Politics
BUHARI’S CONSENSUS CANDIDATE: THE BLIND MAN’S BUFF

BUHARI’S CONSENSUS CANDIDATE: THE BLIND MAN’S BUFF
BY CHRIS GYANG
Nothing rattles Mr. President. That is, the way the leader of a country that has fulfilled all the undignified requirements of a failed state naturally should.
Confronted with relatively less problems, leaders of other democracies, even dictatorships, have been known to quake, but gather themselves up and trudge on. But not Mr. Buhari. He appears to have crumbled a long time ago from the sheer weight of the responsibilities of governance.
Even the uptick in kidnappings for ransom, armed banditry, Fulani herdsmen’s violent land-grabbing in parts of the Middle Belt, Islamist terrorism, mind-bugling corruption in the corridors of his administration and run-away inflation, among others, do not shake our president no more. Afterall, these are the frightening outcomes of his lethargic, laid-back, leadership style.
Quite instructively, in April this year, a prestigious Scottish university shared the picture of President Buhari on twitter reclining comfortably on a settee at the presidential palace picking his teeth, obviously after a sumptuous meal. This is in stark contrast with the poverty, hunger and general state of discontent ravaging ordinary Nigerians. According to the institution, the picture was used to illustrate bad and insensitive leadership. They accurately hit the bull’s eye.
That twitter representation of our president also captured the very essence of the man and his leadership style in a country buffeted on all sides by monstrous problems, most of them caused by a leadership deficit. But even before then, because the president had continued to show an almost complete lack of interest in the burning problems threatening to over-run the country, there was a time it was widely believed that the man in Aso Rock was Buhari’s body double, a foreign impostor from Sudan known as ‘Jubril.’
Many Nigerians could not rationalize how a true national leader could display such crass ambivalence to the tempests tottering the ship of state. And although the conspiracy theory that it was Jubril of Sudan and not the ‘original’ Buhari who gave the plagiarized “I am for no one but for everyone” speech that was at the Villa was later proved wrong, Mr. Buhari has remained as aloof and absent-minded as ever.
Many other Nigerians who claimed he had dementia still hold on to that belief and cite Mr. Buhari’s tepid responses to the killings, abductions for ransom, armed banditry, armed herdsmen’s attacks, etc, as glaring examples.
But there is still a very notable exception to these. Matters of partisan politics, wielding and dispensing power (with large doses of nepotism) and choosing his own successor, excite Mr. President in no small measure. To Buhari and the core northern political, religious and feudal establishments, political power is an end in itself. They proudly call it MULKI up north and hanker after it with uncommon zeal.
For them, controlling the levers of the Federal Government is sufficient, even if large swathes of their own states are in the hands of terrorists, bandits and other well-armed gangs. For them, it is enough to be president even if your region holds the ignoble record of having the largest number of poor people and out of school children in the country, not to mention their concomitant consequences.
Unfortunately, it is these and such other beliefs that have underpinned Buhari’s administration in the last seven years. And it is on that basis that he wishes to impose another northerner on the country during his APC’s presidential convention.
It is so frightening that President Buhari’s misplaced but growing sense of entitlement, self-accomplishment and self-worth make him feel that he should be allowed by the ruling APC to single-handedly determine its presidential candidate in next year’s election. Apparently, he wants to perpetuate this sweltering nightmare, state of anomy, that has become Nigeria’s new normal since he assumed power in 2015.
In a meeting with APC governors on May 31, 2022, President Buhari spelt out his demand in no uncertain terms. DAILY TRUST newspaper (June 1, 2023) captured it this way: “President Muhammadu Buhari yesterday dropped a bombshell when he told the governors of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) to allow him to make a choice for his successor.”
According to the tabloid, the governors were taken aback because they had expected the president to allow them choose one of them to succeed him. But the president’s demand should not have come as a surprise to the governors because there appears to have been an understanding between them and the president on this matter. Thus, he reminded them that the Party had already put in place smooth succession plans at the local government, state and national levels.
“For example,” Mr. Buhari explained, “first term governors who have served credibly well have been encouraged to stand for re-election. Similarly, second term governors have been accorded the privilege of promoting successors that are capable of driving their visions as well as the ideals of the party.”
Aggrieved Party members in states such as Plateau who felt that their second-term governors unjustly imposed their successors in the recent primary elections now know that they did so with the tacit backing of Aso Rock. The pact was that the governors would also bend over backwards to serve the interest of Mr. President when it comes to choosing his own successor.
So if such APC members had had any hopes of extracting justice through the intervention of Mr. Buhari or their Party’s national leadership, they should kiss that hope goodbye.
Now the president wants his pound of flesh from the state governors. He is telling them that, in the spirit of give and take, they should also allow him choose the presidential candidate of the APC. During that meeting with the governors, he proceeded to pontificate about the values of democracy and the goals and benefits of good governance in a way that completely belied his democratic credentials and the way he has misled the country so far.
Hear him: “In a few days, the party will be holding its convention during which primaries would take place to pick the presidential flag bearer for the 2023 General Elections. This is a very significant process and its outcome should prove to the world, the positive quality of the APC regarding democratic principles, culture as well as leadership.
“As we approach the Convention, I appeal to all of you to allow our interests to converge, our focus to remain on the changing dynamics of our environment, the expectations of our citizens and the global community. Our objective must be the victory of our party and our choice of candidate must be someone who would give the Nigerian masses a sense of victory and confidence even before the elections.” Mere platitudes, as usual.
Also Read: Kashim Shettima: Victory at the end
The president even emphasized the need to meet the expectations of the global community as if he had made any spirited attempts in his seven years in office to effectively leverage on the strategic position and immense human and natural resources of the country to make it a key global player.
With an intractable Islamist rebellion and armed Fulani herdsmen’s expansionism going on almost unabated, the Buhari administration has consistently shown the international community that it lacks the moral courage and political will to put a stop to these and other forms of bloody criminality that have become the order of the day all over the country. As a result, most of the global community has now adopted a stand-and-watch attitude towards Nigeria as it goes about its half-hearted motions of battling insecurity.
It is a continuation of this that the president wants the APC to allow him perpetuate by choosing a northern candidate to succeed him. No doubt, the feeling that he wants to impose a northern candidate on the APC has caused great disquite in the ranks of the party and frayed a lot of nerves. Apparently, now that it suits their whims, power shift and zoning may as well go to the dogs. But once upon a time, in fact only about eight years ago, Buhari and the core north tightly held on to these principles with religious zeal and threatened to upset the political apple cart if they were not strictly upheld. And they had their way because good reason prevailed.
The outbursts of the National Leader of the APC, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, on June 2, 2022, at Abeokuta, Ogun State, clearly underscored this growing tension, dissatisfaction and suspicion both within the APC and the polity generally, considering the fact that it is this political party that is in charge of running the affairs of the country.
In obvious response to Buhari’s shinanigans, an apparently frustrated Tinubu declared: “If not me that led the war front, Buhari wouldn’t have emerged. He contested first, second and third times, but lost. He even said on television that he won’t contest again.
“But I went to his home in Katsina. I told him you would contest and win, but you won’t joke with the matters of the Yorubas. Since he has emerged, I have not been appointed minister. I didn’t get contract. This time, it’s Yoruba turn and in Yorubaland, it’s my tenure.”
In the last few days, there have been strong indications that the president may very likely cave in to pressure from the cabal in the Presidency, chiefly made up of his relatives and a few high-ranking officials in his government, and select between the Senate President, Ahmad Ibrahim Lawan (an ultra-conservative core northerner) and former Zamfara State Governor, Alhaji Ahmed Yarima (the man who first introduced Sharia as state law while he was governor) as the APC’s consensus presidential candidate. Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s anger must have been fueled by these widespread speculations which are gradually gaining traction.
But in a swift response, a former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Mr. Babachir David Lawan, lashed out at Tinubu’s grandstanding, describing it as ‘bulshit’ (sic). Now, it’s significant to note that this is coming from a man who is one of Tinubu’s closest political allies. In fact, he was among the heavyweights that purchased the APC Presidential nomination form for Tinubu and has been a leading force in his campaign to be President in 2023.
But Lawan, a self-professed northerner, appears to have sided with the core north and Mr. Buhari against his political ally. And his vituperations would further reveal the deep-seated suspicion the core north has harboured against the Yoruba, spanning decades. VANGUARD newspaper quoted him as saying: “Sometimes it is very difficult to support a Yoruba person in national politics if you are not one.
“They have a way of making you regret your support because they eventually make you seem like a traitor to your own people. Now all these comments about Bola’s Yoruba presidency and his support of Buhari without which Buhari would not have been President is bulshit.”
He pointed out that there were many other Nigerians from other parts of the country who also contributed in making Mr. Buhari President but were “not bragging about it” and expressed regret that “You may wish to know that all of us Buhari supporters are shocked and pissed off by Bola’s speech on this occasion. It is unlike him.
“And this speech is massively trending in the North and being given a negative connotation as you can well imagine. I first read it this morning on an Adamawa group platform and the anger is palpable and all round.”
Certainly, the fact that Buhari wishes to single-handedly select the APC Presidential candidate is creating big cracks in the APC as old comrades tear each other to shreds, egged on by their deep ethnic and regional cleavages. These have now been exposed by the stress of this brutal struggle for the APC Presidential ticket. But Babachir Lawan is not yet done. He must remind the Yoruba and other Nigerians about one of Bola Tinubu’s tribesmen whose stars, he believes, were dimmed by similar attitudes.
“This appears to be the Abiola saga,” he said, “being replayed. Abiola won the election with majority Northern votes but they took the brunt of the post-election protests that followed.
“Just survey all the people that are doing more meaningful practical things to enthron (sic) Bola as President and you will find that almost all are northerners while his kinsmen engage themselves in social media activism and Northern bashing.
“When Yorubas vilify the North like this, our sense of fear and insecurity under a Yoruba presidency gets heightened and in the end, pushes us to re-think our support for not only Bola but any Yoruba as President for that matter.”
But he concluded on this rather conciliatory note: “Please, do not join our opponents to destroy our chances of clinching Monday’s primary elections.”
Nevertheless, Buhari’s consensus candidate gambit has already done irreparable damage to the APC. It can only get worse and may well be the last straw that will break this camel’s back. Buhari is taking a dangerous shot in the dark.
He is blindly groping in the dark, like he has done with the destiny of Nigerians and their motherland in the last seven years, with these catastrophic consequences. In this highly risky blind man’s buff game he is playing, the odds are dangerously high. He may just lay his hands on the wrong person. And things will definitely fall apart.
(GYANG is the Chairman of the N.G.O, Journalists Coalition for Citizens’ Rights Initiative – JCCRI. Visit our website: https://jccri-online.org. Follow us on our Twitter handle: @jccri1. Facebook
page: facebook.com/jccrionline. Emails: info@jccrionline.org; chrisgyang01@gmail.com)
BUHARI’S CONSENSUS CANDIDATE: THE BLIND MAN’S BUFF
Politics
The journey in two years: Tinubu and Shettima’s leadership fosters a narrative of progress that challenges opposition skepticism while positioning Nigeria favorably on the global map.

The journey in two years: Tinubu and Shettima’s leadership fosters a narrative of progress that challenges opposition skepticism while positioning Nigeria favorably on the global map.
By: Dr. James Bwala
The past two years of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima have been characterized by a blend of commendations and criticisms, reflecting the complexities of governance in Nigeria. Their administration has navigated significant challenges, with both leaders striving to assert their roles amid public scrutiny and political opposition. While Tinubu’s leadership is often viewed through the lens of his extensive political experience, Shettima brings a background as a former governor and senator, contributing to the executive’s multifaceted roles in providing good governance to Nigerians.
Despite efforts to consolidate power and implement policy initiatives, their tenure has faced notable backlash. Opposition parties have criticized frequent foreign trips by both leaders as wasteful expenditures that may detract from domestic governance priorities during times of economic hardship. These critiques underscore the delicate balance between international diplomacy and internal accountability.

Tinubu and Shettima’s journey over two years reflects a complex dynamic where achievements coexist with public dissatisfaction. Their administration continues to grapple with managing perceptions while addressing Nigeria’s pressing socio-economic issues. The discourse around their governance reveals not only policy challenges but also broader questions about leadership efficacy in contemporary Nigerian politics.
The presidential ticket of Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Kashim Shettima, both Muslims, initially sparked widespread debate in Nigeria due to concerns over its religious composition. Critics feared that the Muslim-Muslim ticket might exacerbate religious tensions or marginalize Christian communities. However, this apprehension has largely been countered by evidence demonstrating that the duo’s political journey has been marked by inclusivity and balanced governance. Rather than emphasizing religion, their leadership underscores competence and national unity, echoing historical precedents where shared religious identity did not hinder political success.

Christian leaders under the National Solemn Assembly (NaSA) have publicly acknowledged a shift in perception regarding the ticket. Initial fears of religious oppression have given way to recognition of equitable representation within government appointments and policymaking processes. This evolving acceptance highlights how effective governance can transcend sectarian divides and foster national cohesion.
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Despite initial skepticism rooted in Nigeria’s complex religious landscape, the Tinubu-Shettima ticket exemplifies a promising model where leadership is defined by vision and inclusiveness rather than sectarian affiliation. Their journey thus far challenges entrenched biases against Muslim-Muslim tickets and reaffirms the primacy of competence over religion in Nigerian politics. This shift in perspective underscores the importance of evaluating political candidates based on their policies and ability to address national issues, rather than solely on their religious affiliations.

The ongoing success of their administration serves as a testament to the potential for political unity and progress when leaders focus on shared goals rather than divisive identities. As their administration continues to navigate complex national challenges, the focus remains steadfast on economic development, security enhancement, and infrastructural growth, further reinforcing the narrative that effective leadership transcends religious affiliations. Their administration’s commitment to fostering inclusive growth and addressing the diverse needs of Nigeria’s populace continues to dismantle preconceived notions about religious exclusivity in governance.
The call by the Concerned Northern Muslim Ummah for President Bola Tinubu to replace Vice President Kashim Shettima with a Northern Christian as running mate in the 2027 presidential election represents a misplaced political appeal rather than an objective solution to Nigeria’s complex political dynamics. While the group frames its demand as a pursuit of religious balance and national cohesion following the contentious Muslim-Muslim ticket of 2023, such an appeal risks reducing political representation to mere religious arithmetic, potentially exacerbating divisions instead of fostering genuine unity.

This demand can be interpreted as an expression of coalition opposition cloaked in religious rhetoric. By urging Muslim aspirants to step aside for Christian candidates, the group implicitly politicizes religion as a tool for electoral bargaining rather than promoting inclusive governance based on merit and policy considerations. Hence, while religious inclusivity is important, politicizing it in this manner undermines democratic principles and may deepen identity-based cleavages under the guise of fairness.
The emphasis on religious identity as a primary criterion for political appointments disregards the multifaceted challenges facing Nigeria, where effective leadership and governance should ideally transcend sectarian lines. In a nation grappling with economic challenges, security threats, and infrastructural deficits, prioritizing religious identity over competence and visionary leadership could detract from addressing the pressing needs of the populace. Instead, fostering a political environment where leaders are evaluated based on their ability to address systemic issues and drive progress is crucial for Nigeria’s development trajectory.

Contrary to the antics of opposition parties, President Bola Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima have demonstrated commendable leadership that is gradually placing Nigeria on a transformative path. Despite criticisms and misinformation propagated by detractors, their administration has embarked on bold economic reforms aimed at stabilizing and revitalizing the Nigerian economy. For instance, Tinubu’s decisive removal of the fuel subsidy and realignment of the multiple exchange rate have been pivotal in curbing corruption and fostering fiscal responsibility. These policies reflect a strategic vision geared towards long-term national development rather than short-term populism.
Shettima’s active engagement in international forums such as the US-Africa Business Summit underscores Nigeria’s commitment to attracting foreign investment and enhancing infrastructure development. His diplomatic efforts complement Tinubu’s domestic policies by promoting agribusiness, energy innovation, and sustainable growth. Contrary to false claims suggesting Shettima’s disengagement from his duties, credible reports confirm his proactive role in advancing Nigeria’s interests abroad. Together, their leadership fosters a narrative of progress that challenges opposition skepticism while positioning Nigeria favorably on the global map.
* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.
The journey in two years: Tinubu and Shettima’s leadership fosters a narrative of progress that challenges opposition skepticism while positioning Nigeria favorably on the global map.
Politics
2027: Atiku, Obi, and El-Rufai remain vulnerable to fragmentation akin to oil separating from water.

2027: Atiku, Obi, and El-Rufai remain vulnerable to fragmentation akin to oil separating from water.
By: Dr. James Bwala
If it doesn’t function in SDP, how will it work in ADC? We were taught in basic school science that oil and water do not mix. If this metaphor is any indication, it describes the character and style of the trio who want President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima to leave the Aso Rock Villa by May 29, 2027.
The Nigerian political landscape ahead of the 2027 general elections is witnessing significant realignments, particularly with the emergence of a potential coalition involving Atiku Abubakar (PDP), Peter Obi (Labour Party), and Nasir El-Rufai (Social Democratic Party). This alliance aims to challenge the incumbent President Bola Tinubu and his running mate Shettima, signaling a strategic move to consolidate opposition forces against the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).
Despite these developments, reports suggest that Atiku, Obi, and El-Rufai are losing political ground due to internal fractures and challenges in harmonizing their distinct party platforms into a cohesive coalition. The APC remains cautious but confident, downplaying the threat posed by this opposition alliance while capitalizing on its incumbency advantages. Moreover, security concerns surrounding key opposition figures like El-rufai and Peter Obi highlight systemic issues that may undermine opposition unity and effectiveness.
While the planned coalition presents a formidable challenge to Tinubu’s administration, its success hinges on overcoming ideological differences and addressing vulnerabilities within opposition ranks. The low voter turnout in previous elections also casts uncertainty on whether such coalitions can mobilize sufficient grassroots support to unseat entrenched incumbents in Nigeria’s complex political environment.
El-Rufai was allegedly said to have run to SDP in order to be a placeholder for Atiku. However, reports breaking suggested that former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, ex-Labour Party presidential candidate Peter Obi, and former Governor Nasir El-Rufai of Kaduna State have collectively adopted the African Democratic Congress (ADC) as the official platform for their opposition coalition ahead of the 2027 Nigerian general election. According to them, this strategic alliance marks a significant realignment in Nigeria’s political landscape. These prominent figures seek to challenge the incumbent President Bola Tinubu and his All Progressives Congress (APC) party. The coalition aims to consolidate opposition forces under a unified banner, thereby enhancing their electoral competitiveness.
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They thought they had found good ground in the SDP, setting their political balls rolling. But we learned of numerous problems and the infighting amongst them that informed new decisions, which they are claiming realignment. Adewole Adebayo, the 2023 presidential candidate for the Social Democratic Party (SDP), has unequivocally declared that he will not withdraw his candidacy in favor of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar in the forthcoming 2027 general elections. This statement marks a significant stance within Nigeria’s evolving political landscape, especially considering Atiku’s prominence as a leading figure in the People’s Democratic Party. Adebayo’s refusal to step down reflects his commitment to offering an alternative political vision through the SDP, highlighting the increasing fragmentation and diversification of political competition in Nigeria.
By maintaining his candidacy despite pressure to consolidate opposition forces behind Atiku Abubakar, Adebayo emphasizes the importance of ideological independence and electoral contestation. This dynamic also points to potential challenges within opposition politics, where coalition-building efforts may face resistance from emerging parties seeking distinct platforms. Consequently, Adebayo’s position could influence strategic alliances and voter alignments ahead of Nigeria’s critical 2027 elections.
The ADC, established in 2005 and officially registered by Nigeria’s Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in 2006, has gained renewed relevance through this high-profile adoption. Historically endorsed by influential leaders such as former President Olusegun Obasanjo in 2018, the ADC now serves as a viable platform for opposition collaboration. Reports indicate ongoing efforts to restructure and strengthen the party’s organizational framework to support this coalition effectively. This development underscores an effort to create a level playing field for all political actors irrespective of their origins within Nigeria’s multi-ethnic context.
While official public announcements remain forthcoming, insider sources confirm that this coalition reflects a shared commitment among Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi, and Nasir El-Rufai to present a formidable alternative to APC dominance. However, the political dynamics involving Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi, and Nasir El-Rufai exemplify the metaphor of oil and water—elements inherently incompatible and resistant to blending. Their divergent ideologies, regional interests, and leadership styles generate tension within any coalition they form, resulting in inherent cracks that undermine unity. This fragmentation fosters uncertainty among supporters and stakeholders, weakening the coalition’s overall cohesion and strategic direction. Such internal discord often manifests as conflicting policy priorities and public disagreements that erode trust both within the alliance and among the electorate.
I believe that the inability of these leaders to reconcile their differences jeopardizes their collective political objectives. The coalition’s instability not only diminishes its bargaining power but also opens avenues for opposition forces to exploit these divisions. Consequently, this loose ground hampers effective governance planning and implementation, reflecting broader challenges in Nigerian politics where heterogeneous interests struggle to find common ground. Therefore, without deliberate efforts towards genuine compromise and collaboration, coalitions involving Atiku, Obi, and El-Rufai remain vulnerable to fragmentation akin to oil separating from water.
* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.
2027: Atiku, Obi, and El-Rufai remain vulnerable to fragmentation akin to oil separating from water.
Politics
How Shettima’s foreign engagements position Nigeria among progressive nations.

How Shettima’s foreign engagements position Nigeria among progressive nations.
By: Dr. James Bwala
Vice President Kashim Shettima’s international engagements have significantly elevated Nigeria’s profile among progressive nations. Through strategic diplomacy and active participation in global forums, Shettima has positioned Nigeria as a proactive contributor to international development and security initiatives. His efforts in fostering bilateral relations with key countries have enhanced economic cooperation, attracting foreign investment critical for Nigeria’s growth.
Shettima’s focus on addressing transnational challenges such as terrorism and climate change aligns Nigeria with global priorities, demonstrating the nation’s commitment to sustainable development. By advocating for collaborative solutions, he underscores Nigeria’s role as a responsible stakeholder in regional stability and environmental stewardship. These engagements not only boost Nigeria’s diplomatic leverage but also create avenues for technological exchange and capacity building.
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The VP’s diplomatic activities serve as a catalyst for Nigeria’s integration into the community of progressive nations. His leadership exemplifies how effective international engagement can translate into tangible socio-economic benefits at home while projecting a positive national image abroad. Between 2023 and 2025, Nigerian Vice President Kashim Shettima actively engaged in international collaborations aimed at fostering innovation and policy development within Africa. In 2023, Vice President Kashim Shettima played a significant role in advancing Nigeria’s international engagements, particularly through fostering collaborations between the Nigerian government and global academic institutions. A notable instance was his meeting with a delegation from the Firoz Lalji Institute for Africa and the London School of Economics’ Philanthropy and Global Engagement division held in Lagos and Abuja. This engagement centered on partnership opportunities with Nigeria’s newly launched Presidential Initiative for Innovation, Policy Evaluation, and Research (PIIPER), which aims to enhance policy development through rigorous research.
During this interaction, VP Shettima underscored the critical importance of bridging academia and government to address Africa’s political economy challenges effectively. His approach reflects a broader strategic vision to leverage international expertise in innovation and policy evaluation to promote sustainable development within Nigeria. By championing such collaborative frameworks, Shettima’s international engagements in 2023 contributed to positioning Nigeria as an active participant in global knowledge exchange networks essential for national growth.
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Notably, in 2024, Shettima played an instrumental role in facilitating dialogues between Nigerian policymakers and international financial institutions, aiming to secure funding and technical support for various developmental projects across the continent. These dialogues were crucial in aligning Nigeria’s fiscal strategies with international best practices, thereby enhancing the nation’s capacity to implement impactful economic reforms. These efforts not only facilitated knowledge exchange but also helped in establishing a framework for sustained economic growth and development across the region. Through these comprehensive international engagements, Shettima effectively positioned Nigeria to harness global insights and resources, fostering an environment conducive to transformative economic policy-making and regional leadership.
The VP’s proactive engagement with international stakeholders has been pivotal in fostering bilateral agreements that prioritize technology transfer and capacity building, thereby enhancing Nigeria’s competitive edge in the global market. This strategic positioning also opened avenues for Nigeria to play a more active role in regional peacekeeping initiatives, leveraging international partnerships to enhance security and stability across West Africa. This multifaceted approach not only strengthened Nigeria’s diplomatic ties but also underscored Shettima’s commitment to leveraging international collaboration for domestic benefit.
In 2025, Vice President Kashim Shettima significantly enhanced Nigeria’s international profile through strategic engagements aimed at attracting investment and fostering development partnerships. At the World Economic Forum (WEF) in Davos, Shettima actively promoted Nigeria as a promising destination for investors by highlighting key infrastructure projects such as the coastal highway and West African gas pipeline, which exemplify President Tinubu’s modernization agenda.
By countering prevailing negative perceptions about Nigeria and Africa, he sought to reposition the country within the global economic landscape. Furthermore, his participation in high-level discussions with African leaders like South African President Cyril Ramaphosa underscored a commitment to regional collaboration and leadership cohesion on international platforms.
Shettima’s advocacy extended beyond economic diplomacy into human capital development during the 2025 World Bank/IMF Spring Meetings.
He emphasized the importance of data-driven policies under Nigeria’s Human Capital Development 2.0 strategy, advocating for sustained political will and equitable investment in people rather than solely natural resources. His calls for enhanced international collaboration aimed at improving data collection mechanisms reflect a nuanced understanding of policy implementation challenges and highlight his focus on inclusive growth strategies. Collectively, these engagements demonstrate Shettima’s multifaceted approach to positioning Nigeria as both an investment hub and a nation committed to sustainable human development.
* * James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.
How Shettima’s foreign engagements position Nigeria among progressive nations.
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