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RE: ENDING THE AFFRONT TO THE RULE OF LAW : A RESPONSE To COLLINS NWEKE

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RE: ENDING THE AFFRONT TO THE RULE OF LAW : A RESPONSE To COLLINS NWEKE

By Magnus Agu magnusagu85@gmai.com

Reading through the public letter by Collins Nweke, purportedly addressed to the new Chairman, House Committee on Diaspora Affairs I thought it would be something new, something different, something more intelligent.
But it was all still same of the same I won’t bore you with a long treatise I think Collins Nweke already did that .So let me go straight to the points that I want to focus on in the write-up

  1. The issue of Nido ( Nigerians in diaspora organization )Collins Nweke has taken us through the history of the formation of Nido I don’t have any problem with his historical background
    NIDO, an initiative of President Olusegun Obasanjo many years ago was set up to have all Diaspora groups under one umbrella. Unfortunately, the purpose was not achieved due to in-fighting, and quarrels, that subsequently saw even original, serious-minded members of the group exiting Nido , thanks to the sit tight and clandestine nature of its inaugural leaders like Collins Nweke and few of his cohorts.
    Stories are replete of many Nigerians abroad who were recommended to join the organization but left disappointed and wondered how they would function in an organization that had different factions, had lots of hidden and selfish agendas by its so called leaders at that time . They were confused as they had to deal with these fears so they , like many others, saw no focus and so opted out . So Collins Nweke, a founding father of Nido should be ashamed of the general state of affairs of Nido , particularly the clandestine Nido Worldwide and Nido Continental , which he and just a handful of his like , treacherously hold on to as their cash cow. It’s either his way or no way
    Now . Don’t get me wrong There are various branches of NIDO doing well in some countries Take for instance NIDO Sierra Leone. NIDO Sierra Leone has taken up a project to build a hospital in Sierra Leone for Nigerians in Sierra Leone. Nido Europe ( representing the whole of Europe led by Bashir Obasekola ) Nido Qatar, Nido South Korea , Nido Sweden, and some other Nido chapters in some countries are doing well in their various chapters and must be commended , along with other diaspora groups and associations and individuals making Nigeria proud
    It must be noted that some countries don’t have any organization called NIDO. For instance, South Africa has NICASA, and Nusa , Australia has an Association of Nigerians in Australia, and Ethiopia has an organization called NISE. I could go on and on, In America there is NAPAC , an association that has supported Nigerians contesting various elections in America, and today about 14 Nigerians in America have won their elections In America with the support of NAPAC . In Canada alone there are about 51 diaspora organizations and none of which is called Nido. Canada is peculiar because one of Collins Nweke´s Colleagues registered Nido in his own name In other words he owns Nido. Story for another day . We all know that there are professional associations like ANPA, NAPPSA, MANSAG, NNCA, NCBN, NNC,and several other professional and socio cultural groups . Canuk in the UK represents almost over 100 associations while existing along Nido UK South Zumunta is also a very strong and purposeful diaspora group . So would it not be easier if all these associations are under one umbrella as former President Olusegun Obasanjo envisaged ?Noble intention But these genuine objectives failed over the years because people like Collins Nweke remained selfish and self-centered. They could not keep Nido as one I mean how can an association that is fragmented bring others on board, for instance, NidoAfrica shamelessly has at least 2 factions, fighting over what ? Nido America has more than a faction, There are some Nido groups in some countries in Asia and the Middle East , existing along side other very active and purposeful groups .
    Nido does not exist anywhere in Australia and many other countries around the world

As noble as the objective of having all Nigerian diaspora groups under one umbrella is , it has not worked.

So what NIDO needs to do is put its own house in order and rebrand, talk to all these associations, and see if they can bring them together under one room, But my fears are it is too late now because of people like Colin’s Nweke and and his cohorts , who after 25 years , feel that they must hold on to Nido and hold 17million Nigerians in the diaspora to ransom through what Nweke calls Nido Worldwide and Nido Continental. These are bodies created by him and his gang made up of former Chairmen of Nido whom they constituted with the aim of remaining in charge of these associations for life. Mr Chairman put yourself in this situation Imagine former chairmen and members of the house committee of diaspora constituting themselves into associations of former committee members and taking decisions for you as a serving parliamentarian and chairman of committee ?What Collins Nweke is thus asking you to do is to take these guys , who have been former chairmen of Nido , as the alpha and omega of all 17 million Nigerians in Diaspora ? Chairman, does that make sense to you ?
Nweke is talking about rule of law . What moral right does a man who was an executive of Nido since the days of President Obasanjo , but refuses to let go , through what he calls Nido worldwide ?
I think Collins Nweke , beyond giving empty foreign policy analysis on tv sometimes, needs a job . Mr Chairman, you can help him get a job , please

Collins Nweke and his Nido worldwide and Nido Continental ( whatever it means ) has remained a nuisance and a distraction from genuine diaspora issues affecting Nigerians all over the world
Mr. Chairman sir I challenge you to ask Collins Nweke to give you just 500 genuine names of his members world wide !

Colllins Nweke`s piece titled “ Ending the Affront to the Rule of Law “ is ironic because , as expressly stated above ,if there is any affront to the rule of law that should be ended ,it should be that of Colllins Nweke and his inconsequential microscopic minority gang who want to be perpetual rulers, We in the Diaspora will continue to resist and reject them
Now , we have our own Commission , Nidcom , to relate with .And in this age of technology, getting data of registered groups and associations and bringing them together to work for the progress of our country is easier . And we can see that Nidcom is doing just that

As for the issue of the NiDCOM Board, it is an Administrative structure to be set up by Mr President, so it is an administrative matter. NiDCOM Board is not the only Board that has not been constituted and it will be constituted., hopefully soon However, we must commend the Diaspora Commission for bringing the Diaspora phenomenon to the front burner and you can see it’s been doing well despite all the challenges as well as little or no funding. They have taken the issue of diaspora seriously and put Nigerian issues on the front burner and we do appreciate this. Is the Commission perfect? No, but we have to help in building and strengthening this organization. Diaspora is a part of our foreign policy in Nigeria and if you look at the diaspora policy, it is well crafted if it is properly implemented we would even do better than other countries have done all over the world.
Nweke’s obsession, as in other issues with him , is self serving . He desperately had hoped to be chairman or worse case , member of the board , especially if another party had won elections , not the APC
Well, dreams do come true . I wish him well

And on the issue of Diaspora voting, Collins Nweke and his gang are not even sincere about this. A few years back they said, oh, they will mobilize 1,000,000 people on Diaspora voting and they could not even mobilize one person

So therefore he is not in a position to talk about diaspora voting, Diaspora voting has been an issue that has been championed by people at home and in the diaspora. There is already a bill in the Senate to amend the constitution to make diaspora voting a reality and what we want from you Mr Chairman is to join in our voices to make this a reality.
In his write-up, Collins Nweke asked you a pertinent question , which he termed “ the elephant in the room”He asked “ what do you want to be remembered for.” I pose the same question right back to you
What do you want to be remembered for ?
A selfless , patriotic parliamentarian or
a religious, tribal bigot that will give in to selfish manipulations? ( By the way Mr Chairman I know you are a member of the Labour Party to which people like Collins Nweke belong to ) So do you want to be remembered as a selfless parliamentarian who put the issues of diaspora selflessly Irrespective of tribe , political affiliations ?Or one who will join the clarion call for all Nigerians at home and abroad to join hands to build Nigeria together
The ball is in your court !.

RE: ENDING THE AFFRONT TO THE RULE OF LAW : A RESPONSE To COLLINS NWEKE

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Troops repel bandits’ attack in AgatuBenue

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Troops repel bandits’ attack in Agatu
Benue

By Zagazola Makama

Troops of the Nigerian Army, in collaboration with the police, repelled an attack by suspected armed bandits on a joint patrol team in Agatu Local Government Area of Benue State.

Security sources said the incident occurred at about 9:00 a.m. on April 4, when the troops on routine patrol encountered the armed bandits.

According to the sources, the bandits opened fire on sighting the troops, leading to a gun duel.

“The troops responded decisively, forcing the bandits to retreat after a brief exchange of fire,” the source said.

The attackers reportedly fled through a nearby river, taking advantage of the difficult terrain.

The sources confirmed that no casualty was recorded among the troops during the encounter.

Following the incident, troops have intensified patrols and commenced combing operations in surrounding bushes to track down the fleeing suspects.

The operation is part of ongoing efforts by the military to curb banditry and sustain peace in the area.

Troops repel bandits’ attack in Agatu
Benue

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Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive

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Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive

By Zagazola Makama

Additional details have emerged on the identities of notorious bandit leaders eliminated during the recent military offensive in Tsafe Local Government Area of Zamfara State, where the son of feared kingpin Ado Allero and scores of fighters were neutralised.

At the heart of the operation was the elimination of Kachalla Iliya Sarki, the son of Ado Allero, alongside more than 65 fighters and several high-ranking commanders who had long orchestrated attacks, kidnappings, and cattle rustling across Zamfara and neighbouring states.

For years, the forests of Tsafe, Shinkafi, and Zurmi have served as operational bases for heavily armed groups, with Allero’s network emerging as one of the most feared. The death of his son, widely regarded as a rising figure within the hierarchy, is not just a tactical success, it is a symbolic strike at the core of the group’s command structure.

Security sources confirmed that the offensive, which targeted multiple camps in Munhaye and surrounding forest enclaves, led to the elimination of several key commanders.

Among them was Kachalla Biyabiki, a notorious kidnapping kingpin linked to numerous abductions in the western Tsafe axis. Intelligence indicated he had at least 10 victims in captivity at the time of his death, with ransom negotiations ongoing.

Also killed was Kachalla Dogon Bete, a feared field commander known for leading violent raids on rural communities and coordinating cattle rustling operations.

Other commanders neutralised include Kachalla Dan Bakolo, believed to be responsible for arms supply and logistics; Kachalla Na’Isa, a sub-commander involved in enforcement operations; Kachalla Yellow, linked to reprisal attacks; and Kachalla Mudi, associated with kidnapping activities along rural transit routes.

Together, these figures formed a critical part of the operational backbone of banditry in the Tsafe–Shinkafi corridor.

“These individuals were key actors within the network. Their neutralisation has disrupted command and control structures in the area,” a security source said.

The offensive, which targeted multiple camps in Munhaye and surrounding forest enclaves, also resulted in the destruction of hideouts and recovery of weapons and other logistics.

However, security experts warn that the killing of such high-profile figures—particularly the son of Ado Allero—may provoke retaliatory attacks by fleeing elements seeking revenge.

Troops have consequently intensified clearance operations, aerial surveillance, and aggressive patrols across Tsafe, Shinkafi, and adjoining areas to prevent regrouping and forestall possible reprisals.

Efforts are ongoing to track down remaining loyalists and dismantle residual cells operating within the wider Zamfara-Katsina forest corridor.

In Zamfara’s forests, where power shifts quickly and alliances are fluid, today’s victory can only be secured by tomorrow’s vigilance.

Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive

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Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed

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Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed

By Zagazola Makama

In Plateau State, the sound of gunfire is no longer shocking. It is expected. What follows each incident has also become predictable outrage, media attention, blames and accusations, as well as a rush to frame the tragedy within familiar narratives.

The latest reports of miners lynched by unknown gunmen have once again drawn national and international attention. Youth leaders, clerics, and advocacy groups are already describing the incident in sweeping terms, some branding it as genocide.

But beneath the headlines lies a more complicated and more troubling reality. Plateau is not witnessing isolated acts of violence. It is caught in a deeply entrenched cycle of reprisals, where attacks and counter-attacks have become the norm, and where truth is often buried beneath sentiment and selective narratives.

In the early hours of April 3, troops responded to a distress call from Sabongida village in Jos South Local Government Area. What they found was grim: the lifeless, beheaded body of a 30-year-old herder, identified as Shafiyu, lying in the bush. Security sources indicated that the killing was allegedly carried out by suspected Berom youths. Before the shock of that incident could settle, retaliation came swiftly.

Later that same day, armed men attacked an illegal mining site in Gyel village, Riyom Local Government Area. Three miners, including Samuel Davou, were killed in cold blood, while others fled for safety as troops moved in to secure the area. What might appear as separate incidents are, in reality, part of a continuous chain of violence, one feeding directly into the other.

Across Plateau, recent events reveal a troubling pattern that has defined the conflict for years.
On March 25, the body of Abdullahi Mohammed , a Fulani boy, was discovered in a shallow grave in Mangu Local Government Area, raising suspicions of targeted killing. On the same day in Riyom, irrigation farms belonging to several farmers were destroyed, by Fulani herdsmen, an act capable of provoking immediate retaliation.

Three days later, on March 28, gunmen assassinated Alhaji Bilyaminu Julde, a prominent Fulani community leader and Ardo of Gindiri, in Barkin Ladi. The attack, carried out at his residence, sent ignited tensions through the Fulani community and set off alarm bells across the state.

That same day, another flashpoint emerged in Riyom, where stray cattle destroyed farmlands in Tahoss village an incident that further strained relations between farmers and herders.
By April 2, violence had escalated again. In Bokkos Local Government Area, troops foiled an attack by suspected armed herders following a clash with vigilantes over grazing disputes. One vigilante sustained gunshot injuries.

Then came April 3, a day that encapsulated the crisis. Aside from the killing of the herder in Sabongida and the retaliatory attack on miners in Gyel, more killing were reported in Jos South.
On the same day, troops in Barkin Ladi recovered suspected rustled cattle reportedly taken by the Birom armed militia, while in Riyom, another Fulani youth was allegedly killed in an isolated attack. Each of these incidents is not just an entry in a security log. They are links in a chain, each one strengthening the justification for the next.

The Plateau conflict has increasingly been framed through singular lenses, often ethnic or religious. While these dimensions exist, they do not fully capture the complexity of what is happening on the ground. What emerges from security reports and field accounts is a cycle of reciprocal violence involving armed elements across communities. Fulani herders have been attacked and killed. Berom farmers and miners have also been targeted in deadly reprisals.
Yet, public discourse often pointing fongers only one side of the suffering.

This selective framing creates a dangerous distortion. It fuels anger, deepens divisions, and makes reconciliation even more difficult. More importantly, it prevents a clear understanding of the crisis one that is essential for any meaningful solution.

As observed by Simon Kolawole, the conflict has become a cycle of “attacks and counter-attacks, reprisals and counter-reprisals.”
In such an environment, violence becomes normalized. Communities begin to see retaliation not as a crime, but as justice.
Without accountability, peace remains elusive,”he said in his latest article, titled The Killing fields in plateau State.

In Plateau State, the search for peace has become a long, uncertain journey with no immediate destination in sight. Despite sustained military deployments and repeated calls for calm, deadly attacks continue to rage across communities, reinforcing a grim reality: this is a conflict deeply rooted in cycles of violence, mistrust, and silence.

For many residents, the first instinct after every attack is to look toward the government, Security forces and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Questions are asked why were the troops not there? Why was the intelligence not acted upon? Why are communities left exposed?

These concerns are valid. The primary responsibility of any government is the protection of lives and property. Yet, beneath these criticisms lies a difficult truth that is often left unspoken. In many cases, the same communities that demand protection are unwilling to confront the problem from within.

Across flashpoints in Riyom, Barkin Ladi, Bokkos, and Mangu, patterns have consistent which suggest that perpetrators of violence are not faceless outsiders operating in isolation. They are often known by name, by face, by affiliation. But they are rarely exposed. Instead, a culture of silence prevails. Fear, loyalty, and sometimes complicity prevent communities from identifying or handing over those responsible for attacks.

This silence creates a protective shield around perpetrators, allowing them to strike repeatedly without consequences. The result is a dangerous cycle: attacks occur, blame is assigned externally, and the real actors remain embedded within the communities.

There have been instances where youth leaders publicly blamed Fulani groups for atrocities even in cases where the victims themselves were Fulani. Such claims stretch logic and risk undermining credibility. The argument that a group would attack itself, rustle or poison its own livestock, and transport it into rival territory solely to assign blame raises fundamental questions.

While misinformation is a powerful tool in conflict, it cannot fully explain away patterns that are repeatedly documented by security agencies. These narratives, rather than promoting justice, deepen mistrust and inflame passions, making reconciliation more difficult.

This cycle has blurred the lines between victim and aggressor. Communities that mourn their dead today may be accused of launching attacks tomorrow. In such an environment, truth becomes contested, and justice becomes subjective. A herder is killed, reprisal follows.
Miners are attacked, revenge is planned.
Cattle are rustled, retaliation is inevitable. Each incident becomes both consequence and justification.

Intelligence gathering, the backbone of effective security operations depends heavily on local input. When communities withhold information, protect suspects, or distort facts, security agencies are left to operate in the dark.
This creates gaps that perpetrators exploit.
Blaming the government alone, without acknowledging this dynamic, presents an incomplete picture of the crisis.

Security forces have remained active, responding to distress calls, conducting patrols, and attempting to stabilize volatile areas. Yet, their presence has not been enough to stop the killings. The reality is that no amount of military deployment can fully secure a population that is unwilling to cooperate.

One of the most dangerous drivers of the conflict is impunity. For decades, perpetrators of violence in Plateau have rarely been brought to justice. Killings are recorded, condemned, and eventually forgotten until the next incident occurs.

Community, religious and youths leaders, who should serve as stabilizing forces, are increasingly unable to control armed youth groups. Such interventions are rare and often overshadowed by more powerful forces of anger and revenge. In many cases the leaders are the once directly fueling the crises and encouraging the youths to take up arms to carry out reprisals attacks.

The nature of the Plateau conflict makes it resistant to purely military solutions. This is not a conventional war with clear battle lines. It is a fragmented conflict driven by local grievances, economic competition, and historical mistrust.
Calls for heavy-handed interventions, including suggestions of foreign military involvement, fail to recognize this reality. Force alone cannot resolve a conflict that is rooted in social and communal dynamics.

If Plateau is to break free from this cycle, the first step must be honesty. The violence must be acknowledged for what it is a series of interconnected attacks involving multiple actors, not a one-sided campaign. Only then can meaningful solutions emerge.

This is not just a story of victims and aggressors. It is a story of a society caught in a loop of vengeance, where yesterday’s victim can become today’s perpetrator. Until the truth is confronted in its entirety without bias, without omission peace will remain elusive.

The government must move beyond reactive security measures and take decisive steps to address the root causes of the conflict. This includes ensuring accountability, strengthening intelligence capabilities, and facilitating genuine dialogue among communities.Equally important is the role of local leaders. They must rise above partisan interests and work actively to restrain their followers, promote peace, and reject all forms of violence regardless of who commits them.

Zagazola Makama is a Counter Insurgency Expert and Security Analyst in the Lake Chad Region

Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed

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