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Why Borno refused to sack 10,566 unqualified teachers

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Why Borno refused to sack 10,566 unqualified teachers

… Zulum approves N1 billion for teachers’ training

By Abdurrahman Ahmed Bundi

Long before the administration of Governor Babagana Umara Zulum, Borno State was faced with a crisis of teacher recruitment and remuneration.

Some of the issues surrounding primary school education in Borno are complex, including the decision by Governor Zulum to retain those that were confirmed to be unqualified and the concern about their salaries.

Many people are angry and dismayed and have shared sentiments that are now trending on social media about why a state governed by a professor of repute like Gov. Babagana Umara Zulum will have some teachers still receiving paltry sums as salary.

The truth is that these category of teachers should be learners in a classroom and not teachers.

In 2020, the Zulum-led administration had sought to sanitise the state’s primary education system to ensure that quality education is imparted, following the devastation caused by Boko Haram insrgency. He constituted a committee headed by Dr. Shettima Kullima to determine the actual workforce of teachers and their competence to impart quality education. The final report revealed a scary outcome that less than 33% were fit to teach.

According to the 2020 report, a list of 26,450 teachers and non-teaching staff was submitted before the verification committee; among them, 18,451 teachers participated, and 2,628 with fake certificates were identified.

Zulum then constituted another committee in February 2022, headed by the current Commissioner for Education, Engr. Abba Wakilbe, to conduct a competency test on basic literacy and numeracy for the teachers who had been cleared for biometric capture.

The committee’s report confirmed that about 10,566 teachers out of 15,823, representing 66% of all Borno primary school teachers, failed the test and are not qualified to teach.

More so, 6,227 teachers were identified to be trainable, and 4,339 teachers were untrainable.

Upon receiving the report from the Engr. Wakilbe-led committee, Zulum instantly directed that 5,257 who have passed the test and are confirmed to be qualified to teach should be upgraded and start receiving N30,000 as minimum wage. I can confirm that the directive has been fully implemented and they have started enjoying the minimum wage.

The government also decided to retain those that were confirmed to be unqualified, because in a state like Borno that is coming out of the insurgency, sacking this number of people will further compound the rate of unemployment.

If not for his compassion, Zulum had the option to relieve all of them, but decided they should remain on government payroll and that all of them should be posted to work in other sectors within the local government workforce, including involvement in the planting of trees in the Ministry of Environment.

Among them, Governor Zulum directed 1,468 that had undergone Emergency Teacher Upgrade Programme with the National Teachers Institute and are certified to have obtained the minimum teaching qualifications start receiving the minimum wage salary next month.

Furthermore, an additional 3,000 under the trainable category were shortlisted for another training that would allow them to obtain the requisite teaching qualifications.

… Zulum approves N1b for teachers’ training

Resulting from the competency test, Gov. Umara Zulum has also approved that about 6,227 teachers that were certified to be fit for training should be sponsored to obtain the required qualifications and sent back to classrooms. Zulum, had on 19th of March 2024, approved N1b for the training of these teachers.

These feats were widely reported by Nigerian newspapers, including the LEADERSHIP, DAILY INDEPENDENT, THE SUN among other news outlets open for verification by the general public.

Since assuming office in 2019, Zulum has prioritised the enhancement of education in Borno State by putting in place all the necessary infrastructure and improving the workforce deficit.

The governor has, on other occasions, approved the recruitment of over 4,000 teachers, 1,000 for secondary schools and 3,000 for primary schools.

Abdurrahman Ahmed Bundi
Senior Special Assistant on New Media

Why Borno refused to sack 10,566 unqualified teachers

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Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions

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Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions

By: Zagazola Makama

Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye Faye has dismissed Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko and dissolved the country’s government following months of growing political tensions between the two leaders.

The decision was announced late Friday through a presidential decree broadcast on state television.

According to the decree read by a presidential aide, President Faye “ended the duties of Ousmane Sonko and consequently those of the ministers and secretaries of state who are members of the government.”

No immediate replacement for Sonko was announced as of the time of filing this report.

The dismissal followed a parliamentary session earlier in the week during which Sonko openly criticised President Faye, further exposing divisions within the ruling political establishment.

Political observers said relations between the two leaders had deteriorated in recent months over issues relating to party leadership, governance direction and the management of state affairs.

Analysts noted that the development could introduce fresh political uncertainty in Senegal at a time the country is facing mounting economic pressures, including rising public debt and broader fiscal challenges.

The dissolution of the government is expected to trigger consultations within the ruling coalition ahead of the appointment of a new prime minister and cabinet.

Senegal has long been regarded as one of West Africa’s more stable democracies, but recent political tensions have continued to attract regional and international attention.

Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions

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Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle

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Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle

By: Zagazola Makama

The dismissal of Senegalese Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko by President Bassirou Diomaye Faye marks the culmination of a political rupture that many observers had long considered unavoidable.

What once appeared to be one of the strongest political alliances in contemporary Senegalese politics gradually evolved into a tense rivalry shaped less by ideology than by competing ambitions, institutional contradictions and the struggle for control of executive authority.

For months, tensions within the ruling camp had become increasingly visible. Though both men emerged from the same political movement and jointly embodied the rise of the PASTEF coalition against former President Macky Sall, the coexistence between a highly charismatic political mentor and a constitutionally empowered head of state proved difficult to sustain.

The crisis is anchored in a fundamental institutional reality:Senegal’s constitutional system ultimately concentrates executive legitimacy in the presidency.

While the Prime Minister exercises substantial governmental authority, the President remains the central pillar of executive power, deriving legitimacy directly from universal suffrage and serving as the supreme authority of the state.

Sources say that the conflict emerged because Sonko increasingly projected himself not merely as head of government, but as an alternative center of political gravity within the state apparatus.

Public speeches, political positioning and repeated demonstrations of personal influence created the perception that two competing executives were operating simultaneously within the same administration.

In highly presidential systems, such arrangements rarely survive for long.

Political theorists have often observed that leaders who attain supreme office tend to resist the emergence of rival figures whose popularity, influence or visibility may overshadow their own authority. The situation in Senegal increasingly reflected that classic tension between institutional legitimacy and political charisma.

Sonko’s political trajectory has long been built around a populist and confrontational style that resonated strongly with segments of Senegalese youth and anti-establishment voters. His appeal stemmed from a mixture of direct rhetoric, anti-system positioning, nationalist discourse and his ability to embody political resistance during years of confrontation with the former administration.

However, the same qualities that fueled his rise may also have contributed to his political isolation. Sourcds note that charismatic populist figures often struggle to adapt from opposition politics to the discipline and compromise required in governance. A political strategy built around constant confrontation can become difficult to reconcile with the institutional restraints of executive power-sharing.

Over time, Sonko appeared increasingly convinced that he remained the true engine behind the ruling coalition’s legitimacy and electoral success. That perception may have encouraged attempts to expand his political influence beyond the traditional boundaries of the prime ministerial office.

For President Diomaye Faye, allowing such an imbalance to persist carried political risks.

The removal of Sonko ultimately reaffirmed a basic constitutional principle, regardless of personal popularity, a Prime Minister remains subordinate to presidential authority in Senegal’s current institutional framework.

By dismissing his Prime Minister, Diomaye signaled that he intended to fully exercise the powers attached to the presidency rather than govern under the shadow of a more dominant political personality.

The decision may also represent an attempt to consolidate state authority, reassure institutional actors and prevent the emergence of dual centers of power capable of paralysing governance. Yet the move is not without danger.

Sonko still commands significant grassroots support and retains strong influence within sections of PASTEF and among politically mobilized youth constituencies. His removal could deepen divisions inside the ruling coalition and potentially reshape Senegal’s political landscape ahead of future elections.

One of the major questions now facing Senegalese politics is whether PASTEF can survive the split without suffering a major internal fracture. Political history across Africa shows that when alliances forged in opposition reach power, tensions often emerge over authority, succession and control of state institutions.

Some party officials and elected representatives may rally behind the President, who controls the state apparatus and constitutional legitimacy. Others may remain loyal to Sonko due to his personal popularity and historical role in the movement’s rise.

The outcome of that struggle could determine whether Senegal experiences a relatively stable political recomposition or enters a prolonged period of institutional tension.

Another key factor will be public sentiment. During years of opposition politics, confrontation and political mobilisation energized large sections of the electorate. However, governing presents different expectations. Many Senegalese citizens now appear increasingly concerned with economic management, institutional stability, governance reforms and social calm rather than perpetual political conflict.

That shift may strengthen Diomaye’s position if he succeeds in presenting himself as a stabilizing statesman capable of governing above partisan rivalries. At the same time, any perception that Sonko has been politically sidelined or unfairly neutralized could trigger renewed political mobilisation among his supporters.

The crisis illustrates a recurring lesson in political systems across the world. Conquering power together is often easier than sharing it afterward. The Diomaye–Sonko alliance was extraordinarily effective as an opposition force united against a common adversary. But once in office, the unresolved question of who truly embodied executive authority became increasingly difficult to avoid.

What began as political complementarity gradually transformed into institutional competition.

The final outcome remains uncertain. Diomaye may emerge stronger by consolidating presidential authority, or Sonko could retain enough political capital to remain a major force capable of reshaping Senegal’s future political balance.

Either way, the rupture marks a turning point in Senegalese politics and may redefine the future trajectory of one of West Africa’s most closely watched democracies.

Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle

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Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes

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Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes

By Comrade Philip Ikodor

KADUNA – When a soldier falls in the line of duty, the echoes of the final salute eventually fade, but for the families left behind, a silent and grueling battle begins. While these brave men defended the nation’s sovereignty with courage, their widows are often left to navigate a minefield of poverty, trauma, and social isolation.

In a decisive move to address these challenges, the Ashlee Momoh Foundation (AMF) held a special outreach event at the Golden Orange Gate Hotel in Kaduna State on Thursday, May 21, 2026. The initiative sought to provide a lifeline to the families of departed heroes, framed not as charity, but as a profound national debt of gratitude.

The Chairperson and CEO of the Foundation, Princess Ashlee Momoh, emphasized that the AMF remains committed to ensuring no widow walks alone. She noted that the sacrifice of a soldier continues in the quiet hallways of homes where wives suddenly become sole providers.

“Many military widows face a daunting reality: sudden loss of income, housing insecurity, and a lack of access to specialized mental health support,” Princess Momoh stated. “Unless intentional interventions are made, these families remain trapped in a cycle of hardship that dishonors the legacy of the departed. Your story does not end in sorrow; it continues in purpose.”

Princess Momoh outlined the Foundation’s three strategic pillars designed to bridge the gap between loss and self-sufficiency:

Economic Independence: Providing small business grants, financial literacy, and vocational skills to restore dignity and autonomy.

Securing the Future: Offering scholarships and tuition assistance so that children do not pay for their fathers’ patriotism with their education. Emotional Fortitude: Establishing counseling and wellness groups to ensure widows are seen, heard, and sustained.

The Chairperson called for a “whole-of-society” approach, urging the government, private sector, and philanthropic organizations to join in collective action. While government intervention is pivotal, she noted that partnerships are essential to scaling the impact of these programs.

The event featured the distribution of empowerment gift items and the announcement of new scholarship awards. Prominent guests, partners and volunteers in attendance included Special Guests of Honor, Air Commodore Chris Dola (Rtd), PhD, and General Brown Yakubu (Rtd), CEO of Golden Orange Gate Hotel, both of whom delivered goodwill messages and also contributed immensely in support of the Foundation’s mission.

Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes

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