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Women Farmers Say Nigeria Faces Severe Hunger with Proposed Budget to AgricultureAdvocate for 10% of Budget to Agriculture

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Women Farmers Say Nigeria Faces Severe Hunger with Proposed Budget to Agriculture
Advocate for 10% of Budget to Agriculture

By: Michael Mike

The women under the umbrella body of Small-scale Women Farmers Organisation in Nigeria (SWOFON) have called for an upgrade in the proposed budget for agriculture, noting amount proposed for 2025 recorded a decline of 36.19% from N996.901 billion in 2024 to N633 billion.

They noted that it may further drive the country into hunger and a let off from President Bola Tinubu’s promise to alleviate poverty and hunger in the country.

The group which briefed alongside the Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme (CAADP), a non-state actor, noted that the country is currently in a precarious situation that needs great investment rather than reduction.

The groups therefore urged President Bola Tinubu to address what they called insufficient allocation to the agricultural sector to address food security and hunger in the land.

They argued that the current proposed budget represented 1.28 percent of the entire proposed over N53 trillion budget.
They said the 2025 budget proposal for the sector therefore represents 36.19% decline. The sector got 2.84% allocation in the 2024 budget with N996.901 billion.

The group stressed that: “You can’t be increasing the national budget and also be reducing the agricultural budget. And we are clamouring for security in the sector.
The government should give more money to agriculture to support farmers, especially women and small-scale farmers. The government should also plan better to make sure that the agricultural sector plans are aligned with the National Agricultural Technology and Innovation Policy.”

They urged that the government should declare a state of emergency in the agricultural sector, stressing that every government pronouncement or policy pronouncement also has economic implications.

They said: “We are calling on the government to declare a state of emergency and also that the allocation for the sector is poor.

“We are trying to draw their attention. We are not trying to put the blame on anybody but the necessary departments that are working on the budget should be able to draw the attention of the Federal Government and say that the allocation for this sector on key farmers that are practising in the field is unacceptable. And that is why we are here to say let them look at it the second time before they do the final passing, which there is still room for that.”

They called for 10% of the budget to be set aside for agriculture. “These are what we are advocating for in accordance with the Maputo declaration.

“So, against the 10%, we are not even moving close. We are moving far away from the 10% allocation that we want the president to even start, not to even talk about more.”

The group made the following demands from the government for the country to be able to address food insecurity and hunger in the country.

“ There is a need to increase the budget allocation to the FMAFS in the 2025 budget of the federal government of Nigeria. This is necessary as funding gaps were observed in critical areas of investment, ranging from extension services and access to farm inputs to investment in smallholder women farmers, as well as in addressing the various aspects of climate change and agroecology that are affecting the optimal performance of the agricultural sector. The need for enhanced funding is also necessitated by the 1.28% of the total federal government budget committed to the sector against the 10% that is recommended by the Maputo Declaration. This will enhance the capacity of the ministry to coordinate and support actions to attain food and nutrition security in Nigeria. Engagement with subnational governments in this direction to shore up their funding efforts will also be essential.

“Whereas every programme and project of the FMAFS should feed into the implementation of the NATIP, evidence from the projects and programme provided for in the 2025 budget proposal of the ministry shows only 34% alignment in this direction.

“There is a need for the FMAFS to ensure that planning for the sector is anchored on the NATIP policy. This will ensure a strong plan-budget link that will deliver on the overall goal for the sector, including attaining the SDG 2.

“Budgetary allocations should be increased and should go to strategic areas of investments which include Extension Services, Access to Credit, Women in Agriculture, Youth in Agriculture, Appropriate Labour-Saving Technologies, Inputs, Post-Harvest Losses Reduction Supports (processing facilities, storage facilities, trainings, market access, etc.), Irrigation, Climate Resilient Sustainable Agriculture (CRSA)/Agroecology, Research and Development, Monitoring and Evaluation, as well as Coordination.

“The allocation to the National Agricultural Development Fund (NADF) should be increased as NADF is an important aspect of the NATIP and also vital for the overall development of the agricultural sector, but 97% of its capital should not be allocated for the Renewed Hope Fertilizer Support Program. Allocation for capital expenditure for NADF should be targeted to achieving the commitments in the President’s declared state of emergency on the food security situation in the country, therefore should focus on Extension Services, Access to Credit, Women in Agriculture, Youth in Agriculture, Appropriate Labour-Saving Technologies, Inputs, Post-Harvest Losses Reduction Supports (processing facilities, storage facilities, trainings, market access, etc.), Irrigation, Climate Resilient Sustainable Agriculture (CRSA)/Agroecology. It is also vital to ensure timely and total releases to the NADF.”

Women Farmers Say Nigeria Faces Severe Hunger with Proposed Budget to Agriculture
Advocate for 10% of Budget to Agriculture

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Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions

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Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions

By: Zagazola Makama

Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye Faye has dismissed Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko and dissolved the country’s government following months of growing political tensions between the two leaders.

The decision was announced late Friday through a presidential decree broadcast on state television.

According to the decree read by a presidential aide, President Faye “ended the duties of Ousmane Sonko and consequently those of the ministers and secretaries of state who are members of the government.”

No immediate replacement for Sonko was announced as of the time of filing this report.

The dismissal followed a parliamentary session earlier in the week during which Sonko openly criticised President Faye, further exposing divisions within the ruling political establishment.

Political observers said relations between the two leaders had deteriorated in recent months over issues relating to party leadership, governance direction and the management of state affairs.

Analysts noted that the development could introduce fresh political uncertainty in Senegal at a time the country is facing mounting economic pressures, including rising public debt and broader fiscal challenges.

The dissolution of the government is expected to trigger consultations within the ruling coalition ahead of the appointment of a new prime minister and cabinet.

Senegal has long been regarded as one of West Africa’s more stable democracies, but recent political tensions have continued to attract regional and international attention.

Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions

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Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle

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Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle

By: Zagazola Makama

The dismissal of Senegalese Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko by President Bassirou Diomaye Faye marks the culmination of a political rupture that many observers had long considered unavoidable.

What once appeared to be one of the strongest political alliances in contemporary Senegalese politics gradually evolved into a tense rivalry shaped less by ideology than by competing ambitions, institutional contradictions and the struggle for control of executive authority.

For months, tensions within the ruling camp had become increasingly visible. Though both men emerged from the same political movement and jointly embodied the rise of the PASTEF coalition against former President Macky Sall, the coexistence between a highly charismatic political mentor and a constitutionally empowered head of state proved difficult to sustain.

The crisis is anchored in a fundamental institutional reality:Senegal’s constitutional system ultimately concentrates executive legitimacy in the presidency.

While the Prime Minister exercises substantial governmental authority, the President remains the central pillar of executive power, deriving legitimacy directly from universal suffrage and serving as the supreme authority of the state.

Sources say that the conflict emerged because Sonko increasingly projected himself not merely as head of government, but as an alternative center of political gravity within the state apparatus.

Public speeches, political positioning and repeated demonstrations of personal influence created the perception that two competing executives were operating simultaneously within the same administration.

In highly presidential systems, such arrangements rarely survive for long.

Political theorists have often observed that leaders who attain supreme office tend to resist the emergence of rival figures whose popularity, influence or visibility may overshadow their own authority. The situation in Senegal increasingly reflected that classic tension between institutional legitimacy and political charisma.

Sonko’s political trajectory has long been built around a populist and confrontational style that resonated strongly with segments of Senegalese youth and anti-establishment voters. His appeal stemmed from a mixture of direct rhetoric, anti-system positioning, nationalist discourse and his ability to embody political resistance during years of confrontation with the former administration.

However, the same qualities that fueled his rise may also have contributed to his political isolation. Sourcds note that charismatic populist figures often struggle to adapt from opposition politics to the discipline and compromise required in governance. A political strategy built around constant confrontation can become difficult to reconcile with the institutional restraints of executive power-sharing.

Over time, Sonko appeared increasingly convinced that he remained the true engine behind the ruling coalition’s legitimacy and electoral success. That perception may have encouraged attempts to expand his political influence beyond the traditional boundaries of the prime ministerial office.

For President Diomaye Faye, allowing such an imbalance to persist carried political risks.

The removal of Sonko ultimately reaffirmed a basic constitutional principle, regardless of personal popularity, a Prime Minister remains subordinate to presidential authority in Senegal’s current institutional framework.

By dismissing his Prime Minister, Diomaye signaled that he intended to fully exercise the powers attached to the presidency rather than govern under the shadow of a more dominant political personality.

The decision may also represent an attempt to consolidate state authority, reassure institutional actors and prevent the emergence of dual centers of power capable of paralysing governance. Yet the move is not without danger.

Sonko still commands significant grassroots support and retains strong influence within sections of PASTEF and among politically mobilized youth constituencies. His removal could deepen divisions inside the ruling coalition and potentially reshape Senegal’s political landscape ahead of future elections.

One of the major questions now facing Senegalese politics is whether PASTEF can survive the split without suffering a major internal fracture. Political history across Africa shows that when alliances forged in opposition reach power, tensions often emerge over authority, succession and control of state institutions.

Some party officials and elected representatives may rally behind the President, who controls the state apparatus and constitutional legitimacy. Others may remain loyal to Sonko due to his personal popularity and historical role in the movement’s rise.

The outcome of that struggle could determine whether Senegal experiences a relatively stable political recomposition or enters a prolonged period of institutional tension.

Another key factor will be public sentiment. During years of opposition politics, confrontation and political mobilisation energized large sections of the electorate. However, governing presents different expectations. Many Senegalese citizens now appear increasingly concerned with economic management, institutional stability, governance reforms and social calm rather than perpetual political conflict.

That shift may strengthen Diomaye’s position if he succeeds in presenting himself as a stabilizing statesman capable of governing above partisan rivalries. At the same time, any perception that Sonko has been politically sidelined or unfairly neutralized could trigger renewed political mobilisation among his supporters.

The crisis illustrates a recurring lesson in political systems across the world. Conquering power together is often easier than sharing it afterward. The Diomaye–Sonko alliance was extraordinarily effective as an opposition force united against a common adversary. But once in office, the unresolved question of who truly embodied executive authority became increasingly difficult to avoid.

What began as political complementarity gradually transformed into institutional competition.

The final outcome remains uncertain. Diomaye may emerge stronger by consolidating presidential authority, or Sonko could retain enough political capital to remain a major force capable of reshaping Senegal’s future political balance.

Either way, the rupture marks a turning point in Senegalese politics and may redefine the future trajectory of one of West Africa’s most closely watched democracies.

Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle

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Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes

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Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes

By Comrade Philip Ikodor

KADUNA – When a soldier falls in the line of duty, the echoes of the final salute eventually fade, but for the families left behind, a silent and grueling battle begins. While these brave men defended the nation’s sovereignty with courage, their widows are often left to navigate a minefield of poverty, trauma, and social isolation.

In a decisive move to address these challenges, the Ashlee Momoh Foundation (AMF) held a special outreach event at the Golden Orange Gate Hotel in Kaduna State on Thursday, May 21, 2026. The initiative sought to provide a lifeline to the families of departed heroes, framed not as charity, but as a profound national debt of gratitude.

The Chairperson and CEO of the Foundation, Princess Ashlee Momoh, emphasized that the AMF remains committed to ensuring no widow walks alone. She noted that the sacrifice of a soldier continues in the quiet hallways of homes where wives suddenly become sole providers.

“Many military widows face a daunting reality: sudden loss of income, housing insecurity, and a lack of access to specialized mental health support,” Princess Momoh stated. “Unless intentional interventions are made, these families remain trapped in a cycle of hardship that dishonors the legacy of the departed. Your story does not end in sorrow; it continues in purpose.”

Princess Momoh outlined the Foundation’s three strategic pillars designed to bridge the gap between loss and self-sufficiency:

Economic Independence: Providing small business grants, financial literacy, and vocational skills to restore dignity and autonomy.

Securing the Future: Offering scholarships and tuition assistance so that children do not pay for their fathers’ patriotism with their education. Emotional Fortitude: Establishing counseling and wellness groups to ensure widows are seen, heard, and sustained.

The Chairperson called for a “whole-of-society” approach, urging the government, private sector, and philanthropic organizations to join in collective action. While government intervention is pivotal, she noted that partnerships are essential to scaling the impact of these programs.

The event featured the distribution of empowerment gift items and the announcement of new scholarship awards. Prominent guests, partners and volunteers in attendance included Special Guests of Honor, Air Commodore Chris Dola (Rtd), PhD, and General Brown Yakubu (Rtd), CEO of Golden Orange Gate Hotel, both of whom delivered goodwill messages and also contributed immensely in support of the Foundation’s mission.

Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes

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