Connect with us

News

RE: ENDING THE AFFRONT TO THE RULE OF LAW : A RESPONSE To COLLINS NWEKE

Published

on

RE: ENDING THE AFFRONT TO THE RULE OF LAW : A RESPONSE To COLLINS NWEKE

By Magnus Agu magnusagu85@gmai.com

Reading through the public letter by Collins Nweke, purportedly addressed to the new Chairman, House Committee on Diaspora Affairs I thought it would be something new, something different, something more intelligent.
But it was all still same of the same I won’t bore you with a long treatise I think Collins Nweke already did that .So let me go straight to the points that I want to focus on in the write-up

  1. The issue of Nido ( Nigerians in diaspora organization )Collins Nweke has taken us through the history of the formation of Nido I don’t have any problem with his historical background
    NIDO, an initiative of President Olusegun Obasanjo many years ago was set up to have all Diaspora groups under one umbrella. Unfortunately, the purpose was not achieved due to in-fighting, and quarrels, that subsequently saw even original, serious-minded members of the group exiting Nido , thanks to the sit tight and clandestine nature of its inaugural leaders like Collins Nweke and few of his cohorts.
    Stories are replete of many Nigerians abroad who were recommended to join the organization but left disappointed and wondered how they would function in an organization that had different factions, had lots of hidden and selfish agendas by its so called leaders at that time . They were confused as they had to deal with these fears so they , like many others, saw no focus and so opted out . So Collins Nweke, a founding father of Nido should be ashamed of the general state of affairs of Nido , particularly the clandestine Nido Worldwide and Nido Continental , which he and just a handful of his like , treacherously hold on to as their cash cow. It’s either his way or no way
    Now . Don’t get me wrong There are various branches of NIDO doing well in some countries Take for instance NIDO Sierra Leone. NIDO Sierra Leone has taken up a project to build a hospital in Sierra Leone for Nigerians in Sierra Leone. Nido Europe ( representing the whole of Europe led by Bashir Obasekola ) Nido Qatar, Nido South Korea , Nido Sweden, and some other Nido chapters in some countries are doing well in their various chapters and must be commended , along with other diaspora groups and associations and individuals making Nigeria proud
    It must be noted that some countries don’t have any organization called NIDO. For instance, South Africa has NICASA, and Nusa , Australia has an Association of Nigerians in Australia, and Ethiopia has an organization called NISE. I could go on and on, In America there is NAPAC , an association that has supported Nigerians contesting various elections in America, and today about 14 Nigerians in America have won their elections In America with the support of NAPAC . In Canada alone there are about 51 diaspora organizations and none of which is called Nido. Canada is peculiar because one of Collins Nweke´s Colleagues registered Nido in his own name In other words he owns Nido. Story for another day . We all know that there are professional associations like ANPA, NAPPSA, MANSAG, NNCA, NCBN, NNC,and several other professional and socio cultural groups . Canuk in the UK represents almost over 100 associations while existing along Nido UK South Zumunta is also a very strong and purposeful diaspora group . So would it not be easier if all these associations are under one umbrella as former President Olusegun Obasanjo envisaged ?Noble intention But these genuine objectives failed over the years because people like Collins Nweke remained selfish and self-centered. They could not keep Nido as one I mean how can an association that is fragmented bring others on board, for instance, NidoAfrica shamelessly has at least 2 factions, fighting over what ? Nido America has more than a faction, There are some Nido groups in some countries in Asia and the Middle East , existing along side other very active and purposeful groups .
    Nido does not exist anywhere in Australia and many other countries around the world

As noble as the objective of having all Nigerian diaspora groups under one umbrella is , it has not worked.

So what NIDO needs to do is put its own house in order and rebrand, talk to all these associations, and see if they can bring them together under one room, But my fears are it is too late now because of people like Colin’s Nweke and and his cohorts , who after 25 years , feel that they must hold on to Nido and hold 17million Nigerians in the diaspora to ransom through what Nweke calls Nido Worldwide and Nido Continental. These are bodies created by him and his gang made up of former Chairmen of Nido whom they constituted with the aim of remaining in charge of these associations for life. Mr Chairman put yourself in this situation Imagine former chairmen and members of the house committee of diaspora constituting themselves into associations of former committee members and taking decisions for you as a serving parliamentarian and chairman of committee ?What Collins Nweke is thus asking you to do is to take these guys , who have been former chairmen of Nido , as the alpha and omega of all 17 million Nigerians in Diaspora ? Chairman, does that make sense to you ?
Nweke is talking about rule of law . What moral right does a man who was an executive of Nido since the days of President Obasanjo , but refuses to let go , through what he calls Nido worldwide ?
I think Collins Nweke , beyond giving empty foreign policy analysis on tv sometimes, needs a job . Mr Chairman, you can help him get a job , please

Collins Nweke and his Nido worldwide and Nido Continental ( whatever it means ) has remained a nuisance and a distraction from genuine diaspora issues affecting Nigerians all over the world
Mr. Chairman sir I challenge you to ask Collins Nweke to give you just 500 genuine names of his members world wide !

Colllins Nweke`s piece titled “ Ending the Affront to the Rule of Law “ is ironic because , as expressly stated above ,if there is any affront to the rule of law that should be ended ,it should be that of Colllins Nweke and his inconsequential microscopic minority gang who want to be perpetual rulers, We in the Diaspora will continue to resist and reject them
Now , we have our own Commission , Nidcom , to relate with .And in this age of technology, getting data of registered groups and associations and bringing them together to work for the progress of our country is easier . And we can see that Nidcom is doing just that

As for the issue of the NiDCOM Board, it is an Administrative structure to be set up by Mr President, so it is an administrative matter. NiDCOM Board is not the only Board that has not been constituted and it will be constituted., hopefully soon However, we must commend the Diaspora Commission for bringing the Diaspora phenomenon to the front burner and you can see it’s been doing well despite all the challenges as well as little or no funding. They have taken the issue of diaspora seriously and put Nigerian issues on the front burner and we do appreciate this. Is the Commission perfect? No, but we have to help in building and strengthening this organization. Diaspora is a part of our foreign policy in Nigeria and if you look at the diaspora policy, it is well crafted if it is properly implemented we would even do better than other countries have done all over the world.
Nweke’s obsession, as in other issues with him , is self serving . He desperately had hoped to be chairman or worse case , member of the board , especially if another party had won elections , not the APC
Well, dreams do come true . I wish him well

And on the issue of Diaspora voting, Collins Nweke and his gang are not even sincere about this. A few years back they said, oh, they will mobilize 1,000,000 people on Diaspora voting and they could not even mobilize one person

So therefore he is not in a position to talk about diaspora voting, Diaspora voting has been an issue that has been championed by people at home and in the diaspora. There is already a bill in the Senate to amend the constitution to make diaspora voting a reality and what we want from you Mr Chairman is to join in our voices to make this a reality.
In his write-up, Collins Nweke asked you a pertinent question , which he termed “ the elephant in the room”He asked “ what do you want to be remembered for.” I pose the same question right back to you
What do you want to be remembered for ?
A selfless , patriotic parliamentarian or
a religious, tribal bigot that will give in to selfish manipulations? ( By the way Mr Chairman I know you are a member of the Labour Party to which people like Collins Nweke belong to ) So do you want to be remembered as a selfless parliamentarian who put the issues of diaspora selflessly Irrespective of tribe , political affiliations ?Or one who will join the clarion call for all Nigerians at home and abroad to join hands to build Nigeria together
The ball is in your court !.

RE: ENDING THE AFFRONT TO THE RULE OF LAW : A RESPONSE To COLLINS NWEKE

Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

News

Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions

Published

on

Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions

By: Zagazola Makama

Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye Faye has dismissed Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko and dissolved the country’s government following months of growing political tensions between the two leaders.

The decision was announced late Friday through a presidential decree broadcast on state television.

According to the decree read by a presidential aide, President Faye “ended the duties of Ousmane Sonko and consequently those of the ministers and secretaries of state who are members of the government.”

No immediate replacement for Sonko was announced as of the time of filing this report.

The dismissal followed a parliamentary session earlier in the week during which Sonko openly criticised President Faye, further exposing divisions within the ruling political establishment.

Political observers said relations between the two leaders had deteriorated in recent months over issues relating to party leadership, governance direction and the management of state affairs.

Analysts noted that the development could introduce fresh political uncertainty in Senegal at a time the country is facing mounting economic pressures, including rising public debt and broader fiscal challenges.

The dissolution of the government is expected to trigger consultations within the ruling coalition ahead of the appointment of a new prime minister and cabinet.

Senegal has long been regarded as one of West Africa’s more stable democracies, but recent political tensions have continued to attract regional and international attention.

Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions

Continue Reading

News

Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle

Published

on

Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle

By: Zagazola Makama

The dismissal of Senegalese Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko by President Bassirou Diomaye Faye marks the culmination of a political rupture that many observers had long considered unavoidable.

What once appeared to be one of the strongest political alliances in contemporary Senegalese politics gradually evolved into a tense rivalry shaped less by ideology than by competing ambitions, institutional contradictions and the struggle for control of executive authority.

For months, tensions within the ruling camp had become increasingly visible. Though both men emerged from the same political movement and jointly embodied the rise of the PASTEF coalition against former President Macky Sall, the coexistence between a highly charismatic political mentor and a constitutionally empowered head of state proved difficult to sustain.

The crisis is anchored in a fundamental institutional reality:Senegal’s constitutional system ultimately concentrates executive legitimacy in the presidency.

While the Prime Minister exercises substantial governmental authority, the President remains the central pillar of executive power, deriving legitimacy directly from universal suffrage and serving as the supreme authority of the state.

Sources say that the conflict emerged because Sonko increasingly projected himself not merely as head of government, but as an alternative center of political gravity within the state apparatus.

Public speeches, political positioning and repeated demonstrations of personal influence created the perception that two competing executives were operating simultaneously within the same administration.

In highly presidential systems, such arrangements rarely survive for long.

Political theorists have often observed that leaders who attain supreme office tend to resist the emergence of rival figures whose popularity, influence or visibility may overshadow their own authority. The situation in Senegal increasingly reflected that classic tension between institutional legitimacy and political charisma.

Sonko’s political trajectory has long been built around a populist and confrontational style that resonated strongly with segments of Senegalese youth and anti-establishment voters. His appeal stemmed from a mixture of direct rhetoric, anti-system positioning, nationalist discourse and his ability to embody political resistance during years of confrontation with the former administration.

However, the same qualities that fueled his rise may also have contributed to his political isolation. Sourcds note that charismatic populist figures often struggle to adapt from opposition politics to the discipline and compromise required in governance. A political strategy built around constant confrontation can become difficult to reconcile with the institutional restraints of executive power-sharing.

Over time, Sonko appeared increasingly convinced that he remained the true engine behind the ruling coalition’s legitimacy and electoral success. That perception may have encouraged attempts to expand his political influence beyond the traditional boundaries of the prime ministerial office.

For President Diomaye Faye, allowing such an imbalance to persist carried political risks.

The removal of Sonko ultimately reaffirmed a basic constitutional principle, regardless of personal popularity, a Prime Minister remains subordinate to presidential authority in Senegal’s current institutional framework.

By dismissing his Prime Minister, Diomaye signaled that he intended to fully exercise the powers attached to the presidency rather than govern under the shadow of a more dominant political personality.

The decision may also represent an attempt to consolidate state authority, reassure institutional actors and prevent the emergence of dual centers of power capable of paralysing governance. Yet the move is not without danger.

Sonko still commands significant grassroots support and retains strong influence within sections of PASTEF and among politically mobilized youth constituencies. His removal could deepen divisions inside the ruling coalition and potentially reshape Senegal’s political landscape ahead of future elections.

One of the major questions now facing Senegalese politics is whether PASTEF can survive the split without suffering a major internal fracture. Political history across Africa shows that when alliances forged in opposition reach power, tensions often emerge over authority, succession and control of state institutions.

Some party officials and elected representatives may rally behind the President, who controls the state apparatus and constitutional legitimacy. Others may remain loyal to Sonko due to his personal popularity and historical role in the movement’s rise.

The outcome of that struggle could determine whether Senegal experiences a relatively stable political recomposition or enters a prolonged period of institutional tension.

Another key factor will be public sentiment. During years of opposition politics, confrontation and political mobilisation energized large sections of the electorate. However, governing presents different expectations. Many Senegalese citizens now appear increasingly concerned with economic management, institutional stability, governance reforms and social calm rather than perpetual political conflict.

That shift may strengthen Diomaye’s position if he succeeds in presenting himself as a stabilizing statesman capable of governing above partisan rivalries. At the same time, any perception that Sonko has been politically sidelined or unfairly neutralized could trigger renewed political mobilisation among his supporters.

The crisis illustrates a recurring lesson in political systems across the world. Conquering power together is often easier than sharing it afterward. The Diomaye–Sonko alliance was extraordinarily effective as an opposition force united against a common adversary. But once in office, the unresolved question of who truly embodied executive authority became increasingly difficult to avoid.

What began as political complementarity gradually transformed into institutional competition.

The final outcome remains uncertain. Diomaye may emerge stronger by consolidating presidential authority, or Sonko could retain enough political capital to remain a major force capable of reshaping Senegal’s future political balance.

Either way, the rupture marks a turning point in Senegalese politics and may redefine the future trajectory of one of West Africa’s most closely watched democracies.

Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle

Continue Reading

News

Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes

Published

on

Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes

By Comrade Philip Ikodor

KADUNA – When a soldier falls in the line of duty, the echoes of the final salute eventually fade, but for the families left behind, a silent and grueling battle begins. While these brave men defended the nation’s sovereignty with courage, their widows are often left to navigate a minefield of poverty, trauma, and social isolation.

In a decisive move to address these challenges, the Ashlee Momoh Foundation (AMF) held a special outreach event at the Golden Orange Gate Hotel in Kaduna State on Thursday, May 21, 2026. The initiative sought to provide a lifeline to the families of departed heroes, framed not as charity, but as a profound national debt of gratitude.

The Chairperson and CEO of the Foundation, Princess Ashlee Momoh, emphasized that the AMF remains committed to ensuring no widow walks alone. She noted that the sacrifice of a soldier continues in the quiet hallways of homes where wives suddenly become sole providers.

“Many military widows face a daunting reality: sudden loss of income, housing insecurity, and a lack of access to specialized mental health support,” Princess Momoh stated. “Unless intentional interventions are made, these families remain trapped in a cycle of hardship that dishonors the legacy of the departed. Your story does not end in sorrow; it continues in purpose.”

Princess Momoh outlined the Foundation’s three strategic pillars designed to bridge the gap between loss and self-sufficiency:

Economic Independence: Providing small business grants, financial literacy, and vocational skills to restore dignity and autonomy.

Securing the Future: Offering scholarships and tuition assistance so that children do not pay for their fathers’ patriotism with their education. Emotional Fortitude: Establishing counseling and wellness groups to ensure widows are seen, heard, and sustained.

The Chairperson called for a “whole-of-society” approach, urging the government, private sector, and philanthropic organizations to join in collective action. While government intervention is pivotal, she noted that partnerships are essential to scaling the impact of these programs.

The event featured the distribution of empowerment gift items and the announcement of new scholarship awards. Prominent guests, partners and volunteers in attendance included Special Guests of Honor, Air Commodore Chris Dola (Rtd), PhD, and General Brown Yakubu (Rtd), CEO of Golden Orange Gate Hotel, both of whom delivered goodwill messages and also contributed immensely in support of the Foundation’s mission.

Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes

Continue Reading

Trending

Verified by MonsterInsights