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Army University Biu: There is certain interest, but certainly not from Borno.

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Army University Biu: There is certain interest, but certainly not from Borno.

By: Dr. James BWALA

The Steve Oronsaye report, which failed in its implementation during the Jonathan and Buhari administration, has fallen into the loudest criticisms by Nigerians, especially the people of Borno State, owing to its seemingly reversed posture on the education of thousands who needed to add knowledge through the university system, particularly children of Borno State who are battling with the issues of Boko Haram, to the effect that it almost crippled west education in the state.

Schools are not enough in place in Borno State to cater to the needs on the ground in the fight to dismantle the minds of hundreds of thousands that have been indoctrinated against western education. According to many citizens, the order for the implementation of the Steve Oronsaye report, which named the Army University in Biu town in southern Borno, has a number of political interests, to the effect that some people have been pointing fingers at some politicians in the state for smuggling the de-Army University Biu in the reports.

I have spoken to many people on the earliest day of the report, trying to discredit their minds on certain individuals they are raising their doubts about for possibly working against the progress of the people by probably supporting the government’s idea of merging the Army University Biu with the Nigerian Defence Academy, which, in my opinion, is wrong to have begun to look at the situation from that angle. I have talked with a number of lecturers at both the University of Maiduguri and the Army University Biu to feel their pulse on certain name-callings.

Someone did send a message to me that read, “Mallam: Why should the Nigerian Army University be included in the ongoing implementation of the Steve Oronsaye Report? The report was dated in 2012, while the Army University was established in 2018. So the university couldn’t have been featured in the report. I smell a rat.”

Well, I already heard some names, which I tried to defend fairly in the face of confrontations. Sometimes I feel people who see themselves on the disadvantage side owing to what they heard other people say about them are often eager to move to anger over issues they may not be clear with, especially the Steve Oronsaye report and the involvement of the Nigerian Army University Biu.

I was particularly happy when I saw the Borno state governor, Professor Babagana Umara Zulum, pleading with the federal government over the calculation to merge the Army University with the NDA. He went point blank to state the importance of the Army University to Borno State, to the extent that he pleaded for the federal ministry of education to take over the university as one of the federal government universities if it most affected the Steve Oronsaye report.

The Borno state governor, as I often described him, would not mince words to state the facts. If there are undertones, as some people have already misinterpreted through the gates of misinformation as they have gathered in their underneath assumptions, the professor as I know him over the years would not have been on the pages of newspapers and on radio and TV standing with the people to give reasons for the federal government to rethink its position on the Army University Biu.

Those who are thinking that the rest of the Borno state may not be standing with the southern Borno in the mere allegations should know that the members of the representatives in both the green and red chambers at the National Assembly have come together under one umbrella to speak with one voice over the intentions of the federal government on the Army University Biu as intended, pinning to the Steve Oronsaye report.

I believe that they have gone a long way to advise the government on the needs that must be met to allow the Army University Biu to stand on its own. The Army University Biu must be allowed to function, not as a department or otherwise, and way apart from the regimented NDA. It is to benefit the civilians, who are also tax payers, that makes the country thicker in blending civility and regimented lives. 

The Borno state governor’s voice, added to the many voices, has rekindled hope in this renewed hope mantra of the Tinubu Administration, and I hope that we can give space to understand certain situations before we speak of them, and not to add negative thoughts to innocent claims. Borno is home to us, and we must stand with our leaders. The Army University Biu never wanted to be sited in Biu in the first place, and these forces are not from Borno State.

James BWALA, PhD, writes from Abuja. 

Army University Biu: There is certain interest, but certainly not from Borno.

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Public Mouthpiece, Politicians, and Grassroots Mobilizers: Holding Leaders Accountable for Good Governance and Peaceful Coexistence

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Public Mouthpiece, Politicians, and Grassroots Mobilizers: Holding Leaders Accountable for Good Governance and Peaceful Coexistence

By: Balami Lazarus

For some time NEWSng has been waving aside the idea of writing on these popular patriotic individuals who are public mouthpiece politicians and grassroots mobilizers that have taken upon themselves to contribute their quota consistently on radio by holding elected leaders accountable and demanding good governance and peaceful coexistence on the Plateau and in Nigeria at large.

It is interesting to know if a media known for featuring and reporting positive developments should allow such important contributions to our democracy with clear objectives for good governance to go down the drain.

Therefore, these men are like the old English musketeers famous for their bravery and professional acts of protection of kings in medieval Europe. These respected individuals are for the public interest, advocating for good governance at all levels through their voices.

They are public mouthpieces, spokesmen for and on behalf of the public who are always calling the attention of elected leaders to challenges faced by the citizens who voted them into power in the political democracy on the Plateau through some radio programs.

The contributions of these patriotic citizens for holding our leaders accountable for good governance in order to make Nigeria better serve as the lighthouses of our democratic growth and development.

If you were to listen to them, you would agree that they are passionate about good governance/dividends of democracy and peace on the Plateau and in Nigeria. They are not critics; they don’t attack, but their actions and opinions/views are raw and painful but are the truth that cannot be denied because they are necessary for the government and other leaders who need to consider them and begin to act to bring developments for the citizens.

NEWSng decided to limit this work to only five in spite of numerous contributors to the radio programs. Musa Kalu, Ada Onugu, Comrade Dadong Antibas, Hon. Omenaka Jude Sat, and Sadiq Umar, whose voices are the true representations of the grassroots. Their voices are cries of the Nigerian masses for dividends of democracy. Ultimately they are holding democratically elected leaders accountable in the present democratic dispensation.

Speaking to them individually on why they are passionate about holding elected leaders accountable. However, they spoke from different angles of developments. Ironically, they are all on the same page demanding good governance and peaceful coexistence among the Nigerian citizens.

Musa Kalu is always on the path of peaceful coexistence without any sentiments. ‘As a Nigerian, I am for peaceful coexistence, progress, and development. Nigeria belongs to all of us in respect of religion, ethnicity, and geographical location. Hon. Jude Sat said that as a public mouthpiece, they will not close their eyes where the government is not doing the needful. ‘I will continue to speak for a better Plateau and Nigeria and for the future generations.’

These individuals are refined politicians in their own right with a strong political hold on their wards/communities. Reliable sources have it that Governor Caleb Manasseh Mutfwang received bulk votes in Jenta/Apata wards, among other wards in Jos, because of the handiworks of some of the public mouthpiece politicians and grassroots mobilizers.

On security bedeviling the state and the country at large, they unanimously said that unless and until the government takes decisive actions on the security challenges, there will be no good governance.

Dadong Antibas said, ‘We will continue to speak and hold our leaders accountable at all times. I have received threats, but that has not stopped my voice…. I have been speaking on state and national issues for years.

Furthermore, Sadiq Umar said that citizens of the state have come to confide in them to speak and call the attention of the government and other elected leaders to their plights. Holding our leaders responsible and accountable…is my responsibility, including you.

Attempts to meet and speak with Ada Onugu failed. However, investigations revealed that their voices are meant to check the activities of government and elected leaders on the Plateau. Their hold on their wards/communities as public mouthpiece politicians and grassroots mobilizers is laudable. Thus, elected leaders and aspiring politicians on the Plateau are beginning to align and key into their popularity at the grassroots.

They all acknowledged the wonderful works of Governor Caleb Manasseh Mutfwang for his efforts in providing dividends of democracy through good governance.

Public Mouthpiece, Politicians, and Grassroots Mobilizers: Holding Leaders Accountable for Good Governance and Peaceful Coexistence

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Burkina Faso’s Ibrahim Traoré and the Revolution of IllusionsThree years after taking power, Traoré’s populist showmanship and defiant rhetoric mask a grim reality of insecurity, poverty, and political isolation — far from the Sankarist revival he promises.

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Burkina Faso’s Ibrahim Traoré and the Revolution of Illusions
Three years after taking power, Traoré’s populist showmanship and defiant rhetoric mask a grim reality of insecurity, poverty, and political isolation — far from the Sankarist revival he promises.

By Oumarou Sanou

Three years after seizing power, Burkina Faso’s strongman, Captain Ibrahim Traoré, continues to project himself as the torchbearer of a new African revolution — a reincarnation of the late Thomas Sankara. Yet, his recent performance, marking his third anniversary in power, revealed more theatre than substance. It was less a presidential address and more a self-congratulatory monologue filled with sweeping claims, imagined enemies, and revolutionary soundbites detached from the harsh realities on the ground.

Facing a carefully selected group of journalists — those unlikely to ask uncomfortable questions — Traoré transformed what should have been a serious state briefing into a one-man show. His tone was confident, even prophetic, yet far removed from the desperation of a nation caught in the grip of terrorism, poverty, and displacement.

Traoré opened with drama: when he came to power, he claimed, the Burkinabe army had “barely a hundred weapons and 100,000 cartridges.” Such exaggerations might thrill loyalists but stretch credibility. Even local hunters would scoff at such arithmetic. Yet, the captain reassured his listeners that 15,000 men are now recruited annually and that Burkina Faso will soon “make its own weapons.”

How, and with what resources? There were no details — no factories, no engineers, no budget. It was a familiar populist pattern: imagination over implementation, rhetoric over realism.

Then came a moment of unintended honesty. “Politics in Africa,” Traoré lectured, “is the art of lying, deceiving, and flattering.” Was this a denunciation of the old political elite, a confession of his own methods, or the mission statement of his self-styled “Progressive Popular Revolution”?

Pressed for specifics, Traoré was blunt: “I’m not going to tell you the exact content.” In other words, the people are expected to believe in a revolution whose goals remain secret. It is governance through mystique — a convenient cloak for opacity and improvisation.

Perhaps the highlight — or low point — of the press conference came with the grand economic announcement: a tomato processing plant. While jihadists overrun villages and thousands of civilians flee daily, the government’s big victory was the promise of locally made tomato paste.

Agricultural processing is undoubtedly essential. But in a nation where more than half of the territory is under terrorist control, the symbolism felt jarring. The message seemed to be: Burkina may not be safe, but at least it will have sauce.

When policies fail, populists find scapegoats. In Traoré’s narrative, the Ivory Coast has now become the enemy. He accused Abidjan of serving as “the rear base of Burkina’s enemies” and even suggested that President Alassane Ouattara had signed a “non-aggression pact” with jihadists.

Such allegations are not just far-fetched — they are dangerous. They strain regional diplomacy, alienate neighbours, and distract from the government’s inability to secure its own borders. Ironically, when a journalist cited a poll showing that 66% of Ivorians viewed Burkina Faso’s leadership favourably, Traoré shrugged: “Really? I don’t follow that… I don’t watch those media outlets anymore.”

This was revealing. In a state where the media is censored and dissent suppressed, even positive news struggles to reach the leader’s ears. Traoré appears trapped within his own echo chamber — and Burkina Faso with him.

Three years on, the outcomes are damning. Burkina Faso remains the most terrorised country in the world. Thousands have been killed, millions displaced, and much of the countryside is beyond state control. Schools are closed, health centres are abandoned, and basic livelihoods are destroyed.

Despite fiery anti-Western speeches and his warm embrace of Moscow, little has changed on the ground. Russian mercenaries and propaganda can amplify slogans, but they cannot rebuild schools, protect farmers, or restart an economy in free fall.

And now, with Burkina Faso — alongside Niger and Mali — having withdrawn from ECOWAS, the country faces deepening isolation. What Traoré brands as “sovereign independence” increasingly looks like self-imposed solitude. Without regional cooperation, intelligence sharing, or trade partnerships, Burkina Faso risks turning into a garrison state — fortified in rhetoric but hollow in results.

In just three hours of speaking, Captain Traoré managed to: turn the Ivory Coast into the supposed headquarters of Sahel’s villains; declare tomato paste the new pillar of national resilience; and redefine politics as the art of deception.

But beyond the theatre, Burkina Faso continues to bleed. The ordinary people — farmers, students, traders, and families — pay the real price for this illusion of revolution.

Traoré may parade as the new Sankara, but three years on, his “revolution” looks more like a parody than a legacy. The real revolution Burkina Faso needs today is not one of slogans or posturing, but of results — restoring security, rebuilding trust, and reviving governance.

Until then, Captain Ibrahim Traoré’s revolution remains exactly what it appears to be: a show more than a solution.

Oumarou Sanou
Social critic, Pan-African observer and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, regional stability, and the evolving dynamics of African leadership. Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com

Burkina Faso’s Ibrahim Traoré and the Revolution of Illusions
Three years after taking power, Traoré’s populist showmanship and defiant rhetoric mask a grim reality of insecurity, poverty, and political isolation — far from the Sankarist revival he promises.

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Pharm. Samuel Ishaya Gyang: Compass for Future Dividends of Political Democracy

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Pharm. Samuel Ishaya Gyang: Compass for Future Dividends of Political Democracy

By: Balami Lazarus

I have been for youths’ growth and progress in either trades, vocations, professions, or any other legitimate endeavors that will self-empower them or be contributions to their communities later in life.

Before this write-up, I made several attempts to meet and speak with one of the young politicians on the Plateau, but all my efforts failed. Therefore, I decided to put down what I knew personally about the aforementioned political personality and equally what I was able to gather from investigations about this young politician in question who belongs to the youth gallery of politicians on the Plateau.

These young politicians are educated, energetic, focused, and professionals in their chosen careers. They are full of ideas of good governance, excellent blueprints, and roadmaps to future human and capital developments for progress in the realms of our political democracy with clarity of purpose and objectives that reflects our country’s motto, ‘unity and faith, peace and progress.’

The 1999 phase of our political democracy has ushered in mass numbers of youths into the political space, where they are actively participating in meaningful politicking, aspiring for elective positions under a political party of their choice, but with the passage of time, 25 years down the democratic line, we have seen and experienced the contributions of these young, able politicians with a quantum leap in political activities and contributions. Today you find them some elective positions, some with political appointments at both state and federal levels. Unlike in past years, where it was uncommon to find youths as young politicians occupying elective positions, talk less of political appointments. Rather, they are used as political thugs and later dumped when elections are over.

But here on the Plateau, this new dawn has provided the youths who are purposeful the chance and space to participate and vie for political offices, having fulfilled all necessary requirements. I hereby in this work correctly, sincerely, and truthfully declare and attest as to it as a political affidavit that you can find them in many political elective offices and appointments as council chairmen, secretaries, members of assembly aides, and councillors, to mention but a few.

Moreover, my political findings have clearly revealed that Plateau State is a common ground for youth in politics. And more importantly, it has been a healthy launching pad where many more shall reach higher elective positions.

Hon. (Pharm) Samuel Ishaya Gyang is one among such young politicians on the Plateau that has willingly decided to offer himself to serve his people through politics. Investigations have shown that Samuel Gyang is well accepted by the larger members of his community/constituency—Jos Northwest. And to a larger extent, Pharmacist Gyang has gone beyond the Jos North Local Government Area, where he served as secretary with good political records of performance. ‘We have felt him in the distributions of fertilizers in the local government.’

Political rumors going around said that Hon. Samuel Ishaya Gyang is likely to contest once again for the House of Assembly, Jos Northwestconstituency.

Well, there is nothing bad in that. The political spreadsheet is wide and large enough to contain aspirants. Samuel Gyang, keep up the good work and aspire for other high political offices.

Balami, a publisher/columnist. 08036779290

Pharm. Samuel Ishaya Gyang: Compass for Future Dividends of Political Democracy

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