that: “Between 2021 and 2024, the movement held meetings, organized collaboratives events and presented a united front at the UNFCCC Conference of Parties.”

He said: “The upcoming conference aims to further develop and share critical climate change impact connections and interpretations across West Africa, strengthen platforms for interactions between communities in the region around different climate change impact and amplify the voices of West African climate actors, communities and organisations in the global climate change conversations.

“One of the key outcomes of the conference will be the adoption of a common West Africa Climate Change resolution as a core demand of the region at COP 30.“
End

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Kogi police neutralize armed robber in Lokoja community

Published

5 hours ago

February 9, 2026

Ochuwa Ibrahim

Kogi police neutralize armed robber in Lokoja community

By: Zagazola Makama

The Kogi State Police Command has neutralized an armed robber during a shootout in Indori Community, Lokoja, the police reported.

Sources said that the incident occurred at about 4:30 a.m. on Feb. 8 when about 20 armed robbers engaged security forces in a dual exchange of fire. One of the robbers, a middle-aged man yet to be identified, was hit in the chest and rushed to the Federal Teaching Hospital, Lokoja, where he was confirmed dead. The corpse was deposited at the hospital mortuary.

Recovered at the scene were a navy blue school bag containing multiple mobile phones, seven power banks, an earpod, a silver wristwatch, a cutlass, two kitchen knives, slippers, a black fez cap, and a black polo. Security operatives also retrieved seven empty AK-47 cartridges, five empty cartridges, and four spent teargas shells.

The police confirmed that photographs of the scene were taken and investigations, intelligence gathering, and surveillance are ongoing to arrest the fleeing perpetrators.

Kogi police neutralize armed robber in Lokoja community

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NIS Dismisses Claims of Regional Exclusion in Passport Issuance

Published

2 days ago

February 7, 2026

Ochuwa Ibrahim

NIS Dismisses Claims of Regional Exclusion in Passport Issuance

By: Michael Mike

The Nigeria Immigration Service (NIS) has debunked reports circulating online alleging that a particular region of the country has been barred from obtaining Nigerian passports, describing the claim as false and misleading.

In a statement issued on Saturday, the Service said the reports wrongly interpreted ongoing reforms aimed at modernising the country’s passport administration system.

According to NIS, no region or group of Nigerians has been excluded from passport issuance.

The Service explained that it is currently implementing a phased onboarding process to migrate passport offices—both within Nigeria and at foreign missions—to a centralised passport production framework.

The statement said the initiative, which commenced in 2024, is intended to improve efficiency, enhance security, and strengthen the integrity of the passport production process.

It added that as part of the reforms, passport offices in several North-East and North-Central states—including Borno, Yobe, Benue, Kogi, Nasarawa, Niger, and Plateau—have already been successfully integrated into the new system. In addition, 35 international passport stations across Africa, Asia, Europe, and South America have been onboarded.

The Service further disclosed that the migration of passport offices in the five South-East states—Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, and Imo—alongside five additional foreign missions in Italy, Greece, Spain, Switzerland, and Austria, is currently underway and scheduled for completion within the first quarter of 2026.

To ensure a smooth transition, NIS said it has put in place a structured work-plan calendar designed to prevent disruptions and maintain service delivery timelines throughout the migration period.

The Service urged members of the public to disregard speculative reports capable of creating unnecessary tension, reiterating its commitment to equitable service delivery, national interest, and operational excellence.

NIS Dismisses Claims of Regional Exclusion in Passport Issuance

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Tinubu’s Diplomatic Offensive, Foreign Trips, and Strategic Gains

Published

4 days ago

February 5, 2026

Ochuwa Ibrahim

Tinubu’s Diplomatic Offensive, Foreign Trips, and Strategic Gains
•A harvest Nigeria cannot ignore

By Jude Obioha

In Nigerian politics, perception often travels faster than facts. Few issues illustrate this better than the chorus of criticism surrounding President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s foreign trips. For months, critics have framed his diplomatic engagements as excessive travel, as political optics over substance. But that narrative is increasingly collapsing under the weight of tangible outcomes. The truth is that Tinubu’s foreign engagements are not leisurely excursions; they are deliberate economic and geopolitical missions, and Nigeria is already harvesting the dividends.

Democracy indeed demands scrutiny, and no president should be immune from public questioning. Yet accountability must be grounded in evidence. After nearly three years in office, the President’s diplomatic drive has begun to reshape Nigeria’s global standing, unlock investments, deepen security cooperation, and reposition the country as a confident actor on the international stage. What critics dismiss as frequent travel is, in reality, a recalibration of Nigeria’s foreign policy, moving from its hitherto passive diplomacy to assertive economic statecraft.

Consider the administration’s approach to global partnerships. Tinubu has revived Nigeria’s relevance as a strategic player across multiple power blocs by working simultaneously with the United States, China, the European Union, Türkiye, Brazil, and the Gulf states, amongst others, without surrendering national autonomy. For decades, Nigeria oscillated between dependence and isolation. Under Tinubu, engagement is now transactional but mutually beneficial and balanced, guided by national interest rather than old master–servant dynamics. The renewed geopolitical confidence is evident in security cooperation, intelligence sharing, and the willingness of global partners to treat Nigeria as a regional anchor in West Africa’s fragile security landscape.

The economic dividends are equally compelling. The President’s visit to China delivered more than ceremonial handshakes; it secured billions in investments aimed at industrialisation and job creation. The $3.3 billion Brass Industrial Park and Methanol Complex alone has the potential to reduce petrochemical imports and strengthen local manufacturing capacity. Agreements with automotive and technology giants are advancing local vehicle assembly, smart city development, and digital infrastructure, which are practical steps toward modernising Nigeria’s urban economy. Added to this are currency cooperation initiatives designed to ease pressure on the naira, making the picture clear: diplomacy is being weaponised for economic stabilisation.

In the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Tinubu’s diplomacy resolved a tense standoff that had grounded flights and restricted visas for Nigerians. The restoration of travel ties was only the beginning. A sweeping economic partnership now offers the UAE duty-free access to thousands of Nigerian products as well as new infrastructure financing and investment frameworks across defence, agriculture, and logistics. The symbolism was powerful: Nigeria negotiated from a position of strength, securing concessions without immediate conditions for debt repayment; an outcome that restored confidence among investors and citizens alike.

Brazil provided another strategic breakthrough. The $1.1 billion Green Imperative Project promises agricultural mechanisation on a scale Nigeria has long struggled to achieve. At the same time, direct Lagos–São Paulo flights under a renewed aviation agreement could unlock billions of dollars in investment. At the same time, by the end of the decade. Meanwhile, partnerships in renewable energy, biotechnology, and local drug manufacturing position Nigeria to reduce import dependence and expand its technological capacity.

Türkiye, often overlooked in public discourse, represents one of the most consequential security partnerships. Agreements covering advanced drone technology, intelligence cooperation, and specialised military training directly strengthen Nigeria’s counter-terrorism operations. Trade relations are also projected to more than double, reflecting a pragmatic blend of defence and economic diplomacy.

Beyond the numbers, Tinubu’s diplomatic posture has demonstrated crisis management. When tensions escalated with the United States over Nigeria’s “Country of Particular Concern” designation, the administration chose dialogue over confrontation. Through structured engagement coordinated by the National Security Adviser (NSA), Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, Nigeria secured deeper defence collaboration and access to much-needed security equipment, as well as training, logistics, and intelligence sharing. It was diplomacy with measurable outcomes.

None of this suggests that criticism should cease. Nigerians are right to demand transparency, cost-efficiency, and clear metrics for every foreign trip. But fairness requires acknowledging results. The administration’s travels have delivered investments, restored diplomatic bridges, opened markets for Nigerian products, and strengthened security alliances at a time when global competition for capital and influence is intense.

The gloves may be off in Nigeria’s political discourse, but facts must remain the referee. Tinubu’s foreign trips are not a distraction from governance; they are a core instrument of his diplomatic, economic and security strategy. In a rapidly shifting global order, a president who stays home risks leaving his country behind. By contrast, Nigeria’s current diplomatic offensive is gradually yielding a bounty, one that could define the nation’s economic and geopolitical trajectory for years to come.

Obioha is the Director of Strategy, Hope Alive Initiative (HAI), a group dedicated to good governance in Nigeria