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STRUGGLE FOR PALESTINIAN STATEHOOD AS THE DEFINING LIMINAL MOMENT OF OUR TIME

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STRUGGLE FOR PALESTINIAN STATEHOOD AS THE DEFINING LIMINAL MOMENT OF OUR TIME

By: Yusuf Maitama Tuggar

A liminal moment is a time of realization that the way things are is no longer sustainable, yet the way thing will become is yet to happen. In other words, a liminal moment is a period of transition. The quest of Palestinians for statehood and the right to exist is going through a transition period in which the world is awakening to the fact that Israeli occupation of Gaza and the West Bank and the institutionalised system of segregation used to administer the territories is neither tenable nor sustainable. Although the violence and carnage being meted out to the Palestinians appears at first glance to strengthen the hands of the Israeli government and provides opportunity for settlers to expand territorial ambitions, a closer examination reveals it to be a pyrrhic victory. The resolve of the innocent civilians on the receiving end is only getting stronger, determined to avert another Nakba, the term referring to the exodus that followed the 1948 partitioning that created the state of Israel. Many Palestinians lost their homes in the event, never to return again. Families still clutch on to the keys of their houses as mementos of a mistake passed down from one generation to another, that must never be repeated again. The struggle for Palestinian statehood is the liminal moment of our time.

When it comes to standing up against injustice and racial discrimination, Nigeria has maintained an admirable consistency. We deployed resources and energy over three decades towards the liberation of Angola, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Namibia and Apartheid South Africa. Nigeria follows the dictum of International Relations guru Hans Morgenthau of making ethical foreign policy behaviour an integral part of its state objective. President Bola Tinubu continued this tradition when he spoke out equably for an end to the violence in Palestine and Lebanon during the Arab-OIC Extraordinary Summit in Riyadh on 11th of November 2024, calling for the actual implementation of the two-state solution that has been the subject of several UN Resolutions, dating back to Resolutions 242 and 338 of 1967. President Tinubu’s intervention was considered by other countries in attendance as providing the missing mechanism when he suggested the creation of a secretariat to monitor implementation of the Summit’s resolutions and provide regular reports to the leadership, until peace is achieved. This was unanimously adopted as a late addition to the draft resolution and hailed as a departure from previous ones that lacked implementation mechanisms.

President Tinubu has remained deeply concerned by the human suffering in Gaza, especially of children and women. For this reason, Nigeria worked with Red Cross officials and employed its diplomatic channels to facilitate the evacuation of sick and injured children to Egypt, UAE and Jordan. Today three-year-old Alaa Madhon, nine-month-old Salma Chagu of Khan Yunus, another three-month-old baby Alaa and baby Suhail are all alive with the help of Nigeria’s back channel diplomatic efforts. In his speech, President Tinubu reminded the world that the conflict did not begin on October 7th, contrary to media reporting that often gives the impression that the Hamas attack and kidnapping of civilians was the casus belli that justified Israeli aggression and discounting the daily aggression meted out to Palestinians living under the apartheid system in Gaza and the West Bank. He candidly challenged leaders by stating it was not enough to issue empty condemnations and although a countries in a rules-based international order had the right to self-defence, they had to take into account the proportionality of violence they applied, especially on innocent civilians. President Tinubu pointed out that an entire civilian population cannot be dismissed as collateral, in meting out revenge for October 7th. The contradiction of justifying the Israeli aggression against innocent civilians within the context of a rules based international law and order is that the whole point of international law is to rule out revenge. Justice is antithetical to revenge.

Those who attempt to give religious colouration to standing up for what is right and just betray a lack of understanding of the Palestinian quest for statehood. Some of the most prominent figures in that struggle have been Christians; academic Edward Said, PLFP founder George Habash, political activist Hanan Ashrawi are among the recognisable names. And within the state of Israel exist Arabs that are Muslim, Christian and Druze. The Republic of South Africa that instituted a genocide case against Israel in the International Court of Justice is 82% Christian. The nationhood journey of South Africa and the struggle against apartheid make it the most morally appropriate nation to file such a case against Israel where a similar apartheid system confines over 2.2 million people in an open-air prison called Gaza. Like South African Bantustans or homelands, those living within require passes to move around, their fundamental human rights restricted. So South Africans can identify more easily with the plight of the Palestinians as non-citizens on their own land.

But Nigeria can also identify with such a system and share the pain because of our own journey to nationhood. Apartheid was simply an extreme form of indirect rule. The system designed by Lord Lugard and Jan Smuts to answer the native question was to segregate a black majority, creating Sabon Garis and Zangos that restricted movement and mingling among the owners of the land. Black people were not allowed to venture into the Government Reservation Areas (GRAs) of Ikoyi in Lagos and Nasarawa in Kano, else one would be arrested for “wandering”. Late Ibrahim Gusau (who later became a Minister in the first republic) was punished by the colonial authorities for being found in Sabon Gari, with a copy of the West African Pilot, published by anti-colonial agitator Nnamdi Azikiwe. It was therefore not surprising that after gaining independence, Nigeria’s foreign policy maintained a proclivity for standing up against discrimination and injustice. Apart from supporting liberation movements to free others from the colonial choke hold, Nigeria refused to sell oil to Apartheid South Africa and penalised businesses that dealt with racist regimes on the continent. The Balewa government lobbied for the expulsion of South Africa from the Commonwealth and set up the National Committee Against Apartheid across the country, the Gowon government helped strengthen the United Nations Committee Against Apartheid and pushed for recognition of Guinea Bissau and Cape Verde as independent states, the Murtala/Obasanjo administration created the Southern Africa Relief Fund (SAFR) or Mandela tax as it was popularly known, and the Shagari government engineered the Lancaster House Conference that paved the way for Zimbabwe’s independence. President Tinubu continues this noble tradition by standing up for the actualisation of the two-state solution.

Nigeria’s diversity gives it an advantage on the world stage in consensus building through the hard work of conversation and virtues of principled compromise. Though this may be taken for granted at home because it comes naturally to us, it remains an uncommon trait abroad much admired by others. It is a gift that we must continue to tap into in our share political project both at home and abroad.

Yusuf M Tuggar
Minister of Foreign Affairs
Federal Republic of Nigeria

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Venezuela Solidarity Group Urges U.S. to Lift Sanctions After Deadly Earthquakes

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Venezuela Solidarity Group Urges U.S. to Lift Sanctions After Deadly Earthquakes

By: Michael Mike

The Venezuela Solidarity Campaign in Nigeria (VSCN) has called for the immediate and unconditional lifting of United States sanctions on Venezuela, arguing that the restrictions are hampering humanitarian relief and reconstruction efforts following devastating twin earthquakes that reportedly killed more than 2,000 people and displaced over 50,000 others.

In a statement issued on Sunday and signed by its coordinator, Comrade Dimeji Macaulay, the group expressed solidarity with the Venezuelan people and the Bolivarian Government, describing the earthquakes as a humanitarian tragedy that has left widespread destruction of homes, hospitals, schools, roads and other critical infrastructure.

The organisation extended condolences to families of the victims and praised what it described as the resilience of the Venezuelan people in confronting the disaster despite years of economic hardship.

According to the VSCN, the U.S. sanctions have weakened Venezuela’s capacity to respond effectively to the emergency by limiting access to financial resources and restricting the importation of medicines, equipment, technology and other essential materials.

The group maintained that maintaining the sanctions during a humanitarian crisis amounts to collective punishment against ordinary citizens and called for their permanent removal to facilitate relief operations and long-term reconstruction.

“There can be no moral or legal justification for maintaining an economic blockade against a country struggling to save lives and rebuild after a devastating natural disaster,” the statement said, adding that every day the sanctions remain in force prolongs the suffering of the Venezuelan people.

The campaign also urged the Federal Government of Nigeria to publicly support the removal of the sanctions, strengthen diplomatic relations with Venezuela and contribute to international humanitarian efforts for victims of the disaster.

It further appealed to the African Union to reject unilateral coercive measures, describing them as violations of international law, while calling on African countries to support Venezuela’s recovery.

The group equally called on the United Nations to intensify humanitarian assistance and ensure that sanctions do not obstruct emergency relief operations or reconstruction programmes.

Beyond governments and international organisations, the VSCN appealed to trade unions, youth organisations, civil society groups and progressive political movements across Africa and the wider international community to demonstrate solidarity with Venezuela by opposing what it described as economic warfare and supporting the country’s right to determine its future without external interference.

Reaffirming its commitment to the Venezuelan cause, the organisation said it would continue campaigning until the sanctions are lifted, insisting that Venezuela’s recovery should not be hindered by external political considerations

Venezuela Solidarity Group Urges U.S. to Lift Sanctions After Deadly Earthquakes

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Navigating The Deadlock: AU’s Strategic Options for Sudan’s Reinstatement

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Navigating The Deadlock: AU’s Strategic Options for Sudan’s Reinstatement

By: Dr Sami Abdelhalim Saeed

Following the military coup in Sudan on October 25th, 2021, led by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, the Commander-in-Chief of the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF), who dissolved the transitional government and declared a state of emergency, the African Union (AU) suspended Sudan’s membership on October 27, 2021.

As of February 2026, the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) has reaffirmed that the suspension remains in effect until a democratic transitional government is restored in the country. The AU faces a critical challenge as it seeks to balance its policy of “Zero Tolerance” against Unconstitutional Changes of Government with the urgent and pressing needs of the continent’s peace and security.

As AU-PSC considers a spectrum of diplomatic strategies, from strict compliance to constitutional frameworks and pragmatic, incremental normalisation with the de facto government, the status of Sudan’s membership is a pivotal test of the AU’s capacity to uphold its core principles amid a profound internal armed conflict and humanitarian crisis.

Given the importance of peace and the maintenance of constitutionalism in Sudan, this article offers alternatives for policymakers at the national and AU levels. It draws on the case of Sudan to inform policy reforms, with a focus on political pragmatism.
Principles vs. Pragmatism Maintaining Sudan’s suspension upholds the AU’s principles but limits its capacity for effective peacebuilding.

This isolation creates a strategic dilemma, as the AU-PSC loses influence on other mediation efforts and lacks sufficient on-the-ground monitoring. Similar challenges have occurred in Mali, where the AU’s focus on constitutionalism has conflicted with broader peace and security goals. By excluding Sudan’s de facto authorities, the AU cannot facilitate inclusive dialogue or coordinate regional security efforts, thereby prioritising constitutional principles over practical mediation.

The worsening humanitarian crisis in Sudan is increasing instability across the already fragile sub-Saharan region. The African Union’s peacebuilding strategy for Sudan remains unclear. Although the AU has engaged diplomatically with the de facto government, these efforts have not eased the ongoing humanitarian emergency.

AU’s Options to Restore Sudan’s Membership
The AU has several distinct options for navigating the restoration of Sudan’s membership while balancing legal mandates with regional stability.

First, the AU’s PSC upholds the principles of the USG, ACDEG, and the Lomé Declaration, applies a step-by-step approach to diplomacy, and limits Sudan’s membership to technical committees. To restore its membership in the AU, Sudan must adhere to the AU’s “Zero Tolerance” policy for Unconstitutional Changes of Government (UCG).

In fact, this is the current situation as the Council applied this option at its February 2026 meeting. The AU demands an immediate and permanent ceasefire between the SAF and RSF, followed by an inclusive, Sudanese-led national dialogue to establish a civilian transitional authority.

This approach rejects legitimising the 2021 military coup and recognises the current government in Port Sudan as a de facto authority, aligning with the United Nations’ stance.

The AU’s PSC strongly condemned the role of the national military in the ongoing human rights violations and confirmed that Sudan’s suspension will remain in place until a democratic transitional authority is restored in the country. Although Sudan’s Prime Minister Kamil Idris proposed a ceasefire monitored by the UN, the AU, and the Arab League, the AU rejected the proposal because it did not include a process to establish a civilian-led government.

Second, the AU might establish formal procedures to legitimise Sudan’s current military leadership. In such an attempt, the organisation might consider a strategy similar to its reinstatement of Egypt’s membership in June 2014, following the 2013 military coup against President Mohamed Mursi.

In Egypt’s case, the suspension was lifted after a transitional roadmap, including a new constitution and scheduled elections, which were deemed sufficient to restore constitutional order. This precedent may help Sudan persuade the AU to restore its membership. However, criticised the AU’s decision regarding Egypt as overly lenient and primarily focused on maintaining stability for a major member state.

The AU may find this approach preferable, as it upholds constitutional standards in Africa while addressing peacebuilding and security. However, the situation in Sudan remains a major security challenge in the Horn of Africa, sub-Saharan Africa and Central Africa.

The African Union’s decision to readmit Egypt in 2014 was widely criticised, with some arguing that it prioritised political interests over democratic development. Additionally, this option to legalise the current military leadership in Sudan faces legal obstacles, including Article 25(4) of ACDEG, which provides that coup perpetrators cannot participate in elections to restore constitutional order.

Third, the AU’s PSC may engage in international peace initiatives for Sudan, including those led by the United States or mandated by the United Nations Security Council, as exemplified by the United Nations-African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) under United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1769 (2007). In these contexts, AU functions as a regional actor facilitating the implementation of peace processes.

This role may require adjustments to the AU’s legal framework to uphold international peace and security better. The AU may also condition its involvement in political settlements by employing a step-by-step strategy. This approach entails negotiating agreements in which military leaders commit to relinquishing power.

Such a strategy enables concurrent advancement toward both peace and democratic governance.
The AU continues to navigate a complex path between upholding its foundational anti-coup framework and the practical necessity of regional mediation. While the “step-by-step” strategy and informal consultations allow the AU to maintain a degree of diplomatic influence, the ongoing suspension of Sudan reflects a steadfast commitment to the principles of the Lomé Declaration and the ACDEG. Ultimately, the restoration of Sudan’s membership will likely depend on an inclusive transitional framework that addresses both peace and democracy, ensuring a verifiable return to constitutional, civilian-led governance as a prerequisite for full reinstatement.

As a Chatham House report indicates, Sudan under warlords is not only a humanitarian catastrophe and a high risk to the Horn of Africa and the Sub-Saharan region, but also a defining test for the AU and its obligation to uphold the principles of constitutional order and civilian protection. As violence escalates across the country, failure to act decisively risks furthering Sudan’s fragmentation. It would also be a damning indictment of the AU’s capacity to respond when African lives are in peril.

In conclusion, the AU stands at a critical juncture where the cost of inaction may soon outweigh the price of political settlement. The internal armed conflict in Sudan is no longer merely a civil war and a competition for power, but a fundamental challenge to the AU’s institutional identity and its “African solutions to African problems” notion. To break the current deadlock, the AU must move beyond the binary of strict suspension or unconditional recognition.

By adopting a pragmatic roadmap that treats humanitarian access and security coordination as an immediate priority while holding civilian-led governance as the non-negotiable finish line, the AU can reclaim its role as a decisive mediator. Sudan’s path back to the AU will be found only through an innovative approach and a reinvigorated policy that proves the continent’s leading organisation can maintain its constitutional principles while protecting the lives of Africans.

Dr Sami Abdelhalim Saeed is an African constitutional expert and rule-of-law scholar with over 15 years of experience advising United Nations missions on peacebuilding and legal reforms in post-conflict environments.

Navigating The Deadlock: AU’s Strategic Options for Sudan’s Reinstatement

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Cuba Condemns U.S. Accusation Against Raúl Castro, Defends 1996 Airspace Action

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Cuba Condemns U.S. Accusation Against Raúl Castro, Defends 1996 Airspace Action

By: Michael Mike

The government of Cuba has strongly condemned what it described as a “despicable accusation” by the United States Department of Justice against former Cuban leader Raúl Castro, escalating tensions between Havana and Washington over a decades-old incident involving the downing of two civilian aircraft.

In a statement issued Wednesday by the Cuban Revolutionary Government in Havana, authorities rejected the reported U.S. legal action announced on May 20, saying Washington lacked both “legitimacy and jurisdiction” to accuse Castro over the February 1996 incident involving aircraft operated by the Miami-based anti-Castro group Brothers to the Rescue.

The Cuban government argued that the aircraft had repeatedly violated Cuban airspace in the years leading up to the incident and maintained that the response by Cuban forces constituted an act of “legitimate self-defense” under international law.

The controversy centers on the 1996 shootdown of two Brothers to the Rescue planes by Cuban fighter jets, an incident that killed four people and triggered international condemnation at the time. The aircraft were reportedly engaged in missions linked to Cuban exile activism and humanitarian operations.

In its latest statement, Havana said the United States ignored repeated warnings and formal complaints made by Cuba between 1994 and 1996 to U.S. authorities, including the State Department, the Federal Aviation Administration and the International Civil Aviation Organization, over alleged incursions into Cuban airspace.

Cuba accused Washington of distorting the historical record and overlooking what it described as more than 25 deliberate violations of Cuban airspace by the organization during that period.

The statement further claimed that U.S. authorities failed to act despite warnings from Cuba about the potential consequences of continued flights near or over Cuban territory.

Havana also criticized what it called the “double standards” of the United States on issues of sovereignty and national security, arguing that Washington itself would not tolerate unauthorized foreign aircraft entering its airspace under hostile circumstances.

The Cuban government additionally linked the accusation against Castro to broader U.S. sanctions and longstanding hostility toward the communist-led island, describing American measures against Cuba as “collective punishment” and an “energy blockade.”

Relations between the United States and Cuba have remained strained for decades, shaped by political tensions dating back to the 1959 Cuban Revolution led by Fidel Castro. Although there have been intermittent efforts at diplomatic rapprochement, disputes over human rights, sanctions, migration and security issues continue to complicate bilateral ties.

The United States authorities had not immediately issued a detailed public response to Cuba’s latest statement as of Wednesday evening.

Cuba concluded its statement by reaffirming support for Raúl Castro and reiterating its commitment to defending the country’s sovereignty and socialist system.

Cuba Condemns U.S. Accusation Against Raúl Castro, Defends 1996 Airspace Action

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