Politics
BUHARI’S CONSENSUS CANDIDATE: THE BLIND MAN’S BUFF

BUHARI’S CONSENSUS CANDIDATE: THE BLIND MAN’S BUFF
BY CHRIS GYANG
Nothing rattles Mr. President. That is, the way the leader of a country that has fulfilled all the undignified requirements of a failed state naturally should.
Confronted with relatively less problems, leaders of other democracies, even dictatorships, have been known to quake, but gather themselves up and trudge on. But not Mr. Buhari. He appears to have crumbled a long time ago from the sheer weight of the responsibilities of governance.
Even the uptick in kidnappings for ransom, armed banditry, Fulani herdsmen’s violent land-grabbing in parts of the Middle Belt, Islamist terrorism, mind-bugling corruption in the corridors of his administration and run-away inflation, among others, do not shake our president no more. Afterall, these are the frightening outcomes of his lethargic, laid-back, leadership style.
Quite instructively, in April this year, a prestigious Scottish university shared the picture of President Buhari on twitter reclining comfortably on a settee at the presidential palace picking his teeth, obviously after a sumptuous meal. This is in stark contrast with the poverty, hunger and general state of discontent ravaging ordinary Nigerians. According to the institution, the picture was used to illustrate bad and insensitive leadership. They accurately hit the bull’s eye.
That twitter representation of our president also captured the very essence of the man and his leadership style in a country buffeted on all sides by monstrous problems, most of them caused by a leadership deficit. But even before then, because the president had continued to show an almost complete lack of interest in the burning problems threatening to over-run the country, there was a time it was widely believed that the man in Aso Rock was Buhari’s body double, a foreign impostor from Sudan known as ‘Jubril.’
Many Nigerians could not rationalize how a true national leader could display such crass ambivalence to the tempests tottering the ship of state. And although the conspiracy theory that it was Jubril of Sudan and not the ‘original’ Buhari who gave the plagiarized “I am for no one but for everyone” speech that was at the Villa was later proved wrong, Mr. Buhari has remained as aloof and absent-minded as ever.
Many other Nigerians who claimed he had dementia still hold on to that belief and cite Mr. Buhari’s tepid responses to the killings, abductions for ransom, armed banditry, armed herdsmen’s attacks, etc, as glaring examples.
But there is still a very notable exception to these. Matters of partisan politics, wielding and dispensing power (with large doses of nepotism) and choosing his own successor, excite Mr. President in no small measure. To Buhari and the core northern political, religious and feudal establishments, political power is an end in itself. They proudly call it MULKI up north and hanker after it with uncommon zeal.
For them, controlling the levers of the Federal Government is sufficient, even if large swathes of their own states are in the hands of terrorists, bandits and other well-armed gangs. For them, it is enough to be president even if your region holds the ignoble record of having the largest number of poor people and out of school children in the country, not to mention their concomitant consequences.
Unfortunately, it is these and such other beliefs that have underpinned Buhari’s administration in the last seven years. And it is on that basis that he wishes to impose another northerner on the country during his APC’s presidential convention.
It is so frightening that President Buhari’s misplaced but growing sense of entitlement, self-accomplishment and self-worth make him feel that he should be allowed by the ruling APC to single-handedly determine its presidential candidate in next year’s election. Apparently, he wants to perpetuate this sweltering nightmare, state of anomy, that has become Nigeria’s new normal since he assumed power in 2015.
In a meeting with APC governors on May 31, 2022, President Buhari spelt out his demand in no uncertain terms. DAILY TRUST newspaper (June 1, 2023) captured it this way: “President Muhammadu Buhari yesterday dropped a bombshell when he told the governors of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) to allow him to make a choice for his successor.”
According to the tabloid, the governors were taken aback because they had expected the president to allow them choose one of them to succeed him. But the president’s demand should not have come as a surprise to the governors because there appears to have been an understanding between them and the president on this matter. Thus, he reminded them that the Party had already put in place smooth succession plans at the local government, state and national levels.
“For example,” Mr. Buhari explained, “first term governors who have served credibly well have been encouraged to stand for re-election. Similarly, second term governors have been accorded the privilege of promoting successors that are capable of driving their visions as well as the ideals of the party.”
Aggrieved Party members in states such as Plateau who felt that their second-term governors unjustly imposed their successors in the recent primary elections now know that they did so with the tacit backing of Aso Rock. The pact was that the governors would also bend over backwards to serve the interest of Mr. President when it comes to choosing his own successor.
So if such APC members had had any hopes of extracting justice through the intervention of Mr. Buhari or their Party’s national leadership, they should kiss that hope goodbye.
Now the president wants his pound of flesh from the state governors. He is telling them that, in the spirit of give and take, they should also allow him choose the presidential candidate of the APC. During that meeting with the governors, he proceeded to pontificate about the values of democracy and the goals and benefits of good governance in a way that completely belied his democratic credentials and the way he has misled the country so far.
Hear him: “In a few days, the party will be holding its convention during which primaries would take place to pick the presidential flag bearer for the 2023 General Elections. This is a very significant process and its outcome should prove to the world, the positive quality of the APC regarding democratic principles, culture as well as leadership.
“As we approach the Convention, I appeal to all of you to allow our interests to converge, our focus to remain on the changing dynamics of our environment, the expectations of our citizens and the global community. Our objective must be the victory of our party and our choice of candidate must be someone who would give the Nigerian masses a sense of victory and confidence even before the elections.” Mere platitudes, as usual.
Also Read: Kashim Shettima: Victory at the end
The president even emphasized the need to meet the expectations of the global community as if he had made any spirited attempts in his seven years in office to effectively leverage on the strategic position and immense human and natural resources of the country to make it a key global player.
With an intractable Islamist rebellion and armed Fulani herdsmen’s expansionism going on almost unabated, the Buhari administration has consistently shown the international community that it lacks the moral courage and political will to put a stop to these and other forms of bloody criminality that have become the order of the day all over the country. As a result, most of the global community has now adopted a stand-and-watch attitude towards Nigeria as it goes about its half-hearted motions of battling insecurity.
It is a continuation of this that the president wants the APC to allow him perpetuate by choosing a northern candidate to succeed him. No doubt, the feeling that he wants to impose a northern candidate on the APC has caused great disquite in the ranks of the party and frayed a lot of nerves. Apparently, now that it suits their whims, power shift and zoning may as well go to the dogs. But once upon a time, in fact only about eight years ago, Buhari and the core north tightly held on to these principles with religious zeal and threatened to upset the political apple cart if they were not strictly upheld. And they had their way because good reason prevailed.
The outbursts of the National Leader of the APC, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, on June 2, 2022, at Abeokuta, Ogun State, clearly underscored this growing tension, dissatisfaction and suspicion both within the APC and the polity generally, considering the fact that it is this political party that is in charge of running the affairs of the country.
In obvious response to Buhari’s shinanigans, an apparently frustrated Tinubu declared: “If not me that led the war front, Buhari wouldn’t have emerged. He contested first, second and third times, but lost. He even said on television that he won’t contest again.
“But I went to his home in Katsina. I told him you would contest and win, but you won’t joke with the matters of the Yorubas. Since he has emerged, I have not been appointed minister. I didn’t get contract. This time, it’s Yoruba turn and in Yorubaland, it’s my tenure.”
In the last few days, there have been strong indications that the president may very likely cave in to pressure from the cabal in the Presidency, chiefly made up of his relatives and a few high-ranking officials in his government, and select between the Senate President, Ahmad Ibrahim Lawan (an ultra-conservative core northerner) and former Zamfara State Governor, Alhaji Ahmed Yarima (the man who first introduced Sharia as state law while he was governor) as the APC’s consensus presidential candidate. Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s anger must have been fueled by these widespread speculations which are gradually gaining traction.
But in a swift response, a former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Mr. Babachir David Lawan, lashed out at Tinubu’s grandstanding, describing it as ‘bulshit’ (sic). Now, it’s significant to note that this is coming from a man who is one of Tinubu’s closest political allies. In fact, he was among the heavyweights that purchased the APC Presidential nomination form for Tinubu and has been a leading force in his campaign to be President in 2023.
But Lawan, a self-professed northerner, appears to have sided with the core north and Mr. Buhari against his political ally. And his vituperations would further reveal the deep-seated suspicion the core north has harboured against the Yoruba, spanning decades. VANGUARD newspaper quoted him as saying: “Sometimes it is very difficult to support a Yoruba person in national politics if you are not one.
“They have a way of making you regret your support because they eventually make you seem like a traitor to your own people. Now all these comments about Bola’s Yoruba presidency and his support of Buhari without which Buhari would not have been President is bulshit.”
He pointed out that there were many other Nigerians from other parts of the country who also contributed in making Mr. Buhari President but were “not bragging about it” and expressed regret that “You may wish to know that all of us Buhari supporters are shocked and pissed off by Bola’s speech on this occasion. It is unlike him.
“And this speech is massively trending in the North and being given a negative connotation as you can well imagine. I first read it this morning on an Adamawa group platform and the anger is palpable and all round.”
Certainly, the fact that Buhari wishes to single-handedly select the APC Presidential candidate is creating big cracks in the APC as old comrades tear each other to shreds, egged on by their deep ethnic and regional cleavages. These have now been exposed by the stress of this brutal struggle for the APC Presidential ticket. But Babachir Lawan is not yet done. He must remind the Yoruba and other Nigerians about one of Bola Tinubu’s tribesmen whose stars, he believes, were dimmed by similar attitudes.
“This appears to be the Abiola saga,” he said, “being replayed. Abiola won the election with majority Northern votes but they took the brunt of the post-election protests that followed.
“Just survey all the people that are doing more meaningful practical things to enthron (sic) Bola as President and you will find that almost all are northerners while his kinsmen engage themselves in social media activism and Northern bashing.
“When Yorubas vilify the North like this, our sense of fear and insecurity under a Yoruba presidency gets heightened and in the end, pushes us to re-think our support for not only Bola but any Yoruba as President for that matter.”
But he concluded on this rather conciliatory note: “Please, do not join our opponents to destroy our chances of clinching Monday’s primary elections.”
Nevertheless, Buhari’s consensus candidate gambit has already done irreparable damage to the APC. It can only get worse and may well be the last straw that will break this camel’s back. Buhari is taking a dangerous shot in the dark.
He is blindly groping in the dark, like he has done with the destiny of Nigerians and their motherland in the last seven years, with these catastrophic consequences. In this highly risky blind man’s buff game he is playing, the odds are dangerously high. He may just lay his hands on the wrong person. And things will definitely fall apart.
(GYANG is the Chairman of the N.G.O, Journalists Coalition for Citizens’ Rights Initiative – JCCRI. Visit our website: https://jccri-online.org. Follow us on our Twitter handle: @jccri1. Facebook
page: facebook.com/jccrionline. Emails: info@jccrionline.org; chrisgyang01@gmail.com)
BUHARI’S CONSENSUS CANDIDATE: THE BLIND MAN’S BUFF
Politics
The Arise TV Interview: Datti Ahmed’s Poor Political Conduct and the Lasting Influence of VP Shettima in Nigeria’s Contemporary Political Landscape

The Arise TV Interview: Datti Ahmed’s Poor Political Conduct and the Lasting Influence of VP Shettima in Nigeria’s Contemporary Political Landscape
By: Dr. James Bwala
The recent Arise TV interview featuring Yusuf Datti Baba Ahmed offers a revealing insight into the emotional and psychological underpinnings of his persistent criticisms against Vice President Kashim Shettima. Ahmed’s palpable frustration, stemming from a profound sense of political defeat, underscores much of his rhetoric. This emotional response can be interpreted as more than mere personal grievance; it reflects the broader dynamics of political rivalry and the ways in which loss can provoke vehement opposition. The interview serves as a case study in how individuals navigate political setbacks by redirecting their energies toward vocal dissent.
Yusuf Datti Baba Ahmed’s political trajectory following his defeat in the 2023 vice-presidential election vividly illustrates the tension between personal ambition and collective opposition within Nigerian politics. As a prominent figure of the Labour Party, Baba Ahmed’s response to his loss was marked by evident frustration rooted in his perception of systemic challenges facing Nigeria’s opposition coalition. Indeed, Yusuf Datti Baba Ahmed embodies an “angry politician” who cannot conceal the pains of electoral defeat because it symbolizes not just personal loss but also a failure to galvanize effective opposition. His critiques offer insightful reflections on Nigeria’s complex political landscape, where ambitions clash with collective action imperatives. Thus, Baba Ahmed’s post-defeat rhetoric serves as both a lamentation and a rallying cry for transformative political engagement. Therefore, I will be kind to him.
Ahmed’s attacks on Shettima are emblematic of the complex interplay between personal ambition and public discourse within Nigerian politics. His frustration reveals an attempt to reclaim relevance and influence by challenging established figures, thereby highlighting the often contentious nature of political engagement. This scenario illustrates how defeat not only shapes individual behavior but also impacts wider political narratives, contributing to an environment where criticism is frequently fueled by underlying emotions rather than solely policy disagreements.
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Ahmed’s approach can be seen as a strategic maneuver to galvanize support among those who feel similarly disenfranchised, thereby forging a collective identity rooted in shared discontent. By doing so, he taps into a reservoir of communal frustration, transforming personal loss into a rallying cry for broader political resistance.
The interview on Arise TV not only exposes Ahmed’s inability to manage political defeat gracefully but also underscores the lingering psychological impact Shettima has on him. Baba Ahmed’s remarks reveal a politician struggling with the aftermath of the 2023 presidential elections, unable to reconcile with his loss. This behavior highlights a weakness in political maturity and resilience, qualities essential for effective leadership. Instead of focusing on constructive political engagement post-defeat, Baba Ahmed’s public outburst suggests an ongoing fixation that detracts from his credibility.
The tactics Baba Ahmed is trying to apply on the road to 2027 not only amplify his voice but also position him as a prominent figure within an opposition movement, eager to challenge the status quo. Through these actions, Ahmed effectively channels his personal grievances into a broader political strategy, seeking to redefine the narrative around leadership and accountability in contemporary Nigerian politics. His rhetoric, therefore, serves as both a personal catharsis and a calculated attempt to reshape the political landscape by questioning the legitimacy and effectiveness of those in power. In doing so, Ahmed not only underscores the emotional dimensions of political rivalry but also invites a critical examination of the mechanisms through which power is contested and maintained.
This dynamic underscores the complexity of political discourse, where personal vendettas often intertwine with genuine calls for reform, blurring the lines between personal animosity and legitimate critique. As such, the intensity of Ahmed’s rhetoric can be seen as a reflection of the broader societal tensions that permeate the political arena. In this context, Ahmed’s vehement critiques of Vice President Kashim Shettima can be perceived as both an expression of his own political ambitions and a mirror to the frustrations felt since the 2023 defeat. The fervor with which Ahmed addresses these issues suggests a deep-seated desire to channel public disillusionment into actionable political change, amplifying the voices of those who feel marginalized by the current administration.
However, what Yusuf Baba Ahmed did not know is that his taking his legs to go and grant further illustrates that Vice President Shettima’s personality continues to “haunt” and affect Baba Ahmed deeply, suggesting a complex dynamic extending beyond mere electoral rivalry. Such personal animosities can undermine democratic discourse by shifting attention from policy issues to personal grievances. In sum, this episode reflects poorly on Datti Baba Ahmed’s political conduct while inadvertently affirming the lasting influence of VP Shettima in Nigeria’s contemporary political landscape.
* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.
The Arise TV Interview: Datti Ahmed’s Poor Political Conduct and the Lasting Influence of VP Shettima in Nigeria’s Contemporary Political Landscape
Politics
Kashim Shettima: Hate him, like him, the vice president is a child of necessity holding the pillars of APC together for greater glory in 2027.

Kashim Shettima: Hate him, like him, the vice president is a child of necessity holding the pillars of APC together for greater glory in 2027.
By: Dr. James Bwala
Kashim Shettima, Nigeria’s Vice President, embodies a paradoxical figure within the All Progressives Congress (APC) as the 2027 elections approach. His tenure has been met with contrasting sentiments: while some vehemently oppose him, others staunchly support his leadership. The complexities surrounding his political standing arise from internal party divisions and regional dynamics that significantly influence APC’s cohesion. Notably, certain elements pushing for Shettima’s replacement underscore some of the challenges Shettima faces as a true pillar standing with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

As advocates for Shettima, we shall continue to emphasize his indispensable role in maintaining party unity and stability. His governance during Borno State’s insurgency crisis and subsequent contributions to national peace and economic empowerment have garnered significant regional backing. This support is crucial as the APC grapples with factionalism that threatens its electoral prospects.
Ultimately, Shettima represents a “child of necessity” holding together fragile pillars within the APC. Despite controversies and opposition, he remains pivotal for consolidating northern support essential for Tinubu’s re-election bid in 2027. The party’s future cohesion may well depend on reconciling divergent interests around this contentious yet unifying figure.
The Vice President has emerged as a significant figure in Nigerian politics, often regarded as a prophetic voice advocating for unity and progress. His leadership style embodies resilience and foresight, qualities that position him as a steadfast figure likely to maintain influence until at least 2031. This perception stems from his consistent emphasis on national cohesion and socio-economic development, which resonates deeply across diverse communities.

Shettima’s strategic engagement with both grassroots movements and political elites underscores his potential to remain a pivotal actor in Nigeria’s political landscape. His advocacy transcends mere rhetoric; it reflects a commitment to transformative policies aimed at fostering sustainable growth. Such attributes reinforce the belief that his voice will continue to shape discourse well into the next decade.
Vice President Kashim Shettima exemplifies a prophetic leadership model grounded in vision and perseverance. His enduring relevance is not merely speculative but anchored in tangible contributions toward national progress. As Nigeria navigates complex challenges ahead, Shettima’s role as a voice of prophecy remains crucial for guiding collective aspirations through 2031.
The controversy surrounding the potential replacement of Vice President Kashim Shettima in the 2027 presidential race has been a focal point of political discourse within Nigeria’s ruling party, the APC. Notably, those advocating for Shettima’s substitution are often identified as opponents of President Tinubu, suggesting that attempts to displace the vice president are politically motivated rather than grounded in governance concerns. This dynamic underscores how internal party disputes frequently manifest as broader conflicts involving key political figures.

Despite mounting speculation and unrest within APC ranks—highlighted by violent reactions at a North-East stakeholders’ meeting—the party leadership has consistently reaffirmed its commitment to the Tinubu-Shettima ticket. Senior officials have denounced rumors of friction or plans to replace Shettima as baseless and detrimental to party unity. These statements emphasize that such rumors often arise from misunderstandings or deliberate attempts to destabilize the administration’s cohesion.
It is, therefore, evident that resistance against President Tinubu correlates with efforts to undermine Vice President Shettima’s position. The official discourse from APC leadership portrays these efforts as distractions fueled by political adversaries rather than genuine policy disagreements. Maintaining unity around the current ticket appears crucial for preserving stability within both the party and Nigeria’s broader political landscape.
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It is high time, therefore, for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to recognize the intricate dynamics within his party and government, particularly the emerging coalition of oppositions that could challenge his leadership ahead of the 2027 elections. Despite the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) endorsing Tinubu for a second term, underlying tensions and factionalism within the party merit serious attention. The president’s reforms have elicited mixed reactions, with criticisms regarding economic challenges and insecurity fueling dissent among some APC members.

Today, opposition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC) have actively accused Tinubu’s administration of efforts to destabilize their unity while simultaneously consolidating themselves into a formidable coalition aimed at political transformation. This evolving political landscape necessitates that President Tinubu reaffirm his grip on power by addressing internal fractures decisively. Failure to do so may embolden these coalitions and undermine his prospects in 2027.
As coalition dynamics evolve within the African Democratic Congress (ADC), the role of Vice President Kashim Shettima remains central to the All Progressives Congress’s (APC) prospects for success in the 2027 elections. Despite internal contestations and factional disputes, Shettima’s political influence, particularly in Northern Nigeria, positions him as a pivotal figure whose endorsement could consolidate regional support crucial for APC’s electoral strategy. The Northeast bloc’s endorsement of Shettima alongside President Tinubu underscores his significance despite dissent from some party officials.
Official statements from the presidency have sought to quell rumors about Shettima’s potential exclusion from the 2027 ticket, emphasizing that final decisions will be made post-APC convention and dismissing narratives of discord between Tinubu and Shettima. This institutional backing reinforces Shettima’s status as a key player within APC. In sum, while ADC coalitions are still establishing their footing ahead of 2027, VP Kashim Shettima’s political capital remains a cornerstone for APC’s electoral viability.
* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.
Kashim Shettima: Hate him, like him, the vice president is a child of necessity holding the pillars of APC together for greater glory in 2027.
Politics
2027: Coalition only way to send APC packing from Gombe, Nigeria- Group

2027: Coalition only way to send APC packing from Gombe, Nigeria- Group
Alliance for Good Governance, a political group comprising 108 other groups within the state has declared support for opposition parties’ move to unseat the All Progressives Congress (APC)-led government in the state and country.
Hon. Ahmed Usman Haruna, convener of the meeting and Co-ordinator of the Group while speaking during their meeting in Gombe on Tuesday said it had become imperative for political stakeholders to unite for victory in 2027.
Haruna said that the only way to defeat APC in 2027 in the state and country was to unite beyond political differences using a coalition that provide a platform for all well-meaning Nigerians to contribute their efforts towards sending APC out of government.
He said that the APC-led government had failed on its promise to deliver a better Nigeria as majority of citizens had been impoverished by their harsh economic policies and programmes.
The coordinator added that since the coalition was working towards bringing good governance to Nigeria, “we are fully in support of the coalition and we have over 108 groups here and we are going to mobilise more to end the pain-inflicting rule of APC in Gombe State and Nigeria.
“We are here to declare our support for the way out that we are seeing on ground through the movement for the coalition in Nigeria. Of course coalition is the way out.
“If APC is in government, then the only thing that we need is an alternative political party that will get them out from office”, he said.
Haruna urged stakeholders to create more awareness in their communities towards boosting political awareness and participation ahead of the 2027 general elections.
2027: Coalition only way to send APC packing from Gombe, Nigeria- Group
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