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The Origin and Expansion of the Lakurawa Militia in Niger and Northern Nigeria

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The Origin and Expansion of the Lakurawa Militia in Niger and Northern Nigeria

By: Our Reporter

The term Lakurawa originates from the Hausa word lakurawa, meaning “recruits.” It refers to young men undergoing military training for national service. The term itself challenges the theory that the group originated in an English-speaking country like Nigeria, as it is rooted in a French linguistic influence. The name also implies that these individuals were not just hastily trained militia members but had received structured training in formal state institutions.

The Lakurawa militia was formed in 1997 under the presidency of Ibrahim Baré Maïnassara in Niger. Its primary objective was to provide protection for pastoralist communities suffering from rampant cattle rustling, particularly in western Niger. At the time, armed bandits from Mali frequently crossed into Niger to raid livestock, leaving local herders vulnerable. Given the inability of the national army to provide security in remote areas, the government saw the need to create an auxiliary force.

To effectively combat the well-armed raiders, the Lakurawa militia underwent military training and received weapons to match their adversaries. The first training camp was established in Ekrafane, approximately 10 km from an official military detachment. The militia recruits quickly became known as Lakurawa.

Under Baré’s leadership, the Lakurawa successfully carried out several counteroffensives against the armed bandits. Their operations were so effective that the Malian raiders stopped crossing into Niger altogether. Those who did were relentlessly pursued and had their stolen livestock recovered. Encouraged by their success, President Baré expanded the militia program, establishing at least three additional Lakurawa training camps between Ekrafane and Banibangou.

Integration and Dismantling of the Lakurawa

Following Baré’s assassination in 1999, the Lakurawa faced an uncertain future. When Mamadou Tandja assumed power, he sought to integrate the Lakurawa into Niger’s National Guard. However, political disputes within his administration stalled the process. The then-Prime Minister, Hama Amadou, and the Minister of the Interior, Albadé Abouba, both members of the ruling party, disagreed on the fate of the militia.

Albadé reportedly ordered the disarmament and disbandment of the Lakurawa, despite opposition from Hama Amadou. Later, with the appointment of Mounkaila Modi as Minister of the Interior, Hama managed to halt the disarmament process. Instead, he established a second militia composed of recruits from Ouallam, using public funds.

The Lakurawa’s existence is well-known among military officers who served under both President Baré and Tandja. Many current members of Niger’s ruling junta, the CNSP (Conseil National pour la Sauvegarde de la Patrie), were involved in these militias between 1997 and 2012. Today, however, these officials remain silent, allowing the junta leader, General Abdourahamane Tiani, to shift blame while ignoring the militia’s long-standing impact.

The failure to properly integrate the Lakurawa into the national security structure had severe consequences. Many demobilized militia members disappeared with their weapons, forming independent armed groups. Some of these former Lakurawa later resurfaced in a more dangerous form.

From Government Militia to Jihadist Fighters

After the fall of Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi in 2011 and the subsequent rise of insecurity in the Sahel, some Lakurawa fighters found a new purpose. In 2012, several of them joined the Movement for Oneness and Jihad in West Africa (MUJAO), a jihadist faction that fought against the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA) in northern Mali. This marked a turning point, as former state-backed militiamen transitioned into extremist insurgents.

Expansion into Northern Nigeria

The Lakurawa’s trajectory changed again after France launched Operation Serval in 2013 to oust jihadist groups from northern Mali. Many MUJAO fighters, including former Lakurawa, were displaced and forced to relocate. Some of them moved further south, crossing into Niger’s border regions and eventually settling in northwestern Nigeria, particularly in Sokoto and Kebbi states.

Initially, these fighters were welcomed by local communities because of their strong stance against banditry and kidnapping. Their reputation as experienced fighters made them popular among rural populations suffering from insecurity. However, over time, their real intentions became clear. Their goal was not merely to fight crime but to establish an Islamic caliphate.

Unlike other militant groups, the Lakurawa avoided publicity. They did not claim responsibility for attacks or release propaganda. Instead, they blended into existing networks of transnational bandits operating across Nigeria and Niger. This strategy of concealment allowed them to expand undetected. However, as their influence grew, the Nigerian government took action.

In December 2024, Nigerian authorities launched a large-scale military offensive against Lakurawa strongholds. A combination of air and ground assaults led to hundreds of casualties among the group.

The Nigerien Junta’s Response

While Nigeria has deployed significant military resources to neutralize the Lakurawa, Niger’s ruling junta has taken a different approach. Instead of acknowledging the threat, General Tiani’s government has focused on political blame games, accusing Nigeria of interference while failing to confront the growing insurgency.

The Lakurawa are now linked to at least five sabotage attacks on Niger’s oil pipeline, as well as multiple incursions into villages in the Dosso and Tahoua regions. Despite these ongoing threats, the Nigerien leadership appears more interested in rhetoric than action, leaving the country increasingly vulnerable to further instability.

Conclusion

The Lakurawa militia’s history is a cautionary tale of how state-sponsored armed groups can evolve beyond their original purpose. Initially formed to protect pastoralists, they later fragmented into independent fighters, some of whom joined jihadist movements. Their expansion into northern Nigeria further complicated regional security, as they established a hidden presence among criminal networks.

Today, while Nigeria is actively working to dismantle the Lakurawa, Niger’s government remains passive, allowing the militia to continue operating freely. If left unchecked, the Lakurawa could further destabilize the entire Sahel and West African region, proving once again that militias created for short-term security solutions can become long-term threats.

The Origin and Expansion of the Lakurawa Militia in Niger and Northern Nigeria

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Senate to Enact Stronger Laws to Tackle Rising Drug Abuse

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Senate to Enact Stronger Laws to Tackle Rising Drug Abuse

By: Michael Mike

The Senate Committee on Drugs and Narcotics has thrown its weight behind the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), pledging stronger legislative backing and tougher laws to support the country’s escalating battle against substance abuse and illicit drug trafficking.

The commitment came on Monday during a courtesy visit by the newly appointed Chairman of the Senate Committee on Drugs and Narcotics, Senator Joseph Ikpea, to the Chairman/Chief Executive Officer of NDLEA, Brigadier General Mohamed Buba Marwa (rtd), at the agency’s national headquarters in Abuja.

In a move that signals renewed collaboration between the National Assembly and the anti-narcotics agency, Ikpea assured Marwa that the Senate would provide the legal and policy support needed to strengthen drug control efforts, expand rehabilitation programmes and intensify preventive campaigns among Nigerian youths.

The senator, who represents Edo Central Senatorial District, said his visit was aimed at fostering a closer partnership with NDLEA and learning from Marwa’s experience in public service.

“I am here to learn and partner with you so that our children who have gone into drug abuse can be rehabilitated, while others are prevented from falling into the drug trap through massive awareness creation and sensitisation programmes,” Ikpea said.

He praised Marwa’s record as former Military Governor of old Borno State, former Military Administrator of Lagos State and his leadership of NDLEA, describing him as a committed and result-oriented public servant.

According to him, the Senate is ready to support the agency through legislative interventions and reforms capable of addressing the growing drug menace in the country.

“We are happy to work with you and support you in all of these because we know you are already doing a great job but not getting as much as you need to do the work. We will partner with you through legislative support and necessary laws to subdue the drug problem in our country,” he stated.

Responding, Marwa described drug abuse and trafficking as a major threat driving several social and security challenges in Nigeria and across the world.

He, however, said NDLEA had recorded significant successes in recent years, including dismantling major transnational drug cartels, arresting high-profile drug barons and weakening criminal networks through the seizure and forfeiture of assets linked to illicit drug operations.

Marwa attributed the agency’s achievements to the support of President Bola Tinubu, the National Assembly and the judiciary.

“The drug problem is a major challenge that is at the root of some other social issues, not only in Nigeria but globally. However, we are doing our level best to curb the scourge and we are getting impressive results,” he said.

The NDLEA boss assured the committee chairman of the agency’s readiness to deepen collaboration with the Senate in advancing both drug supply reduction and drug demand reduction strategies nationwide.

He expressed confidence that Ikpea’s leadership of the Senate committee would further strengthen the national response to drug abuse and trafficking.

The meeting comes amid growing concerns over rising substance abuse among young Nigerians and increasing efforts by authorities to dismantle organised drug trafficking networks operating within and outside the country.

Senate to Enact Stronger Laws to Tackle Rising Drug Abuse

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How dialogue, military intervention prevented fresh bloodshed in Benue communities

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How dialogue, military intervention prevented fresh bloodshed in Benue communities

By: Zagazola Makama

For years, communities across Guma Local Government Area of Benue lived under the constant fear of attacks, reprisals and counter-reprisals that often turned minor disputes into deadly cycles of violence.

But according to the Commanding Officer of the Chief of Army Staff (COAS) Special Intervention Battalion 11, Lt.-Col. Donatus Otobo, a combination of military presence, community engagement and conflict mediation is gradually changing the narrative.

Speaking during a tour of his area of responsibility by defence correspondents on Tuesday, Otobo recounted several incidents that underscored the fragility of peace in the area and the delicate task facing troops deployed to maintain stability.

The commander described a disturbing incident involving an 11-year-old herder whose ordeal nearly triggered another round of communal violence.

According to him, the young boy was tending cattle around November when he was attacked by some locals who severed one of his hands.

“The boy was only 11 years old. We had to intervene quickly, rescue him and evacuate him to a military hospital for treatment.

“He spent about a month receiving medical care before he was reunited with his family,” Otoogu said.

However, what followed reinforced the battalion’s concerns about the dangerous cycle of revenge that has fuelled many conflicts in the area.

The commander said that barely two days after the boy returned home, another attack occurred in which two victims suffered similar injuries.

“From what we observed, it appeared to be a reprisal attack.

“That is the reality we face here. One incident triggers another, and before long, communities become trapped in a cycle of revenge,” he said.

Otobo noted that while public attention often focuses on attacks by armed groups, there are also numerous cases where unarmed herders become targets of violence.

According to him, troops have repeatedly intervened to prevent such incidents from escalating into wider communal conflicts.

“There are situations where herders who are not carrying weapons are attacked alongside their livestock.

“Sometimes their cattle are rustled, killed or butchered. We have responded to cases where dozens of cattle were either stolen or slaughtered.

“In one particular case, herders reported losing about 130 cattle. When we arrived, we could only physically account for about 60.

“The scene was disturbing. There were carcasses, blood stains, horns and evidence of widespread destruction,” he said.

The commander explained that such incidents often create fertile ground for retaliatory violence.

He said one cattle-rustling incident in particular had all the ingredients of a major crisis similar to previous large-scale attacks experienced in parts of Benue.

“That situation was a ticking time bomb.

“It could easily have degenerated into another major communal crisis if we had not intervened promptly,” he said.

Otobo said troops immediately engaged traditional rulers, community leaders, herder representatives and other stakeholders to calm tensions and prevent reprisals.

According to him, the sustained dialogue paid off, as the incident did not trigger further violence despite widespread anger among those affected.

“We brought together community leaders, elders and Fulani representatives.

“We listened to grievances from all sides and encouraged restraint.

“That incident happened more than seven months ago, and thankfully it did not escalate into a broader conflict,” he said.

The commander also offered insights into the factors that may have contributed to the deadly Yelwata attack that shocked the state.

He said findings from military investigations suggested that tensions had been building months before the incident.

“From our own investigation, the chain of events started around April when some criminals attacked herders, killed some of them and rustled about 100 cattle.

“The affected individuals apparently went away, regrouped and later returned.

“By June, the situation had escalated into the Yelwata attack,” he said.

Otobo stressed that the lesson from such incidents is that unresolved grievances, if ignored, can eventually snowball into major security crises.

He noted that Yelwata, which now falls under the battalion’s area of responsibility, has remained peaceful due to proactive security measures and constant engagement with residents.

According to him, community leaders specifically requested the deployment of troops from the COAS Special Intervention Battalion to maintain security in the area.

“Today, Yelwata is peaceful, and that is one of the achievements we are proud of.

“The people themselves requested that our troops remain there because of the confidence they have in our operations,” he said.

Otobo further disclosed that the security situation had improved significantly, particularly regarding the presence of armed herders.

He said reports of herders openly carrying assault rifles, which were once common, had virtually disappeared within the battalion’s area of responsibility.

“As I speak to you, since December last year, there has not been a single reported sighting of armed herders within our area of responsibility.

“Previously, farmers would regularly report seeing herders carrying AK-47 rifles.

“Today, those reports have stopped completely,” he said.

The commander attributed the improvement to sustained military operations and continuous engagement with both farming and herding communities.

He said troops regularly hold meetings with residents to educate them on the consequences of cattle rustling, reprisals and other actions capable of reigniting tensions.

“We constantly engage the communities and explain the dangers of taking the law into their own hands.

“We encourage them to report grievances through established channels rather than resorting to violence.

“I believe that has contributed significantly to the peace we are witnessing today,” he said.

The return of Guma and surrounding communities, the return of calm has translated into something they had almost forgotten, the ability to farm, trade and move freely without fear.

Yet Otobo believes the greatest achievement is not the absence of attacks, but the gradual rebuilding of trust among communities long divided by conflict.

“The military can provide security, but lasting peace comes when communities learn to coexist and resolve disputes peacefully.

“That is the direction we are working towards, and we will continue to support every effort that promotes peace and stability in this area,” he said.

How dialogue, military intervention prevented fresh bloodshed in Benue communities

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Alleged Cybercrime: Court Revokes Sowore’s Bail, Issues Bench Warrant Over Failure To Appear In Court

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Alleged Cybercrime: Court Revokes Sowore’s Bail, Issues Bench Warrant Over Failure To Appear In Court

The Federal High Court in Abuja, on Tuesday, issued a bench warrant for the arrest of online publisher and African Action Congress (AAC) presidential candidate, Omoyele Sowore, following his failure to appear in court as a defendant in the ongoing alleged criminal defamation suit brought against him by the Department of State Services (DSS).

Justice Mohammed Garba Umar ordered that Sowore be remanded at the Kuje Correctional Centre and brought before him on the next adjourned date being June 22, 2026 for ruling on the application he filed for recusal.

The judge had last December granted the politician bail based on self-recognition. He had at the time declined a request by counsel to the DSS, Akinlolu Kehinde, SAN, to issue an arrest warrant after Sowore and his lawyer failed to appear in court for trial.

However, at the resumption of trial on Tuesday, neither Sowore nor his lawyer was present in court. This prompted counsel to the prosecution to apply to the court for a revocation of the bail and the issuance of a bench warrant. The prosecution described Sowore’s absence as “delay tactics”.

The DSS had filed a five-count charge against Sowore over social media posts in which he referred to President Bola Tinubu as a “criminal”. Efforts by the secret police to make him pull down the post were rebuffed by the politician, who insisted that it was within his fundamental human right to freedom of speech to post as he liked. This prompted the DSS to file charges of criminal defamation against him.
Last month, the trial judge rejected Sowore’s “no-case submission,” ruling that the prosecution had established a prima facie case against him. In response, Sowore and his legal team accused the judge of bias and requested that he recuse himself.

Alleged Cybercrime: Court Revokes Sowore’s Bail, Issues Bench Warrant Over Failure To Appear In Court

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