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2023: Why should anyone be incensed over Shettima’s Choice as Tinubu’s Running Mate?

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2023: Why should anyone be incensed over Shettima’s Choice as Tinubu’s Running Mate?

2023: Why should anyone be incensed over Shettima’s Choice as Tinubu’s Running Mate?

By: James Bwala

Between Sunday the 10th of July, 2022 and now there has been a lot of noise about the choice of former Borno state governor, Senator Kashim Shettima as running mate to APC candidate Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Some angry politicians felt the choice was not right but before now they could not offer the right person for their choice. Tinubu was left between the devil and the blue sea.

On one hand, the Muslims are clamouring to have their own from the northeast and on the other hand the Christians are also clamouring to have their own as the choice. On this scale Tinubu would have to make a choice and this is not a religion issue but politics. In Politics, one goes for the number and who will bring those numbers matters in politics.

As a politician with the wealth of experience in the game both Tinubu and Shettima understand when to make a move for the kill and the deed was done. This was when the All Progressive Congress, APC candidate, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu announced his running mate in Daura, Katsina State when he (Tinubu) paid Sallah  homage to President Muhammadu Buhari.

There was echo of jubilations and criticisms of the choice of Kashim Shettima as the running mate for APC under the muslim-muslim ticket since then with those opposing to this arrangement coming with bitterness and frustration on a choice they could not have any better person to present and to prove otherwise.

Only today, Christian politicians in the nineteen (19) Northern States within the All Progressives Congress warned of dire consequences of the Muslim-Muslim ticket ahead of the 2023 presidential poll. They were reacting to the Choice of the former Governor of Borno State, and stressing that the country’s unity is of utmost importance and not any other thing. But speaking of unity? I should ask that question again amongst them.

I felt bowed by the complaints making the rounds on this matter of politics. But why should anyone be angry with the choice of Kashim Shettima as running mate for Tinubu under the political cloud? This Muslim- Muslim ticket and the self-imposed fear of some northern Christians have no truth in it to set themselves free.

I know many people will not be comfortable with the position I am taking on this argument and of course, I have taken a position on this matter a long time ago. For those who are criticising Tinubu I asked what would they have done differently as politicians if put on the plate of trials as Nigerians did Tinubu in the buildup for the selection? If the party (APC) looks towards the northeast region to pick a candidate for the running of the office of Vice President from within its fold, which of the Christian candidates in APC has the war chest to such a gargantuan assignment?

I thought of Yakubu Dogara, which many Christians in the northeast are talking about. But truth be told. Where does Dogara stand beyond Bauchi in the northeast region? I thought of Baba Chir Lawan and Boss Mustapha in the politics of APC in the northeast region and my compass would not trace their impact beyond Adamawa state. Who among the Christian politicians in Borno state is standing tall in the party? I wouldn’t talk about Yobe state and the strength of Christians in Taraba state is within the PDP walls. So why angry with the choice of Tinubu over Kashim Shettima who touches on all the states and has his tentacles spread across not only the northeast but northern Nigeria and even beyond?

Some people raised complaints and approached me during the party elections that brought in the Chairman and Vice Chairman North of the party as coming from one religion but I looked surprised because we are talking politics and in politics the scheming is there for anyone. I told them I noticed the observation and asked them to go and join politics first then we can talk about me writing about their observations. That was the end of the matter.

Also Read: 2023: Tinubu, Shettima on the Trail of History

When people who are standing on the fence begin to talk it takes wisdom to dismiss them and I see that in the display by Tinubu and Shettima in the last few days. I think rather than getting angry with the choice of Kashim Shettima as running mate for Tinubu, some people should begin to hide their faces in shame for not building their capacity and that of others. They should blame themselves for not expanding their political garments to accommodate followers and they should stop looking at the religious cloud and take responsibility for their failures to make for themselves what they are now crying wolf about.

Kashim Shettima deserved to be the running mate of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu in all fairness and the fear of God in doing what is right. Where are all these people making noise now when Kashim Shettima was making deliberate moves and putting everything he has on the line to ensure the Tinubu candidacy becomes reality? I have followed this beyond reasoning and I could not trace reasons for such unreasonable thought, speeches and utter display of ignorance about truth on political grounds that we are witnessing in our dear country today.

The former Borno state governor and Senator representing Borno Central at the Nigeria’s highest law making body, Kashim Shettima is a politician that understands very well that politics is a game of numbers. He has been working his dreams out to be where he is currently standing and I admire him very much. I challenged anyone in the northeast to bring a better candidate for APC from the northeast whether a Christian or Traditionalist better than Kashim Shettima in the game of politics today.

In as much as I feel and understand the position of the Christian body regarding the choices in APC, I cannot allow such a blanketing and dramatic religiosity to blind the reality that informed the emergence of Senator Kashim Shettima as the running mate of Bola Ahmed Tinubu as the President and Vice President of Nigeria come 2023. For those who are sick with what has happened, politics is about a choice and there are more political parties than APC looking for membership.

Kashim Shettima is not the problem but the problem lies within those who think they can relax when things are happening and talk when reality unfolds. My secondary school motto at Government Science Secondary School in Potiskum reads: ‘You Will Reap, When You Saw.’

2023: Why should anyone be incensed over Shettima’s Choice as Tinubu’s Running Mate?

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VP Kashim Shettima demonstrated leadership stewardship before, during, and after the burial of former President Muhammadu Buhari. 

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VP Kashim Shettima demonstrated leadership stewardship before, during, and after the burial of former President Muhammadu Buhari. 

VP Kashim Shettima demonstrated leadership stewardship before, during, and after the burial of former President Muhammadu Buhari. 

By: Dr. James Bwala

Vice President Kashim Shettima exemplified exceptional leadership stewardship in managing the burial process of former President Muhammadu Buhari. Before the burial, Shettima played a pivotal role in expediting the repatriation of Buhari’s remains from the United Kingdom by waiving the standard five-day protocol, enabling their return within 24 hours. This swift action reflected his diplomatic acumen and coordination with international bodies, including the Nigerian High Commission in London. 

During the funeral proceedings, Shettima led a high-profile delegation alongside President Bola Tinubu to Daura, Katsina State, where they conducted a solemn and respectful ceremony. The inclusion of military honors and adherence to Islamic burial rites underscored his commitment to honoring Buhari’s legacy with dignity and reverence. 

After the burial, Vice President Shettima continued to embody stewardship by ensuring that Buhari’s final wishes for a modest ceremony were fulfilled. His leadership throughout the entire process not only facilitated national unity but also demonstrated respect for cultural and personal values associated with state funerals. 

Vice President Kashim Shettima’s execution of assignments as directed by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu exemplifies a rare form of loyalty that underscores the essence of servant leadership. His unwavering commitment to the president’s vision and collective national welfare highlights his prioritization of service over personal ambition, a hallmark trait of true servant leaders. By maintaining unity within the administration and acting as both mentor and strategist, Shettima demonstrates responsibility and dedication that transcend conventional political roles. This steadfastness not only consolidates the administration’s objectives but also fosters trust among stakeholders.

Shettima’s ability to remain composed amid provocations reveals a deep-seated character marked by resilience and selflessness. Such conduct frustrates detractors while reinforcing his credibility as a leader who serves with humility and loyalty. Ultimately, the vice president’s approach reflects an exemplary model of servant leadership in contemporary governance, where loyalty is intertwined with accountability and genuine concern for the collective good.

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The participation of Vice President Kashim Shettima in the burial process of the late former President Muhammadu Buhari in Daura represents a significant moment of humility and solidarity among Nigeria’s elite. By actively engaging in lowering the remains into the grave, Shettima transcended traditional boundaries often observed by individuals of high status, demonstrating profound respect and unity during a solemn occasion. Such involvement is rare, as prominent figures typically maintain a distance from physically participating in burial rites. However, Shettima’s actions inspired others present to similarly set aside their social ranks and partake collectively in honoring the departed leader.

This event underscores the potential for societal leaders to model empathy and communal values during times of loss. The collective effort at Daura not only paid homage to the former president but also sent a powerful message about national cohesion and shared humanity. It challenges conventional norms regarding status and ritual participation, encouraging greater inclusivity in public mourning practices. Consequently, Shettima’s example may foster broader cultural shifts toward unity across socio-political divides.

At the third day prayers, Vice President Kashim Shettima assumed a distinctly fatherly role that transcended mere political protocol. His engagement with sympathizers was marked by genuine empathy and approachable warmth, fostering a sense of communal solidarity during a period of profound grief. This compassionate demeanor not only comforted attendees but also reinforced social cohesion among mourners who sought solace in shared remembrance.

The Vice President’s interaction with the bereaved family was characterized by carefully chosen words of encouragement and rare personal reflections. These moments provided emotional sustenance and helped to bridge individual sorrow with collective resilience. His address functioned as more than a formal eulogy; it became a sermonic message imbued with wisdom and hope, intended to guide the family through their ongoing journey of mourning.

This paternal engagement by the vice president at such a solemn occasion underscores the vital role of empathetic leadership in times of national loss. The enduring impact of his words is likely to resonate within the family for years to come, serving as both a source of comfort and an ethical compass amid adversity.

Indeed, Vice President Kashim Shettima stands as one of the most exemplary figures in Nigeria’s democratic journey. His leadership is marked by a profound commitment to humanity and an unwavering reverence for ethical governance, qualities that have distinguished him from many of his predecessors. Shettima’s approach reflects a blend of empathy and accountability, fostering trust between the government and the populace. This humane leadership style has been instrumental in addressing socio-political challenges with sensitivity and pragmatism.

Shettima’s governance is deeply rooted in moral principles, often guided by the fear of God, which underpins his decision-making processes. This spiritual foundation enhances his credibility and integrity as a leader who prioritizes national interest over personal gain. Consequently, his tenure will be recorded in history as one characterized by sincere dedication to Nigeria’s progress and stability. Through his exemplary conduct, Vice President Kashim Shettima exemplifies what it means to lead with both compassion and conviction within Nigeria’s democratic experience. 

* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.

VP Kashim Shettima demonstrated leadership stewardship before, during, and after the burial of former President Muhammadu Buhari. 

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“Guguwar Buhari “Is Gone: The End of Handout Votes in Arewa Politics

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“Guguwar Buhari “Is Gone: The End of Handout Votes in Arewa Politics

By Isaac Abrak

In the wake of Nigeria’s 2015 general elections, a powerful Hausa phrase emerged: “Guguwar Buhari” —literally Buhari’s whirlwind.It aptly captured the tidal wave of support that swept General Muhammadu Buhari and many others into power under the banner of the All Progressives Congress (APC). The whirlwind was so intense that it carried along even political unknowns—individuals with no record, reputation, or merit—simply because they stood beside Buhari, either on campaign posters or on the ballot.

That year, the APC logo became a winning ticket. Voters, driven by their deep trust in Buhari, voted for any name attached to it. The former general himself fueled this trend with his now-famous campaign line: “APC sama da kasa”—vote APC from top to bottom. And that’s exactly what the Talakawa (the masses), particularly in the North, did. From the presidency to the National Assembly, governorships, state assemblies, and local councils, a wave of victories was handed out—not earned—thanks to one man’s charisma.

But mere months into Buhari’s administration, another Hausa phrase quietly entered public discourse: “Guguwar Buhari ta kwashi yayi”—“Buhari’s whirlwind picked up garbage”. The people began to wake up. The same whirlwind that propelled leaders into power had also brought in many unqualified, self-serving, and underperforming politicians. Disillusionment replaced euphoria. The Talakawa realized that too many of their elected representatives were unworthy of the offices they held.

By 2019, the tide was turning. Buhari may have secured a second term, but many of those who had previously clung to his coattails were rejected by a more conscious electorate. The blind loyalty was fading. Voters began asking tougher questions and demanding results. Northern Nigeria was slowly moving away from political sentimentalism toward issue-based engagement.

In 2023, another dimension to Buhari’s political capital emerged—*tthe myth of his “sacred 12 million votes. For over a decade, Buhari had consistently pulled around 12 million votes in presidential elections, largely from the North. This voting bloc became a prized political asset. Every major candidate, including now-President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, sought to harness this number. Whether he succeeded or not is a matter for future political autopsy. But what’s no longer in doubt is that the *whirlwind* that delivered that power is now gone.

Some politicians still believe they can inherit this legacy—that they can simply stand in Buhari’s shoes and command the North’s votes. But such thinking is delusional.

As one guest rightly noted during a special NTA broadcast on the day of Buhari’s burial, those 12 million votes weren’t earned overnight. They were built over decades of public service—beginning with Buhari’s tenure as Military Governor of the old North-Eastern State, followed by his service as Minister of Petroleum, Head of State, Chairman of the Petroleum Trust Fund, and eventually President. It was a reputation forged through discipline, integrity, and patriotic service.

Even so, Buhari’s aura wasn’t untouchable. As his presidency wore on, the same Talakawa who had once idolized him began expressing disappointment. He was booed at campaign rallies in Kano and Bauchi in 2019, and most memorably in Maiduguri in 2020, when he visited after a Boko Haram attack. Angry residents chanted “Ba mu da shugaba!” (“We have no leader!”) and “Ba mayi!” (we don’t want!). His controversial border closure policy, intended to curb smuggling, had instead led to food scarcity and economic hardship. If “Mai Gaskiya” (The Truthful One) could be jeered, how much more any politician attempting to coast on his reputation?

Today, the Northern voter is changing. The Talakawa want more than slogans. They now demand:

  • Functional hospitals
  • Affordable, quality education
  • Food security
  • Reliable electricity
  • Clean water
  • And, above all, security from terrorism and violence

These are not campaign fantasies—they are expected deliverables. Any leader who wants to command the North must first prove they can deliver these essentials. The North is at a crossroads. It must move from dependency to productivity. Leaders must rise to this challenge or risk being discarded by a growing wave of enlightened voters.

Indeed, there is evidence of this awakening everywhere. On social media,young Northerners—many of them Hausa-Fulani Muslims—are openly rejecting traditional political formulas.Some now declare they would rather vote for a Christian-Christian ticket than a Muslim-Muslim one, if it means better governance. It’s tempting to dismiss this as fringe sentiment—but the message is spreading fast. And it’s reshaping public consciousness.

Let’s be clear: Buhari’s 12 million votes pampered a generation of politicians. Many rode on his back without offering anything meaningful to the people. That era is now behind us. The Northern voter is evolving. Political awareness is rising. And with it, a new demand for performance, integrity, and accountability.

Whoever aspires to lead the North, command the Talakawa, and inherit Buhari’s political legacy must offer more than recycled slogans. They must present tangible evidence of good governance not just political promises.

This shift isn’t a crisis—it’s a victory for democracy. And perhaps, it’s the greatest legacy Buhari leaves behind: a Nigeria where voters are thinking for themselves. If you doubt it, just wait for 2027. The Talakawa will speak again—and this time, even louder.

In death, Buhari has unexpectedly revived his 2015 campaign slogan:“Chanji Dole! no need to translate this one.

Isaac Abrak is a Hostile Environment Journalist, a One Nigerianist, and Chairman of the Northern Christian Youth Professionals.
isaaclinus@gmail.com

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THE BIU FORUM: FEW THINGS TO KNOW

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THE BIU FORUM: FEW THINGS TO KNOW.

By: A G Abubakar

The Biu Forum was a child of circumstances. It was born in response to the fall out from the August 1991 state creation exercise by the Babangida military regime which initially located Biu in Yobe but removed same after a couple of days. To push for a redress or for an answer, the Forum was initiated. Its drivers came from the entire spectrum of the present day Biu Emirate and Shani Chiefdom, who were then resident in Lagos, the former federal capital.The first meeting was held in October 1991 at Block 4, Flat 3, the Bar Beach Towers, Victoria Island.

The inaugural and subsequent meetings of the forum were attended by such personalities as Shettima Saleh, Saidu Pindar, Tahir A.Musa, PC Abdullahi Mohammed, Musa Yamta, Hassan Bdliya, John Balami, Audu Shettima, Sanda Usman, Adamu Abdullahi, Musa Shani, Major (now Gen) Usman, Muhammad Dili, Ahmed Kuru, Jibrin A.Jibrin, A.G.Abubakar (Convener along with Musa Yamta), Mamman Audu, Paul Mari, Ishaku Abdullahi, Sale Mari Maina, Major. Ibrahim Bantam, Samaila Mamman, Sule Usman, C.D.Gali, and many more. These foundation members nurtured the Forum for years in Lagos before the seat of government was formally moved to Abuja.

Some of them are of blessed memory (may the Almighty grant them His mercy, Ameen), though a lot more are still living. The major objective of the forum at inception was to build a unity of purpose to tackle the challenges facing Biu Emirate, particularly its excision from the then newly created Yobe State. Plus, the need to call for attention to the brazen discriminations visited upon Biu people in the state’s civil service, while also pursuing the creation of a Savannah State. Same, with extending moral and material supports to victims of natural disasters and others like the then Waka-Biu crisis.

It would be recalled that after the Babangida military government decided to split old the Borno State, late General Abacha, then the Chief of Army Staff and the defacto number “two” man, who happened to be of Borno extraction, was assigned to consult with the Shehu as well as other opinion leaders on the government’s proposal to curve out a new state out of Borno. Late Bunu Sherrif, a son of the soil (Goniri), who was then serving as Minister of Labour among others, was to serve as a facilitator. The rough edges were therefore smoothened.

Eventually, Yobe was created. The configuration of which comprised three emirates, namely Biu, Fika, and Bade. Borno and Bama emirates were to remain as the New Borno State. The number of local governments was equally balanced at 22 each. Now, it is lopsidedly 17 and 27 LGAs for Yobe and Borno, respectively.

Along the line, some forces opposed to the inclusion of Biu emerged. The first one was the supposed friction between the Emirs of Biu and Fika regarding the order of protocol. A smokescreen, however, because the real reason was that Fika Emirate was promised the State capital (precisely Potiskum), but that was if Biu wasn’t part of the equation. The other reason was that Biu and Borno Emirates had a historical tie that made the duo almost conjoined. This was also untenable in that Ngazargamo that served as the capital of the old Kanem-Borno was severed into Yobe State. In the end, Biu remains part of Borno.

This development polarised the citizens of Biu Emirate into two. The Elders were not so favourably disposed towards leaving Borno, while the larger youth groups were at home with Yobe.

The advantages they averred included the possibility of playing more dominant political and economic roles in the new state, given the fact that Biu used to hold and still holds the Deputy Governor portfolio in Borno. The emirates (Fika and Biu) equally serve as the manpower base of the region . State politics could turn out to be like Adamawa, where all ethnic groups and/or stripes of faith can become the number one citizen of the state. The Emir of Biu would naturally be the most senior, in addition.

Based on the foregoing, Biu made a case for inclusion or, better still, a re-inclusion into Yobe. A move that was resisted vehemently by certain quarters under the umbrella of BEDA. Others who lent their voices included the Birma, Galadima Stanley Balami, PC Ali Biu, and Alhaji Ibrahim Damchida, all of blessed memory.

The Biu citizens who were pushing for the readjustment initially got the support of His Royal Highness, the Revered Mai Umar, who gracefully endorsed the demand document titled, “A Call For the Adjustment of Biu Emirate into Yobe State.” Or rather agreed for the document to be endorsed on his behalf, which was done. However, under pressure from all corners, His Royal Highness had to reconsider his support, as the Emirate found itself in a difficult situation. It was this development and regardless of the push back that the Biu Forum was formed as an alternative platform to still pursue the inclusion of Biu and Shani into Yobe State.

A petition to the government, was subsequently produced and forwarded. And to get a wider publicity and forestall suppression the Forum’s document was sent to the press . The rested influencial national newspaper, the Sunday Concord of 6th October 1991 carried the entire document. Yours faithfully picked the bill.

One of the the committed and highly articulate members of the Forum at the time, Alh. Muhammed Shehu Birma had his relationship with his principal, the Hon. Minister, Bunu Sheriff strained because of his role and support. Alh. Birma was one of the Special Assistants to the Minister who worked tirelessly to obtain the concurrence of major stakeholders to buy into the Forum’s activities.

When the misunderstanding so created on account of the state creation seemed unabating, formal meetings were called by the late elder statesman Alh. Damcida at his Probyn road, Ikoyi, home to sort things out. The “family” gathering enjoyed the presence of late Dr.Saidu Muhammad, PC Ali Biu, A.G.Abubakar, Muhammad S.Birma, Amb. Saidu Pindar, Alhaji Madu Biu, Shettima Saleh, with apologies from Dr.Bukar Usman.

One of the resolutions that came out of the series of dialogues was an undertaking by Mallam to seek an audience with General Abacha for possible reconsideration of the petition. The outcome was the creation of Hawul and Kwaya Kusar LGAs, while Biu as a whole stayed in Borno State.

As time went on, moves got started to merge the activities of the Forum to those of the senior Biu Development Association, BDA. The BDA is now BEDA (Biu Emirate Development Association). The move never materialised and the activities of both slowed down. It took the efforts of patriots like Engineer Ibrahim Usman, Dan Masani Muhammad Ibrahim, Adamu Abdullahi, Amb. Saidu, Ibrahim M.Kwajaffah, Muhammad Buba, Mai Musti, Bukar Umar and a host of others to revive the Forum and keep it going.

So for all intents and purposes the Biu Forum was not a Biu Local Government outfit. It was initiated to protect and promote the interest of Biu and Shani Emirates. And indeed every Aburwa on the planet. How it became a Forum exclusively for Biu Local Government Area was maybe a later development to give the Forum a sharper focus. And maybe to ensure a seamless coexistence with the senior BEDA.This has been a short story of the now, 33-year old (1991 to –) initiative.

A.G.Abubakar agbarewa@gmail.com

THE BIU FORUM: FEW THINGS TO KNOW

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