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2027: The Coalition, the resistance North, and the APC’s Path to Victory

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2027: The Coalition, the resistance North, and the APC's Path to Victory

2027: The Coalition, the resistance North, and the APC’s Path to Victory

By: Dr. James Bwala

The political landscape in Nigeria ahead of the 2027 elections suggests an imminent collapse of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and Labour Party (LP), while the Social Democratic Party (SDP) may emerge as the primary opposition, but it will ultimately lose to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) by a wider margin. The PDP’s internal divisions and resistance to coalition-building, particularly its governors’ rejection of alliances with LP and SDP, significantly weaken its viability as a competitive force. This fragmentation undermines any effective challenge against APC’s entrenched dominance.

Despite attempts by figures like former Vice President Atiku Abubakar to unite opposition forces, the lack of cohesion within PDP and between opposition parties inhibits a strong front against APC. Analysts emphasize that without strategic coalitions, no single party can match APC’s electoral machinery or political influence. Even if SDP consolidates opposition votes, its structural weaknesses and limited reach foreshadow a defeat by an even larger margin than previous contests.

Indeed, with growing complexities accompanying the political landscape, Nigeria’s multiparty system faces realignment where PDP and LP risk extinction due to disunity, while SDP’s isolated struggle against APC is unlikely to alter electoral outcomes significantly. The evidence underscores that only a united opposition coalition could potentially reduce APC’s dominance; however, current dynamics indicate this remains improbable before 2027. 

As the political landscape continues to evolve, the potential for a unified opposition remains hindered by entrenched party loyalties and strategic misalignments, further solidifying APC’s path to a more decisive victory. The entrenched influence of APC’s political machinery and its strategic alliances, such as the strengthening of the Tinubu-Shettima partnership, further complicate any opposition efforts to mount a significant challenge in 2027. 

Many political pundits have agreed that the All Progressives Congress (APC) is strategically positioned to dismantle opposition forces ahead of the 2027 Nigerian elections by capitalizing on the fragmented nature of its adversaries. The opposition currently consists of disparate groups: former presidential contenders who reject APC’s governance, disaffected ex-APC members seeking influence, and erstwhile party leaders now opposing the APC. This lack of cohesion undermines any effective coalition-building efforts, a critical weakness given Nigeria’s history, where opposition alliances frequently collapse due to internal strife and competing ambitions.

For now, the APC is leveraging its narrative of competent governance, contrasting with the perceived failures of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), which it accuses of prolonged misrule and internal discord. By emphasizing PDP’s factionalism and incompetence, APC consolidates public trust while portraying itself as Nigeria’s stable alternative. This discourse not only weakens PDP’s credibility but also sows doubt about any potential opposition coalition.

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In essence, through exploiting opposition fragmentation and promoting its governance record against a divided PDP, loosely LP, and undecided SDP, the APC is poised to reduce opposition to rubble in 2027. The inability of opposition factions to unify effectively ensures that APC’s dominance remains largely unchallenged in forthcoming electoral contests. 

Angry leaders from the north are falling over themselves to raise regional political forces. But this too is no match for the readiness expected of the region. Despite the North’s considerable demographic and electoral influence, many Northerners feel marginalized due to perceived neglect in appointments and resource distribution, fueling a sense of betrayal. This dissatisfaction is compounded by internal divisions rooted in insecurity, poverty, and inter-communal conflicts that undermine the North’s collective political strength. As a result, these fractures could weaken the region’s capacity to negotiate effectively within national politics or present a unified opposition to Tinubu and Kashim Shettima, the APC’s dominance.

Demands from key sub-regions such as North-Central illustrate emerging fissures within Northern political interests. Stakeholders from this area insist on the presidency for 2027 and have conditioned their support for Tinubu’s reelection on replacing his vice president with a candidate from their region. Such demands underscore the potential for intensified competition among Northern factions rather than solidarity. This internal contestation risks diluting the North’s overall influence if not carefully managed. To this effect, unless Northern leaders address these internal challenges and reconcile divergent regional aspirations, political disunity may jeopardize their strategic position in 2027. 

The combination of grassroots grievances and elite rivalries is indeed opening ways for APC to exploit these divisions through tactical maneuvering, thereby diminishing Northern Nigeria’s historical leverage in Nigerian politics. It is imperative that cohesive strategies are developed to unify Northern voices if they are to maintain relevance in forthcoming elections.

* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.

2027: The Coalition, the resistance North, and the APC’s Path to Victory

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Fairness, unity key to victory in 2027, Chieftain tells APC leadership in Adamawa

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Fairness, unity key to victory in 2027, Chieftain tells APC leadership in Adamawa

Abdulrahaman Kwancham, Adamawa Northern Senatorial zone aspirant under the platform of All Progressives Congress (APC) has called on the party leadership in the zone to be fair towards ensuring victory for the party in 2027 General Elections.

Kwancham made the call during a courtesy visit to the party leadership in Mubi-North Local Government Area.

He said fairness and justice would help the party members to remain united and succeed beyond politics.

“We should please remain peaceful and united in APC for the seek of God as well as to shun anti party for the victory of our party”, he said.

He explained that some people were in the party spreading rumours to cause problem between him and Gov. Ahmadu Fintiri because of the seat despite Fintiri is yet to officially declare his intentions to contest.

According to him, he is not desperate in his pursuit of the senatorial seat, despite the several groups coming to urge him to contest.

“If Gov. Fintiri comes out, I am ready to step down considering his outstanding performance in the state.

“Even if you don’t like Fintiri, you know that he has worked for the state and I am not fighting him “, he said.

In his remarks, the party Chairman appreciated the aspirant for the visit and assured a level playing grounds for all.

He assured their readiness to work in accordance with the party guideline for the success of the party.

Kwancham earlier paid homage on the Emir of Mubi, Alhaji Isa Ahmadu who conferred on Kwancham the traditional title of Sarkin Fulani Mubi.

The Emir described the honour as well-deserved, citing Kwancham’s character, leadership qualities, and commitment to humanitarian activities.

Fairness, unity key to victory in 2027, Chieftain tells APC leadership in Adamawa

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2027: APC promises 3.5 million votes for TINUBU in Yobe

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2027: APC promises 3.5 million votes for TINUBU in Yobe

By: Yahaya Wakili

The All Progressives Congress (APC), Yobe state chapter, has promised to deliver 3.5 million votes to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu GCFR in the 2027 presidential election.

The president of the 9th Senate, Senator Ahmad Ibrahim Lawan GCON, disclosed to newsmen in a communique issued after a meeting of all APC stakeholders, Yobe State chapter, held at the Banquet Hall of Government House, Damaturu.

He said in the last presidential election, Yobe state had the highest percentage performance in Nigeria, and we intend to repeat the same but with even bigger results, noting that we have, as a small state, produced election results that compete favorably against results from bigger states because of our unity and understanding shown for each other.

The communique further stated that the Yobe State APC chapter has resolved to adopt consensus as a mode of elections to produce its candidates for the governorship, national assembly membership, and state assembly membership that is out of the two modes specified in the electorate act, consensus and direct; the APC has fixed consensus.

“And from our previous experience, consensus has always worked for us in this state in APC, and a candidate that emerges in any position will receive the support of all in this party, including, of course, aspirants who would have wished that were fixed. We support our candidates whenever they emerge.

He said the national members from Yobe State have always worked very closely and harmoniously with the state government, which has always been in APC in the last few years, especially during the Geidam era and, of course, presently with the Rt. Hon. Mai Mala Buni administration, and therefore this will continue because we have always seen the benefit of understanding and supporting each other.

2027: APC promises 3.5 million votes for TINUBU in Yobe

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Edo South 2027: Why Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu Remains a Strong Senatorial Option,

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Edo South 2027: Why Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu Remains a Strong Senatorial Option,

By Augustine Osayande, PhD

As Edo South gradually enters the early phase of political alignment ahead of the 2027 senatorial election, it is becoming increasingly evident that the contest will not merely be about personalities, but about the depth of experience, institutional capacity, and the ability to translate political influence into measurable development outcomes.

Among the figures already shaping this emerging conversation is Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu, whose name continues to surface consistently in stakeholder consultations and intra-party engagements across the district.

Whether one views him through a partisan lens or a governance-oriented perspective, his presence in Edo South political discourse is neither incidental nor new—it is the product of sustained political engagement spanning multiple electoral cycles and administrative roles.

From my perspective, Ize-Iyamu represents a category of political actors whose relevance is built not only on ambition, but on long-term institutional exposure and embeddedness within the machinery of state governance. This factor alone places him in a distinct position within any serious evaluation of potential senatorial contenders.

Recent engagements across Edo South, particularly within political structures of the All Progressives Congress (APC), indicate an early but deliberate process of consultation and alignment among key stakeholders.

These meetings—often involving local government party leadership, ward representatives, and aspirants—have focused on representation gaps, development priorities, and internal party cohesion ahead of the next electoral cycle.

In one such engagement, an aspirant formally met with APC chairmen across the seven local government areas in Edo South to declare intent and outline a preliminary vision for legislative representation. Discussions reportedly centred on the need for stronger advocacy at the National Assembly and improved coordination between federal presence and local development needs.

Such consultations are increasingly becoming a defining feature of pre-election politics in Edo South, reflecting both the strategic importance of the senatorial seat and the growing awareness among political actors that legislative representation must go beyond symbolic presence.

A central argument in favour of Osagie Ize-Iyamu is his extensive experience within the executive arm of government in Edo State. His service as Chief of Staff between 1999 and 2003, and subsequently as Secretary to the State Government from 2003 to 2007, placed him in positions that are critical to governance coordination and policy execution.

These roles are not peripheral; they are central to the functioning of government. They involve oversight of administrative systems, coordination between ministries and agencies, and direct interface with the governor on policy implementation. This kind of exposure is particularly relevant to legislative duties at the National Assembly, where success is often determined by an understanding of how executive decisions are formulated, funded, and implemented.

In practical terms, senators are expected to do more than debate legislation—they are also required to influence budgetary outcomes, negotiate constituency projects, and engage in complex intergovernmental advocacy. A background such as Ize-Iyamu’s provides a form of institutional literacy that can be difficult to acquire quickly within the legislative environment.

One of the persistent challenges in Nigeria’s legislative system is the gap between representation and effective delivery of constituency benefits. Many legislators enter the National Assembly without prior experience in governance structures, which often limits their capacity to navigate federal bureaucracy.

In this context, Ize-Iyamu’s administrative background becomes a significant factor. His exposure to executive processes equips him with an understanding of how to engage ministries, departments, and agencies, as well as how to position constituency priorities within national development frameworks.

For Edo South, where issues of infrastructure development, youth unemployment, environmental challenges, and industrial underdevelopment remain central concerns, the ability to effectively interface with federal institutions is not merely desirable—it is essential.

Another dimension of Ize-Iyamu’s political profile is his endurance across Nigeria’s often volatile political terrain. Over the past two decades, he has remained an active participant in Edo State politics, navigating multiple party affiliations, electoral contests, and shifting alliances.

While political opponents sometimes interpret this fluidity differently, it also demonstrates a form of adaptability that is increasingly relevant in Nigeria’s coalition-driven political environment. Legislative politics, particularly at the Senate level, is rarely driven by ideology alone; it is shaped by negotiation, alliance-building, and strategic compromise.

In this respect, political resilience is not merely about survival—it is about maintaining relevance, influence, and access to evolving power structures.
Ize-Iyamu’s political career has also been marked by sustained engagement across party lines and political blocs. This has resulted in a network of relationships that extends beyond immediate partisan boundaries within Edo South.

Such networks are often critical in legislative politics, where influence is exercised not only through formal committee structures but also through informal alliances that shape decision-making, funding priorities, and project allocation.

His repeated participation in high-profile electoral contests has further reinforced his visibility at both state and national levels. In practical terms, visibility translates into political leverage, particularly in negotiations involving federal presence and constituency development projects.

Within Edo South itself, questions of equitable representation have increasingly become part of the political discourse. One recurring observation is that certain local government areas, such as Orhionmwon, have not historically held the senatorial seat since Nigeria’s return to democratic governance in 1999.

While zoning arrangements are often informal and politically negotiated, such historical imbalances tend to influence stakeholder conversations as elections approach. These considerations add another layer to the broader debate on fairness, inclusion, and regional balance within the senatorial district.

Ultimately, the emerging discourse around the 2027 Edo South senatorial race is beginning to crystallise around a familiar but important dichotomy: experience versus experimentation.

On one side are arguments that emphasise the need for seasoned political actors who understand governance systems, legislative procedures, and federal negotiation dynamics. On the other are calls for generational change and new political approaches.

Ize-Iyamu’s supporters clearly position him within the first category. Their argument is that Edo South requires a representative who does not need time to learn the system, but one who can immediately operate within it to deliver results.

Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu remains a significant figure in the evolving Edo South senatorial conversation for 2027, not merely because of political ambition, but because of a combination of institutional experience, political resilience, and established networks of influence.

While the final outcome will ultimately be determined by party decisions, zoning arrangements, and voter preferences, his profile ensures that he remains a central reference point in any serious discussion about Edo South’s representation at the National Assembly.

At its core, the debate is not simply about individuals. It is about the kind of leadership Edo South believes is best suited to navigate the complexities of federal politics and convert representation into tangible development outcomes for the district.

Augustine Osayande contributed this article through austinelande@yahoo.com

Edo South 2027: Why Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu Remains a Strong Senatorial Option,

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