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Benin’s Failed Coup: Russian Shadows, Weaponised Disinformation, and a Warning to West Africa
Benin’s Failed Coup: Russian Shadows, Weaponised Disinformation, and a Warning to West Africa
•How pro-Russian, coup supporting “activists” were exposed, discredited
•Why Nigeria, ECOWAS deployed troops
•Waning democratic governance, a threat to West Africa
By Oumarou Sanou
Shortly after dawn on Sunday, December 7, 2025, Benin’s usually calm capital, Cotonou, woke to the crackle of gunfire. A small group of mutinous soldiers launched a coordinated assault on President Patrice Talon’s private residence in the Guézo district before attempting to seize the presidential palace. Around the same time, another team stormed the national broadcaster, ORTB, where they announced the formation of a “Committee for Military Refoundation” under the little-known Lieutenant-Colonel Tigri Pascal.
Within three hours, the rebellion had collapsed. By 10 a.m., loyalist forces had retaken the palace and reclaimed the broadcaster. At exactly 12:30 p.m., Benin’s Interior Ministry appeared on television to declare the coup “completely defeated.”
The mutineers scattered. Several fled toward the borders. Calm returned. But the significance of the failed coup does not lie in its short duration. It lies in what it revealed.
This was not just the misadventure of a handful of soldiers—it was a case study in how foreign influence, digital manipulation, and democratic fragility intersect to create windows of vulnerability across West Africa.
A Suspiciously Synchronised Disinformation Burst
Even before official channels confirmed what was happening, the online information environment lit up—not organically, but with remarkable coordination.
A chorus of pro-Russian “pan-Africanist” activists, many previously linked to Moscow’s information networks, sprang into action, including Kémi Seba, a prominent figure in Russia’s Africa outreach, who hailed the attack as a “day of liberation,” then quietly deleted the post once the plot was unravelled.
Another was Nathalie Yamb, a Swiss-Cameroonian activist closely aligned with Russia and the Sahel’s military juntas, who spread unverified claims and insinuations. Her silence during the post-election unrest in her own country stood in stark contrast to her sudden interest in Benin.
Additionally, accounts linked to the Alliance of Sahel States (AES)—a military-led bloc comprising Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso—circulated doctored videos, fabricated images, and claims of “two million protesters” supporting the mutineers.
Recycled footage from old patriotic rallies was falsely presented as real-time mobilisation in Cotonou. This was not random noise. It was an information peration primed for exploitation—one that appeared ready-made and waiting for a trigger.
The speed and uniformity raised serious questions: Were these influencers briefed in advance? Were the AES-linked accounts acting on instructions? And were external actors anticipating a successful overthrow?
Russian Warships and Unanswered Questions
Perhaps the most puzzling development came from the sea. At the exact time the coup attempt was underway, two Russian naval vessels were detected approaching the Port of Cotonou. Witnesses say the ships abruptly turned away once it became clear the coup had failed.
Coincidence? Routine deployment? Something else? No conclusive evidence ties Moscow directly to the putsch. However, as security analysts often note, patterns matter. For instance, pro-Russian influencers quickly championed the coup, AES-aligned accounts amplified disinformation, and Russian ships moved in synchrony with the events.
In the same vein, the coup took place on the eve of a major pan-African meeting in Lomé—a moment of heightened strategic visibility. If not coordination, then convenient alignment.
However, one fact is apparent: the ecosystem that cheered the mutiny was overwhelmingly pro-Moscow.
Benin’s Institutions Held Barely
The most remarkable part of the story is not that the coup happened, but that it failed so quickly.
The Beninese Armed Forces, long regarded as professional and disciplined, remained united. Only a tiny and poorly organised faction joined the mutiny. Command structures held firm. President Talon remained secure under guard.
Public support was also decisive. Citizens came out in defence of the constitutional order. The attempted junta found no social base. This unity was reinforced by rapid signals from regional powers as Côte d’Ivoire alerted troops to stand by for intervention if Benin requested help. Gabon, despite its transitional military government, also indicated readiness to mobilise. Nigeria, as ECOWAS Chair, put regional standby units on alert.
For the first time in recent memory, West African states appeared willing to actively prevent a coup, not merely condemn one after the fact.
Nigeria and ECOWAS React
Fearing a repeat of what happened in Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso, Nigeria and ECOWAS took immediate and proactive steps to foil the coup with show of force and military deployment.
In response to the directive from President Ahmed Bola Tinubu, the Nigeria’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a firm statement within hours:
“Nigeria condemns in the strongest terms the attempt to subvert the constitutional order in the Republic of Benin. Any unconstitutional change of government is unacceptable in West Africa. Nigeria stands ready to support Benin in safeguarding its stability, democracy, and territorial integrity.”
In the same vein, the ECOWAS followed with an emergency communiqué:
“The Authority of Heads of State and Government denounces the coup attempt in Benin and reaffirms its zero-tolerance stance on unconstitutional changes of government. ECOWAS urges all member states to strengthen democratic governance, address underlying grievances, and guard against external interference.”
These statements were backed by quiet but real military readiness, as some of the coupists were reportedly bombed and neutralised. The region clearly understood the stakes.
How Fragile Democracies Invite External Interference
The attempted coup exposed uncomfortable truths about West Africa’s democratic health.
Across the region, several trends make coups enticing—or at least easy to justify for populists, extremists, and foreign opportunists —such as the erosion of public trust in elections due to disputed polls, weak institutions, and corruption, which fuels cynicism.
Rising living costs and inequality, where economic hardship provides fertile ground for anti-government mobilisation, often commandeered by foreign-backed narratives. This is exacerbated by the shrinking civic space, where citizens cannot express their grievances peacefully, and unconstitutional actors step in. Then, the failure of regional early-warning systems, particularly within the ECOWAS and AU frameworks, focuses more on punishment than prevention.
Into these cracks enter foreign powers—Russia most aggressively—offering military partnerships, anti-West rhetoric, and propaganda support to coup-friendly actors.
In Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, Moscow-backed networks have reshaped the political environment, helping legitimise military rule under the guise of “sovereignty.”
Benin’s failed coup fits neatly into this pattern of attempted destabilisation—whether Moscow orchestrated it or exploited it.
A Region at a Dangerous Crossroads
The lesson from Cotonou is not one of triumph, but of caution. Benin narrowly escaped a crisis. Another West African state might not.
Suppose governments do not strengthen democratic governance, close civic space gaps, improve economic management, and maintain civilian control over the military. In that case, external and internal opportunists will likely attempt to do so again.
ECOWAS faces its most significant test yet: Can it restore deterrence and democratic credibility after years of failed interventions and weakened institutions?
The answer depends on whether it moves from reactive sanctions to proactive democratic peer review, as some experts have long advocated.
A Final Warning
Benin’s failed coup is more than a contained incident. It is a mirror held up to the region.
The Sahel’s coup contagion was not accidental—it was the result of democratic decay, citizen mistrust, security failures, and foreign manipulation. If these conditions remain unaddressed, West Africa will continue to be a playground for geopolitical proxies and destabilising forces.
Benin survived because its institutions held. But no country in the region today can claim immunity. West Africa must act—urgently, decisively, and collectively—before the next coup succeeds.
Oumarou Sanou, who contributed this report is a social critic, Pan-African observer and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, regional stability, and the evolving dynamics of African leadership. Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com
Benin’s Failed Coup: Russian Shadows, Weaponised Disinformation, and a Warning to West Africa
News
2027: TAF-Africa urges INEC, security agencies to ensure inclusive voting
2027: TAF-Africa urges INEC, security agencies to ensure inclusive voting
By Elizabeth Ogunjobi
TAF-Africa has urged the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and security agencies to ensure accessible and safe voting for Persons with Disabilities (PwDs) in 2027.
Dr Andrew Adaji, Programme Manager of The All-Rights Foundation, made the call in Gombe on Wednesday during a community outreach for PwDs.
Adaji said the agencies must ensure that all eligible voters exercised their constitutional rights without discrimination or unnecessary difficulties.
He said PwDs deserved adequate support to participate in electoral processes, given their population and potential contributions to national development.
He estimated that PwDs constituted about 35 million Nigerians, representing 18 per cent of the country’s population.
Adaji urged INEC to promote priority voting and ensure its officials understood provisions designed to facilitate voting for PwDs.
He also criticised the commission’s alleged neglect of Form EC40H, which documents the participation of voters with disabilities.
“Based on our experience during the off-cycle governorship elections in Ekiti, Anambra and Osun states, most ad-hoc staff were not even aware that the form existed,” he said.
He said observers had to draw polling officials’ attention to the form during the elections.
Adaji urged INEC to incorporate training on Form EC40H into its preparation of ad-hoc staff.
He said this would enable officials to understand its purpose and properly document PwDs participating in elections.
He also called for assistive devices, including magnifying glasses and Braille ballot guides, for voters with visual impairments.
Adaji urged INEC to make polling units physically accessible, stressing that PwDs should exercise their rights independently and with dignity.
“We should not have to carry them into polling units. Instead, the facilities should be designed to accommodate them,” he said.
He expressed optimism that improved accessibility would encourage more PwDs to participate in elections.
Adaji also urged security agencies to prioritise the protection of PwDs during security threats and emergencies.
He encouraged PwDs in Gombe to exercise their voting rights under the priority voting provisions of the law.
He said the provisions included special queues for PwDs, pregnant women and older persons.
Adaji urged Nigerians to support the participation of PwDs in the electoral process.
Alheri Nuhu, Women Leader of the Deaf Association in Gombe State, commended The All-Rights Foundation for organising the outreach.
Nuhu said PwDs had been denied adequate attention during previous elections, despite their constitutional rights.
She lamented discrimination by INEC officials and other voters, saying communication barriers often left deaf voters disenfranchised.
She urged INEC to engage sign language interpreters among its ad-hoc staff to facilitate communication during elections.
Similarly, Malam Sani Abubakar, Chairman of the Lepers Association in Gombe State, called for inclusive voting arrangements.
He said leprosy had affected some members’ thumbs, making thumbprinting difficult despite their faces being captured during previous elections.
Abubakar urged INEC to introduce alternative voting arrangements for affected voters to prevent their disenfranchisement.
NAN reports that The All-Rights Foundation is conducting the outreach in six Gombe communities, targeting 305 PwDs.
2027: TAF-Africa urges INEC, security agencies to ensure inclusive voting
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Borno 2027: The General’s Charge and How Zulum Unleashes Borno’s Heavyweight Political Squad
Borno 2027: The General’s Charge and How Zulum Unleashes Borno’s Heavyweight Political Squad
By Abubakar M. Kareto
In Nigerian politics, elections are rarely won on auditorium stages; they are decided in the quiet corridors of rural wards and the long queues of remote polling units.
The formal inauguration of the Borno State All Progressives Congress (APC) Campaign Council at the Government House followed by a massive, open-air campaign flag-off at the Sports Centre in Maiduguri represents a calculated departure from routine rally-making toward micro-targeted grassroots mobilization.
By commanding party stalwarts to abandon executive comfort and embed themselves directly within their local communities, Governor Babagana Umara Zulum is deploying a bottom-up doctrine aimed at locking down political legitimacy where it matters most.
At the heart of this strategy is the critical task of maintaining party cohesion after intense internal primaries. Zulum’s explicit instruction for victorious candidates to reach out and heal rifts with aggrieved aspirants reflects a realistic understanding of political arithmetic: internal resentment erodes turnout faster than any opposition campaign. By coupling reconciliation with firm warnings against subversion, the leadership is attempting to forge an unbreakable front out of potentially volatile factions.
The sheer scale of political unity displayed in Maiduguri underscores the formidable nature of this campaign structure. Bringing together political titans including former Governors Senator Maina Ma’aji Lawan and Senator Ali Modu Sheriff, alongside APC Deputy National Chairman Ali Bukar Dalori and the state’s complete senatorial delegation demonstrates an unprecedented level of internal alignment.
This public display of solidarity among historical heavyweights signals organizational stability, minimizing space for opposition inroads while keeping rank-and-file members firmly aligned.
Beyond local dynamics, Borno State occupies a unique position on the national political chessboard as the home state of Vice President Senator Kashim Shettima. In this high-stakes arena, sheer victory is insufficient; the turnout margin itself serves as a barometer of political influence.
Delivering a massive vote tally is therefore both a local objective and a strategic demonstration of national strength, cementing the state’s leverage within the governing alliance.
To turn political influence into actual votes, the campaign relies heavily on record-based persuasion and visible governance dividends. By grounding the campaign pitch in key developmental gains achieved despite severe security challenges and highlighting major federal institutions acquired in Gwoza, Bama, and Azare canvassers are equipped with a tangible policy narrative. Framing voter turnout for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, gubernatorial candidate Engr. Mustapha Gubio, and all legislative candidates as a direct return on investment gives party workers a clear, evidence-backed story for every doorstep across the state’s 27 local government areas.
A vital strength of this expanded outreach is the deliberate inclusion of women and youth as core engines of voter mobilization. The strong presence of the women’s delegation led by Borno First Lady Dr. Falmata Babagana Umara Zulum alongside the wife of the Deputy Governor and the wives of party candidates highlights an organized effort to engage families and community networks directly. Demanding structured participation across all demographics ensures that campaign directives actively translate into voter registration and turnout.
Deputy Governor Umar Usman Kadafur’s commitment to an issue-based, unit-by-unit campaign outlines the operational mechanics needed to execute this vision. Requiring regular field reports creates a system of measurable accountability across every precinct. In a vast state with complex logistics, such systematic tracking ensures that high-level strategy is actively carried out at every single polling station.
Lastly, the Maiduguri launch demonstrates how strategic discipline, elite reconciliation, and precinct-level focus converge to shape electoral outcomes. In an increasingly competitive political landscape, the Borno APC has laid out a clear blueprint: harness the full weight of a unified leadership squad, but win the election one polling unit at a time.
About the Author
Abubakar M. Kareto is a Public Affairs Analyst and Communications Strategist focusing on governance, policies, economy, and institutional reforms across Nigeria and Africa. He can be reached on X @amkareto and via email at amkareto@gmail.com.
Borno 2027: The General’s Charge and How Zulum Unleashes Borno’s Heavyweight Political Squad
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Two Notorious Terrorist Leaders Haruna Balatoni and Black Neutralised in Plateau Military Offensive Another Fatally Wounded as Six AK-47 Rifles Returned
Two Notorious Terrorist Leaders Haruna Balatoni and Black Neutralised in Plateau Military Offensive Another Fatally Wounded as Six AK-47 Rifles Returned
By: Zagazola Makama
Troops of the Nigerian Army have recorded major breakthroughs in ongoing offensive operations against armed criminal networks in Plateau State, neutralising two notorious terrorist leaders, critically wounding another and recovering six AK-47 rifles previously seized from security forces.
The latest developments followed sustained military offensives at Dajin Madam in Wase Local Government Area of Plateau State on November 8, 2026.

Security sources disclosed that HUMINT reports received at about 8:53 a.m. on November 9 indicated that the intensity of the military operation had resulted in the neutralisation of two suspected terrorist leaders identified as Haruna Balatoni and Black.
Another notorious figure, identified as Dogo Mai Kunkuru, was reportedly shot in the chest and left in a critical condition, with sources indicating that his chances of survival were slim.
In a significant development on November 10, the sustained military pressure reportedly compelled the terrorist network, through an intermediary identified as Ali-Kwara, to return six AK-47 rifles previously seized from security forces.
The recovered weapons are currently in military custody.
In a related operation, troops of 173 Battalion deployed at Mansur rescued a kidnapped mother and her daughter and recovered 39 cattle.
The developments represent a significant disruption of the criminal network’s leadership, weapons stockpile and capacity to sustain operations in the Wase axis.
The recovery of the six rifles is particularly important as it restores weapons previously lost to the criminal network and provides an opportunity for further intelligence exploitation.
The latest successes underscore the impact of sustained offensive pressure, intelligence-driven operations and military presence in dismantling armed groups operating across Plateau State.
The reported deaths of the terrorist leaders and the condition of Dogo Mai Kunkuru are based on preliminary HUMINT assessments and remain subject to independent military confirmation
Two Notorious Terrorist Leaders Haruna Balatoni and Black Neutralised in Plateau Military Offensive Another Fatally Wounded as Six AK-47 Rifles Returned
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