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The Sahel Descent: Illusion of Russian Mercenaries-Lessons for Nigeria and Africa

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The Sahel Descent: Illusion of Russian Mercenaries-Lessons for Nigeria and Africa

•Why Wagner betrayed Africa—and what Nigeria must learn fast.
•Russia’s mercenaries promised security. They delivered bloodshed, racism, and catastrophic failure. Now the jihadists are at the gates—and Nigeria could be next.

By Oumarou Sanou

Bamako is burning—again, and the African Union, the regional body tasked with promoting peace and security, is panicking. The capital of Mali, once a proud symbol of West African resilience, now teeters on the brink of collapse, not from foreign invasion but from jihadists who have outlasted coups, crushed alliances, and exposed the hollowness of the “sovereign security” promised by military juntas and their Russian backers. What began as a bold pledge to “restore stability and reclaim dignity” has descended into chaos, bloodshed, racism, and betrayal—the tragic proof that mercenaries cannot buy peace, and juntas cannot govern by force. The Sahel’s descent is not just Mali’s tragedy—it is a warning to Nigeria and the entire region.

When Mali’s coup leaders expelled French and UN forces and turned to Russia’s Wagner Group in 2021, they sold their citizens a dangerous illusion: that imported soldiers of fortune would succeed where legitimate institutions had failed. Three years later, the results are catastrophic. Jihadist groups are advancing toward Bamako, civilians are dying in record numbers, and the mercenaries once paraded as “liberators” have turned Mali’s soil into a graveyard of false hope.

According to conflict monitors, nearly 3,000 civilians have been killed since Wagner’s arrival—many at the hands of their supposed protectors. Entire communities have been wiped out, markets torched, and villages erased under the pretext of “counterterrorism operations.”

The recently leaked documentary March on Azawad—a chilling self-portrait of Russian mercenaries—reveals the futility and racism embedded in their operations. Wagner veterans, now safely back in Russia, describe Malian soldiers as “cowards” and “thieves,” mocking the very people they were paid to defend. Their disdain echoes the systemic racism of Russian society, where ethnic minorities are treated as expendable cannon fodder. These mercenaries, steeped in bigotry and violence, brought to Africa not solidarity, but supremacy — the same dehumanising ideology that drives their atrocities in Ukraine, Libya, and now the Sahel.

The brutality Wagner displays toward African civilians is not aberrational—it is a feature, not a bug. These mercenaries carry to Africa the same racism they practice at home against ethnic minorities in Russia’s own territories. In Chechnya, Dagestan, and other non-Russian regions, minorities face systemic discrimination, violence, and marginalisation. When these fighters arrive in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, they bring that contempt with them.

Their crimes are well-documented. In Moura, central Mali, at least 500 civilians were massacred in a single operation in March 2022. Men were executed, women assaulted, and children mutilated—atrocities gleefully shared in private Wagner Telegram channels like “White Uncles in Africa +18”, where mercenaries celebrated their brutality with the depraved language of white supremacy. To them, African civilians and terrorists were indistinguishable—both expendable, both “sand people.” This is not counterterrorism. It is a campaign of dehumanisation.

Behind Wagner’s bloody record lies a simple motive: profit. The mercenaries did not come for Pan-African solidarity; they came for gold. Mali pays Wagner not only in cash but in mineral concessions—trading sovereignty for survival. One mercenary admits in the documentary that recovering and seizing gold mines was part of their operational “successes.” They looted everything: motorcycles, trucks, excavation equipment. Mali’s resources now flow to Moscow, while its people bleed in silence.

What began as a “security partnership” quickly degenerated into an extractive occupation. Wagner’s recklessness and racial contempt alienated communities, fractured the Malian army, and emboldened jihadists. The July 2024 defeat at Tinzawaten, where 84 Russian mercenaries died alongside dozens of Malian troops, was not an exception—it was the predictable outcome of arrogance and incompetence. The withdrawal of Wagner and its rebranding as “Africa Corps” in 2025 has done little to stem the tide. Today, Bamako stands at the edge of jihadist capture.

The implications for West Africa—and especially Nigeria—are profound. Insecurity in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger does not remain contained; it metastasises. Jihadist groups like JNIM and ISGS have expanded their operations southward, exploiting porous borders, ungoverned spaces, and weak regional coordination. Refugees fleeing the Sahel are already straining Nigeria’s northern communities, while arms trafficking and extremist propaganda infiltrate the hinterland and towns. The possible fall of Bamako would open another corridor of terror stretching from the Maghreb to the Gulf of Guinea—an arc of instability that could engulf the entire subregion. This underscores the need for robust international collaboration in addressing the crisis.

Nigeria must heed this warning with urgency and clarity.

Unlike Mali’s junta, Nigeria has—so far—resisted the temptation of outsourcing its sovereignty to foreign mercenaries. This path has been slow, imperfect, and riddled with challenges, but it is fundamentally different. They have so far relied on their national forces, accountable—however imperfectly—to the constitution, and also engage regional structures such as ECOWAS and the Multinational Joint Task Force, a collaborative security initiative involving several African countries. Nigeria collaborate internationally while preserving national agency.
This is the only sustainable route to lasting peace.

But Nigeria must not grow complacent. Their military architecture still faces serious weaknesses—underfunding, corruption, rights abuses, and inadequate intelligence coordination. Reform is not optional; it is urgent. The country needs a people-centred security strategy built on trust, legitimacy, and professionalism. That means investing in their troops, strengthening community-based intelligence, enhancing regional cooperation, and tackling the root causes that jihadists exploit: poverty, exclusion, and bad governance.

For the rest of Africa, the lesson from the Sahel is brutally clear: mercenaries do not save nations—they strip them bare. Authoritarian juntas that cloak repression in “sovereignty” only invite further collapse. Imported guns or imperial contracts cannot secure Africa’s stability. It must be built through accountable institutions, regional solidarity, and the courage to confront our internal failings head-on.

Mali’s tragedy is a mirror. It shows what happens when desperation replaces strategy, and when sovereignty becomes a slogan for repression. The fall of Bamako—if it happens—will not just be Mali’s failure; it will be a continental warning. Nigeria must learn, act, and lead—because in today’s Sahel, those who chase shortcuts to security end up losing both peace and power.

Oumarou Sanou is a social critic, Pan-African observer and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, regional stability, and the evolving dynamics of African leadership. Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com

The Sahel Descent: Illusion of Russian Mercenaries-Lessons for Nigeria and Africa

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Borno: Kwaya Kusar stakeholders seek investment in grains processing

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Borno: Kwaya Kusar stakeholders seek investment in grains processing

Farmers and some stakeholders in Kwaya Kusar community have urged governments at all levels and industrialists to establish grain processing factories in their community.

They stated that having such facilities would help prevent post-harvest losses, create jobs, stabilise food prices and create wealth for the state and country.

They made the call in separate interviews with our Correspondent in Kwaya Kusar town of Borno State on Monday.

They said processing maize, wheat and local grains into staple foods like flour, semolina, and livestock feeds would further strengthen national food security while transforming the agricultural value chain.

Alhaji Abdullahi Gidado, the Secretary of Kwaya Kusar Grains Market said that the area has enough grains to feed any industry established in the area.

Gidado said that grains from the market were taken to other parts of the country on a weekly basis throughout the year.

He said that over 15, 000 bags leave the market weekly during dry season while over 40, 000 bags were being taken out of the market weekly immediately after harvest.

He said that with such a factory, more youths would be employed while farmers would get better value for their efforts.

“We want the government and other industrialists to take advantage of our strength in grain cultivation to set up mini factories to process our grains into staple foods.

“The more we take these grains out without processing it, the more we lose; from post harvest losses to rains spoiling our grains during the rainy season.

“We take over 30 to 40 trucks of assorted grains from this market weekly and each truck carries 400 bags; after harvest, the number reaches over 100 trucks weekly,” he said.

Also, Malam Hassan Musa, the Chairman of All Farmers Association of Nigeria, AFAN, Kwaya Kusar Local Government corroborated Gidado’s call to establish mini flour milling factories to reduce post-harvest losses.

Musa said farmers within the five local government areas of Biu, Kwaya Kusar, Hawul, Bayo and Shani all in Borno South have the capacity to produce grains that would feed any factories.

“Today, we (farmers) no longer get good returns on investment because we take out our produce raw to feed industries in other parts of the country.

“If we cultivate and process the grains here, the prices of these staple foods will drop and post harvest losses will greatly reduce,” he said.

For Malam Yusuf Abu, a grain dealer at the market said that over 7,000 jobs have been created because of the market as youths engage in grading, loading, transportation and many other areas.

Abu said “we will gain more if we process and take finished products out than taking our raw grains to feed flour mill industries elsewhere.

Borno: Kwaya Kusar stakeholders seek investment in grains processing

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Nigeria Deploys Nationwide Platform to Track Violence Against Women Cases

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Nigeria Deploys Nationwide Platform to Track Violence Against Women Cases

…New system to provide visibility on investigations, prosecutions, conviction

By: Michael Mike

Nigeria has deployed a new nationwide reporting platform designed to track cases of violence against women from the point of reporting through investigation, prosecution and conviction, in a move aimed at strengthening accountability and access to justice for survivors.

The platform, developed by the Federal Ministry of Justice with support from the EU Support to End Sexual and Gender-Based Violence (ESGBV) Programme in Nigeria and implemented by the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA), is expected to address persistent gaps in case documentation, data coordination and justice-sector monitoring.

The initiative was unveiled on Monday in Abuja during the Deployment and Operationalisation of the Violence Against Women (VAW) Reporting Platform and National Validation and Capacity-Building Workshop on the VAW Reporting System.

The organisers described the platform as Nigeria’s first standardised justice-sector VAW reporting system, designed to consolidate information on cases from different states into a central database.

Speaking at the event, GBV Policy and Strategy Development Specialist, ESGBV Programme, International IDEA, Melissa Omene, said the initiative was developed to address one of the major weaknesses in Nigeria’s response to violence against women — the fragmentation of data and inadequate tracking of cases after they are reported.

“Reporting violence is only the beginning of a survivor’s journey. What happens after reporting matters just as much as the reporting itself,” Omene said.

She disclosed that an assessment involving 112 respondents from 32 institutions across the Federal Capital Territory, Benue, Kaduna and Oyo states identified gaps in data coordination, investigations, evidence management and justice-sector monitoring.

Omene said the National GBV Dashboard recorded 4,449 GBV cases in the first half of 2023, taking the nationwide number recorded since the dashboard was launched in 2020 to more than 19,000.

The figures, she said, highlighted the need for a stronger system capable of following cases beyond the initial reporting stage.

Also speaking, the Head of the Sexual and Gender-Based Violence Unit at the Federal Ministry of Justice, Yewande Gbola-Awopetu, said the success of the new platform would depend significantly on the accuracy and consistency of information supplied by designated desk officers.

“Every field you complete, every case status you update, and every follow-up you log becomes part of the evidence base,” she said.

Gbola-Awopetu disclosed that the National Human Rights Commission had recorded more than 33,000 SGBV cases between January and May, while the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP) documented more than 3,000 cases of violence against women in the FCT.

She said the figures reinforced the need for improved documentation and tracking of cases to determine what happens after victims report violations.

The National Consultant for the VAW Reporting System at International IDEA, Agharinma Ehiedu, said the platform would bring together information previously scattered across state-level systems into a single national database.

According to him, justice institutions would be able to access national data without having to contact individual states separately.

“You can know how many offenders you have, how many cases have been convicted, and those that are pending trial across the country,” Ehiedu said.

He added that the platform would also enable members of the public to report violations, with cases subsequently routed to relevant state desk officers.

He described the system as providing “full visibility of what is happening” to violence-against-women cases across the country.

Violence against women remains a major human rights, public health and justice challenge in Nigeria. It includes physical, sexual and psychological violence, domestic violence, harmful practices, trafficking and other forms of abuse.

One of the longstanding difficulties in addressing the problem has been the absence of a consistently integrated system for documenting cases and tracking their progression through Nigeria’s multiple justice and response institutions.

Cases can pass through the police, health facilities, social welfare structures, human rights institutions, prosecutors and courts, while information is often held separately by each institution. This can make it difficult to establish how many reported cases resulted in investigation, prosecution or conviction.

The problem is compounded by under-reporting. Survivors may choose not to report incidents because of stigma, fear of retaliation, economic dependence, lack of confidence in institutions or concerns about the consequences of pursuing cases.

Nigeria has also established legal and institutional mechanisms aimed at addressing gender-based violence. The Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act (VAPP) 2015 criminalises a range of harmful acts, including physical, sexual and psychological violence, while providing protections and remedies for victims and survivors. Its implementation, however, depends substantially on effective enforcement and, in states where necessary, domestication.

The country’s response also involves institutions including the Federal Ministry of Justice, Nigeria Police Force, National Human Rights Commission, NAPTIP, health and social welfare agencies, state ministries and civil society organisations.

The new VAW reporting platform is therefore expected to complement these existing structures by providing a mechanism for capturing and following cases across the justice chain.

Beyond statistics, the system could allow authorities to identify bottlenecks — including cases delayed at investigation or prosecution stages — and improve evidence-based planning and accountability.

For survivors, the ultimate test will be whether reported cases receive timely attention and whether perpetrators are brought to justice.

The ESGBV Programme and International IDEA said the deployment was intended to move Nigeria’s response beyond simply recording incidents towards ensuring that cases remain visible until appropriate justice outcomes are achieved.

The initiative also comes as Nigeria prepares for continued efforts to strengthen its institutional response to sexual and gender-based violence, with stakeholders stressing that better data is essential for effective policy, resource allocation and accountability.

Nigeria Deploys Nationwide Platform to Track Violence Against Women Cases

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Several Killed, 45 Fulani Shelters Destroyed, Crops Razed In Targeted attack by suspected Mwaghavul miltia in Plateau Community

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Several Killed, 45 Fulani Shelters Destroyed, Crops Razed In Targeted attack by suspected Mwaghavul miltia in Plateau Community

By Zagazola Makama

Troops of Operation Enduring peace have intensified security operations in Jwak Maitumbi community of Mangu Local Government Area of Plateau State following the killing of several fulani residents and destruction of about 45 Fulani residential shelters and large quantities of crops by suspected Mwaghavul militia.

The incident was reported at about 7:45 a.m. on Sunday, August 16, 2026, prompting troops of Sector 8, Operation Enduring Peace, deployed at Sabon Gari to move to the affected community.

A military security source told Zagazola Makama that upon arrival, the troops discovered that about 45 Fulani accommodation structures had been destroyed, while valuables belonging to the residents were allegedly looted by the assailants.

In the early hours of the attack, several residents were gunned down by the attackers before slaughtering them. The attack immediately triggered mass displacement with women and children and elderly ran for safety.

The assailants also reportedly entered farms belonging to Fulani residents and used cutlasses to destroy a large quantity of crops.

Following the incident, troops summoned the Galadima and youth leader of Jwak Maitumbi community, directing the community leadership to assist security agencies in identifying and producing those responsible for the attack.

The development is particularly sensitive because the conflict in parts of Plateau has frequently been characterised by tit-for-tat attacks, in which an attack on one community is followed by retaliation against another community, often resulting in further deaths, destruction of property and displacement.

The destruction of the shelters and crops could therefore become a trigger for revenge if affected residents or their associates believe that the perpetrators have not been identified or brought to justice. Failure to establish accountability could deepen perceptions of impunity and increase the temptation for affected communities to seek their own form of justice.

Plateau has experienced several episodes of this nature, with targeted attacks and reprisals often spreading beyond the location where the initial incident occurred. The danger is that the latest incident could similarly be interpreted through the lens of previous attacks rather than as an isolated criminal act.

The intervention was aimed at ensuring accountability and preventing possible reprisal attacks capable of escalating tensions between communities in the area.

Troops have continued to dominate the general area while engaging community and traditional leaders as part of efforts to de-escalate tensions, prevent retaliatory violence and restore calm.

Several Killed, 45 Fulani Shelters Destroyed, Crops Razed In Targeted attack by suspected Mwaghavul miltia in Plateau Community

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