Politics

BUHARI’S CONSENSUS CANDIDATE: THE BLIND MAN’S BUFF

Published

4 years ago

June 10, 2022

News Net Global

BUHARI’S CONSENSUS CANDIDATE: THE BLIND MAN’S BUFF

BY CHRIS GYANG

Nothing rattles Mr. President. That is, the way the leader of a country that has fulfilled all the undignified requirements of a failed state naturally should.

Confronted with relatively less problems, leaders of other democracies, even dictatorships, have been known to quake, but gather themselves up and trudge on. But not Mr. Buhari. He appears to have crumbled a long time ago from the sheer weight of the responsibilities of governance.

Even the uptick in kidnappings for ransom, armed banditry, Fulani herdsmen’s violent land-grabbing in parts of the Middle Belt, Islamist terrorism, mind-bugling corruption in the corridors of his administration and run-away inflation, among others, do not shake our president no more. Afterall, these are the frightening outcomes of his lethargic, laid-back, leadership style.

Quite instructively, in April this year, a prestigious Scottish university shared the picture of President Buhari on twitter reclining comfortably on a settee at the presidential palace picking his teeth, obviously after a sumptuous meal. This is in stark contrast with the poverty, hunger and general state of discontent ravaging ordinary Nigerians. According to the institution, the picture was used to illustrate bad and insensitive leadership. They accurately hit the bull’s eye.

That twitter representation of our president also captured the very essence of the man and his leadership style in a country buffeted on all sides by monstrous problems, most of them caused by a leadership deficit. But even before then, because the president had continued to show an almost complete lack of interest in the burning problems threatening to over-run the country, there was a time it was widely believed that the man in Aso Rock was Buhari’s body double, a foreign impostor from Sudan known as ‘Jubril.’

Many Nigerians could not rationalize how a true national leader could display such crass ambivalence to the tempests tottering the ship of state. And although the conspiracy theory that it was Jubril of Sudan and not the ‘original’ Buhari who gave the plagiarized “I am for no one but for everyone” speech that was at the Villa was later proved wrong, Mr. Buhari has remained as aloof and absent-minded as ever.

Many other Nigerians who claimed he had dementia still hold on to that belief and cite Mr. Buhari’s tepid responses to the killings, abductions for ransom, armed banditry, armed herdsmen’s attacks, etc, as glaring examples.

But there is still a very notable exception to these. Matters of partisan politics, wielding and dispensing power (with large doses of nepotism) and choosing his own successor, excite Mr. President in no small measure. To Buhari and the core northern political, religious and feudal establishments, political power is an end in itself. They proudly call it MULKI up north and hanker after it with uncommon zeal.

For them, controlling the levers of the Federal Government is sufficient, even if large swathes of their own states are in the hands of terrorists, bandits and other well-armed gangs. For them, it is enough to be president even if your region holds the ignoble record of having the largest number of poor people and out of school children in the country, not to mention their concomitant consequences.

Unfortunately, it is these and such other beliefs that have underpinned Buhari’s administration in the last seven years. And it is on that basis that he wishes to impose another northerner on the country during his APC’s presidential convention.

It is so frightening that President Buhari’s misplaced but growing sense of entitlement, self-accomplishment and self-worth make him feel that he should be allowed by the ruling APC to single-handedly determine its presidential candidate in next year’s election. Apparently, he wants to perpetuate this sweltering nightmare, state of anomy, that has become Nigeria’s new normal since he assumed power in 2015.

In a meeting with APC governors on May 31, 2022, President Buhari spelt out his demand in no uncertain terms. DAILY TRUST newspaper (June 1, 2023) captured it this way: “President Muhammadu Buhari yesterday dropped a bombshell when he told the governors of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) to allow him to make a choice for his successor.”

According to the tabloid, the governors were taken aback because they had expected the president to allow them choose one of them to succeed him. But the president’s demand should not have come as a surprise to the governors because there appears to have been an understanding between them and the president on this matter. Thus, he reminded them that the Party had already put in place smooth succession plans at the local government, state and national levels.

“For example,” Mr. Buhari explained, “first term governors who have served credibly well have been encouraged to stand for re-election. Similarly, second term governors have been accorded the privilege of promoting successors that are capable of driving their visions as well as the ideals of the party.”

Aggrieved Party members in states such as Plateau who felt that their second-term governors unjustly imposed their successors in the recent primary elections now know that they did so with the tacit backing of Aso Rock. The pact was that the governors would also bend over backwards to serve the interest of Mr. President when it comes to choosing his own successor.

So if such APC members had had any hopes of extracting justice through the intervention of Mr. Buhari or their Party’s national leadership, they should kiss that hope goodbye.

Now the president wants his pound of flesh from the state governors. He is telling them that, in the spirit of give and take, they should also allow him choose the presidential candidate of the APC. During that meeting with the governors, he proceeded to pontificate about the values of democracy and the goals and benefits of good governance in a way that completely belied his democratic credentials and the way he has misled the country so far.

Hear him: “In a few days, the party will be holding its convention during which primaries would take place to pick the presidential flag bearer for the 2023 General Elections. This is a very significant process and its outcome should prove to the world, the positive quality of the APC regarding democratic principles, culture as well as leadership.

“As we approach the Convention, I appeal to all of you to allow our interests to converge, our focus to remain on the changing dynamics of our environment, the expectations of our citizens and the global community. Our objective must be the victory of our party and our choice of candidate must be someone who would give the Nigerian masses a sense of victory and confidence even before the elections.” Mere platitudes, as usual.

Also Read: Kashim Shettima: Victory at the end

The president even emphasized the need to meet the expectations of the global community as if he had made any spirited attempts in his seven years in office to effectively leverage on the strategic position and immense human and natural resources of the country to make it a key global player.

With an intractable Islamist rebellion and armed Fulani herdsmen’s expansionism going on almost unabated, the Buhari administration has consistently shown the international community that it lacks the moral courage and political will to put a stop to these and other forms of bloody criminality that have become the order of the day all over the country. As a result, most of the global community has now adopted a stand-and-watch attitude towards Nigeria as it goes about its half-hearted motions of battling insecurity.

It is a continuation of this that the president wants the APC to allow him perpetuate by choosing a northern candidate to succeed him. No doubt, the feeling that he wants to impose a northern candidate on the APC has caused great disquite in the ranks of the party and frayed a lot of nerves. Apparently, now that it suits their whims, power shift and zoning may as well go to the dogs. But once upon a time, in fact only about eight years ago, Buhari and the core north tightly held on to these principles with religious zeal and threatened to upset the political apple cart if they were not strictly upheld. And they had their way because good reason prevailed.

The outbursts of the National Leader of the APC, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, on June 2, 2022, at Abeokuta, Ogun State, clearly underscored this growing tension, dissatisfaction and suspicion both within the APC and the polity generally, considering the fact that it is this political party that is in charge of running the affairs of the country.

In obvious response to Buhari’s shinanigans, an apparently frustrated Tinubu declared: “If not me that led the war front, Buhari wouldn’t have emerged. He contested first, second and third times, but lost. He even said on television that he won’t contest again.

“But I went to his home in Katsina. I told him you would contest and win, but you won’t joke with the matters of the Yorubas. Since he has emerged, I have not been appointed minister. I didn’t get contract. This time, it’s Yoruba turn and in Yorubaland, it’s my tenure.”

In the last few days, there have been strong indications that the president may very likely cave in to pressure from the cabal in the Presidency, chiefly made up of his relatives and a few high-ranking officials in his government, and select between the Senate President, Ahmad Ibrahim Lawan (an ultra-conservative core northerner) and former Zamfara State Governor, Alhaji Ahmed Yarima (the man who first introduced Sharia as state law while he was governor) as the APC’s consensus presidential candidate. Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s anger must have been fueled by these widespread speculations which are gradually gaining traction.

But in a swift response, a former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Mr. Babachir David Lawan, lashed out at Tinubu’s grandstanding, describing it as ‘bulshit’ (sic). Now, it’s significant to note that this is coming from a man who is one of Tinubu’s closest political allies. In fact, he was among the heavyweights that purchased the APC Presidential nomination form for Tinubu and has been a leading force in his campaign to be President in 2023.

But Lawan, a self-professed northerner, appears to have sided with the core north and Mr. Buhari against his political ally. And his vituperations would further reveal the deep-seated suspicion the core north has harboured against the Yoruba, spanning decades. VANGUARD newspaper quoted him as saying: “Sometimes it is very difficult to support a Yoruba person in national politics if you are not one.

“They have a way of making you regret your support because they eventually make you seem like a traitor to your own people. Now all these comments about Bola’s Yoruba presidency and his support of Buhari without which Buhari would not have been President is bulshit.”

He pointed out that there were many other Nigerians from other parts of the country who also contributed in making Mr. Buhari President but were “not bragging about it” and expressed regret that “You may wish to know that all of us Buhari supporters are shocked and pissed off by Bola’s speech on this occasion. It is unlike him.

“And this speech is massively trending in the North and being given a negative connotation as you can well imagine. I first read it this morning on an Adamawa group platform and the anger is palpable and all round.”

Certainly, the fact that Buhari wishes to single-handedly select the APC Presidential candidate is creating big cracks in the APC as old comrades tear each other to shreds, egged on by their deep ethnic and regional cleavages. These have now been exposed by the stress of this brutal struggle for the APC Presidential ticket. But Babachir Lawan is not yet done. He must remind the Yoruba and other Nigerians about one of Bola Tinubu’s tribesmen whose stars, he believes, were dimmed by similar attitudes.

“This appears to be the Abiola saga,” he said, “being replayed. Abiola won the election with majority Northern votes but they took the brunt of the post-election protests that followed.

“Just survey all the people that are doing more meaningful practical things to enthron (sic) Bola as President and you will find that almost all are northerners while his kinsmen engage themselves in social media activism and Northern bashing.

“When Yorubas vilify the North like this, our sense of fear and insecurity under a Yoruba presidency gets heightened and in the end, pushes us to re-think our support for not only Bola but any Yoruba as President for that matter.”

But he concluded on this rather conciliatory note: “Please, do not join our opponents to destroy our chances of clinching Monday’s primary elections.”

Nevertheless, Buhari’s consensus candidate gambit has already done irreparable damage to the APC. It can only get worse and may well be the last straw that will break this camel’s back. Buhari is taking a dangerous shot in the dark.

He is blindly groping in the dark, like he has done with the destiny of Nigerians and their motherland in the last seven years, with these catastrophic consequences. In this highly risky blind man’s buff game he is playing, the odds are dangerously high. He may just lay his hands on the wrong person. And things will definitely fall apart.

(GYANG is the Chairman of the N.G.O, Journalists Coalition for Citizens’ Rights Initiative – JCCRI. Visit our website: https://jccri-online.org. Follow us on our Twitter handle: @jccri1. Facebook

page: facebook.com/jccrionline. Emails: info@jccrionline.org; chrisgyang01@gmail.com)

BUHARI’S CONSENSUS CANDIDATE: THE BLIND MAN’S BUFF

Politics

Forum condemns abusive language on Atiku

Published

4 days ago

June 7, 2026

Ochuwa Ibrahim

Forum condemns abusive language on Atiku

North-East Elders and Youth Forum, Adamawa Chapter has strongly rejected and condemned the abusive language attributed to the former Vice President Atiku Abubakar by the former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Mr Babachir Lawal.

Hamza Sa’ad Dasin, the National Leader of the forum stated this during a press briefing in Yola that Lawal accused Atiku Abubakar of manipulating the recent ADC primary election results while describing him as a religious and tribal bigot.

“Well, that’s not the problem, because leaving or staying with the party remains his absolute right; the most alarming and worrisome approach by the former SGF was his utterances against the Former Vice President.

“Accusing him of being religious and tribal bigot, and even went further to calling him KACHALLA, which connotes direct linkage with banditry”, he said.

He said, Atiku Abubakar, socially and politically remains the symbol of unity Nigeria as he married from South West, South-East and North-East “So he is symbolically democratic even in his own house”.

Dasin further said that Atiku has a very large heart that accommodates all irrespective of religious, tribal or sectional inclinations.

“This can be ascertained by looking at the people surrounding him. He is a believer of cultural multiplicity.

“When Boko Haram entered Mubi in Adamawa State, Atiku used his personal resources to bring in hunters and traditional fighters from different parts of northern Nigeria to come and assist.

“And they eventually succeeded in driving them away, killing a large number of them. This is to tell you that Atiku has never, can never and will never be a supporter of banditry, so count him out of being a KACHALLA”, he said.

He further explained that Atiku is a well recognized Political Guru, not only in Nigeria but in the world.

“He is considered one of the best politicians in Africa and the world”, he said.

Forum condemns abusive language on Atiku

Politics

Kashim Shettima: Understanding Farooq Kperogi’s arguments on Tinubu’s 2027 ticket

Published

2 weeks ago

May 31, 2026

News Net Global

Vice President Kashim Shettima

Kashim Shettima: Understanding Farooq Kperogi’s arguments on Tinubu’s 2027 ticket

By: Dr. James Bwala

The interplay of identity, symbolism, and electoral coalitions remains a defining feature of political calculations. Prof. Farooq Kperogi’s article, “The Shettima Danger for Tinubu,” brings to the fore a nuanced analysis of the 2023 Tinubu-Shettima political alliance and its implications for the upcoming 2027 elections. At first glance, one might dismiss Kperogi’s arguments as overblown or reductionist, interpreting the situation purely through a lens of personal relationships or conventional political maneuvers. However, a deeper examination reveals that Kperogi’s article is a persuasive and compelling warning about how ignoring the complex dynamics of identity blocs and political symbolism could imperil Tinubu’s ambitions. Kperogi’s insights, therefore, must be taken seriously by political actors, analysts, and stakeholders as they unravel the political future of Nigeria’s ruling party.

Kperogi’s central contentions revolve around what he terms “emotional cartography”—the phenomenon where voting behavior in Nigeria is strongly influenced by identity-based sentimental loyalty to ethnic, regional, and religious affiliations. The Tinubu–Shettima ticket of 2023 is not merely an example of a Muslim-Muslim alliance as popularly debated but rather a strategic partnership representing a powerful Yoruba–Northern Muslim electoral coalition. Tinubu, as a Yoruba political titan, symbolized the southwestern, populous, and politically vibrant Yoruba bloc, while Shettima represented the Northern Muslim electorate, a significant demographic force that has historically influenced election outcomes. This alliance functioned not just on religious credentials but on broader identity representation that allowed different groups to feel politically validated and included in governance.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-when-tinubus-endorsement-of-vice-president-kashim-shettimas-unwavering-support-speaks-volumes/

To understand the stakes, one must appreciate how Nigerian electoral politics operate under this framework. Identity politics, though often criticized for perpetuating division, remains a primary mechanism through which large sections of the population interpret their political interests and participation. For many Nigerians, political representation is not only about policies or ideology but also about whether they see their group’s history, values, and concerns visibly acknowledged and safeguarded. Kperogi emphasizes that emotional cartography generates an implicit contract: when a political ticket includes representatives from major ethnic and religious blocks, it reassures those constituencies that their place in the power structure is secure. Conversely, when this balance shifts or is disrupted, it risks alienating those blocs, triggering voter apathy, backlash, or realignment.

This dynamic makes the prospect of removing Shettima from the 2027 Tinubu ticket particularly perilous. According to Kperogi, Shettima’s presence was foundational to the 2023 electoral success because he symbolically anchored Northern Muslim support. The North is not monolithic, but the Northern Muslim constituency comprises a notable voting bloc that contributed significantly to Tinubu’s victory. Removing Shettima signals more than just a personnel change; it potentially conveys to Northern Muslims that their symbolic representation within the ruling coalition is being diminished or erased. Such a perception, Kperogi warns, would likely fracture existing alliances and result in a loss of critical votes during the next election cycle.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-when-tinubus-endorsement-of-vice-president-kashim-shettimas-unwavering-support-speaks-volumes/

Also, Kperogi critiques the assumption that replacing Shettima with a Northern Christian candidate would simply substitute one identity for another and thus maintain coalition stability. This overlooks key realities about the shifting affiliations and political histories of Northern Christians. Many Northern Christian voters have already gravitated toward alternatives such as Peter Obi, making them a less reliable base for Tinubu’s coalition vis-à-vis Northern Muslims. Hence, swapping Shettima for a Northern Christian does not guarantee a straightforward transfer of votes; instead, it risks weakening the Northern bloc’s overall cohesion in favor of less predictable political outcomes. In Kperogi’s assessment, this maneuver could cause Tinubu to lose more ground than he gains.

Beyond electoral arithmetic, Kperogi’s argument also extends into the broader realm of political sociology and conflict studies within Nigeria. Throughout history, Northern political elites have often leveraged religious identity—particularly Muslim solidarity—to mobilize voters and address perceived marginalization or exclusion in the national power matrix. Displacing Shettima, who embodies this Northern Muslim representation, could rekindle grievances and exacerbate fault lines that have periodically erupted into tension or violence. Thus, the “Shettima danger” not only encapsulates electoral risks but also potential destabilization of Nigeria’s delicate interethnic and interreligious equilibrium.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-when-tinubus-endorsement-of-vice-president-kashim-shettimas-unwavering-support-speaks-volumes/

Critically, Kperogi’s analysis does not endorse or glorify identity politics; rather, it pragmatically acknowledges it as an existing reality that shapes Nigerian political behavior. His contribution lies in highlighting that political actors who ignore these identity perceptions do so at their own peril. The idea that electoral success can be achieved solely through policy platforms or technocratic governance is, in Nigeria’s context, incomplete without considering the symbolism of inclusion and representation among diverse communities. Tinubu’s political fortunes, therefore, hinge upon maintaining a coalition that respects and reflects the ethnic and religious mosaic of Nigeria’s electorate.

Opponents of Kperogi’s view might argue that emphasizing identity risks perpetuating sectarianism and undermining efforts toward national integration. They may advocate for transcendence beyond primordial affiliations toward programmatic politics focusing on issues like economic development, security, and social justice. While such aspirations are noble and necessary for Nigeria’s long-term progress, the immediate political reality remains that identity-based emotional loyalty strongly influences voter behavior and political legitimacy. Dismissing this factor risks alienating vital constituencies and undermining political stability—a cost that Nigerian leaders cannot afford in the volatile current climate.

READ ALSO https://newsng.ng/2027-when-tinubus-endorsement-of-vice-president-kashim-shettimas-unwavering-support-speaks-volumes/

Indeed, Kperogi’s concept of emotional cartography offers a useful analytic framework to bridge the divide between identity politics critics and proponents. It encourages recognizing identity as a sociopolitical phenomenon shaped by history, culture, and lived experience rather than a mere obstacle to democracy. Through this lens, politicians like Tinubu must navigate identity sensibilities skillfully, balancing inclusivity and national unity without erasing distinct group identities. The Shettima matter exemplifies this challenge: it requires sensitivity to how symbolic representation operates alongside substantive governance to sustain broad-based political coalitions.

The assessment of the “Shettima danger” for Tinubu’s 2027 ticket should be regarded as a persuasive cautionary tale grounded in Nigeria’s political realities. Far from an academic abstraction, his insights illuminate why removing Shettima risks fracturing a crucial electoral coalition based on Yoruba and Northern Muslim alliances, thereby jeopardizing Tinubu’s political prospects. More importantly, it underscores how identity, symbolism, and emotional cartography continue to shape Nigerian politics in profound ways. For Tinubu and his party, success depends not only on policy effectiveness but also on adeptly managing the complex mosaic of representation and inclusion that defines Nigeria’s democratic landscape. To ignore Kperogi’s warnings is to court a political miscalculation with potentially far-reaching consequences for Nigeria’s fragile unity and democratic stability.

* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.

Kashim Shettima: Understanding Farooq Kperogi’s arguments on Tinubu’s 2027 ticket

Politics

APC Bauchi: Counting the Losses

Published

2 weeks ago

May 29, 2026

Ochuwa Ibrahim

APC Bauchi: Counting the Losses

By: Michael Olukayode

The All Progressives Congress (APC) in Bauchi State is gradually entering one of the most critical moments in its political history. What should have been a period of consolidation, unity, and strategic preparation has instead turned into growing confusion, internal resentment, massive defections, and the dangerous creation of unnecessary political enemies within the party.

Sadly, many loyal supporters believe this crisis was avoidable.

The root of the problem lies in the failure of the party to manage its internal affairs with fairness, openness, and genuine consultation. What many party members expected to be a transparent political process instead appeared to become a carefully controlled arrangement driven by personal interests and future political calculations.

Today, APC Bauchi is paying the price.

Unfortunately, many loyal supporters do not believe that M.A. Abubakar currently possesses the political strength, energy, or widespread acceptance needed to successfully confront the opposition in the present political climate. Rather than generating excitement and renewed confidence within the party, his emergence has instead deepened internal divisions, increased frustration among supporters, and accelerated defections across different political structures.

The political sidelining of some prominent aspirants such as Amb. Yusuf Maitama Tuggar remains one of the most painful developments for many supporters across the state. To thousands of APC loyalists, Tuggar represented not just another aspirant, but a modern political force capable of rebuilding confidence in the party and attracting broader public support.

He brought national visibility, diplomatic experience, youth appeal, intellectual strength, and growing grassroots acceptance. More importantly, he represented hope for a new generation of APC politics in Bauchi State.0

Unfortunately, many supporters now feel that merit, popularity, and acceptability were sacrificed for personal political arrangements.

What makes the situation even more dangerous is the perception that the entire strategy was designed around short-term interests rather than the long-term survival of the party. Many believe the arrangement was structured to return a former governor for a single remaining term while preparing the ground for another political ambition afterward.

This perception has become very obvious that the political damages caused is undeniable.

Today, APC Bauchi is no longer only losing members but it is creating more enemies.

And in politics, there is a major difference between losing supporters and creating opponents motivated by disappointment, anger, and exclusion.

Across the state:

Influential stakeholders are defecting.
Grassroots coordinators are withdrawing their loyalty.
Youth supporters are becoming frustrated.
Local party structures are weakening.
Silent resentment is spreading across many political camps.

Some of the individuals leaving the party are not ordinary members. They are people with political structures, loyal followership, electoral value, and influence within their communities. Every defection weakens the confidence of remaining supporters and strengthens rival political platforms.

The most dangerous part is that many of these crises are self-inflicted.

A political party cannot continue to sideline committed stakeholders, ignore growing dissatisfaction, and expect unity to survive automatically. Politics requires inclusion, consultation, and respect for those who contribute to building the party.

Unfortunately, APC Bauchi is beginning to appear divided between those protecting the future of the party and those protecting personal political interests.

This is creating bitterness that may take years to repair.

Many supporters who once defended the party passionately are now questioning their place within the system. Others have already moved on politically, while many more remain silent observers waiting for the next opportunity to make their decisions.

The reality is simple:
No political party grows stronger by humiliating its strongest assets.

No political structure survives for long while continuously creating internal enemies.

And no party with a weak candidate can successfully challenge opposition.

Therefore, this is a sincere call for urgent intervention before the situation becomes irreversible

The leadership of our great party APC, at both state and national levels, must act immediately.

Most importantly, the party must recognize the strategic political value of leaders like Amb. Yusuf Maitama Tuggar, whose influence, acceptance, and credibility remain important for the future strength of APC in Bauchi State.

Time is running out.
The warning signs are already visible.

The defections are increasing.

The frustration is growing.

And the losses are becoming impossible to ignore.

APC Bauchi must decide quickly whether it wants to build a united future or continue counting the losses.

Michael Olukayode is a seasoned journalist and public analyst

APC Bauchi: Counting the Losses