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Benin’s Failed Coup: Russian Shadows, Weaponised Disinformation, and a Warning to West Africa

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Benin’s Failed Coup: Russian Shadows, Weaponised Disinformation, and a Warning to West Africa
•How pro-Russian, coup supporting “activists” were exposed, discredited

•Why Nigeria, ECOWAS deployed troops

•Waning democratic governance, a threat to West Africa

By Oumarou Sanou

Shortly after dawn on Sunday, December 7, 2025, Benin’s usually calm capital, Cotonou, woke to the crackle of gunfire. A small group of mutinous soldiers launched a coordinated assault on President Patrice Talon’s private residence in the Guézo district before attempting to seize the presidential palace. Around the same time, another team stormed the national broadcaster, ORTB, where they announced the formation of a “Committee for Military Refoundation” under the little-known Lieutenant-Colonel Tigri Pascal.

Within three hours, the rebellion had collapsed. By 10 a.m., loyalist forces had retaken the palace and reclaimed the broadcaster. At exactly 12:30 p.m., Benin’s Interior Ministry appeared on television to declare the coup “completely defeated.”

The mutineers scattered. Several fled toward the borders. Calm returned. But the significance of the failed coup does not lie in its short duration. It lies in what it revealed.

This was not just the misadventure of a handful of soldiers—it was a case study in how foreign influence, digital manipulation, and democratic fragility intersect to create windows of vulnerability across West Africa.

A Suspiciously Synchronised Disinformation Burst

Even before official channels confirmed what was happening, the online information environment lit up—not organically, but with remarkable coordination.

A chorus of pro-Russian “pan-Africanist” activists, many previously linked to Moscow’s information networks, sprang into action, including Kémi Seba, a prominent figure in Russia’s Africa outreach, who hailed the attack as a “day of liberation,” then quietly deleted the post once the plot was unravelled.

Another was Nathalie Yamb, a Swiss-Cameroonian activist closely aligned with Russia and the Sahel’s military juntas, who spread unverified claims and insinuations. Her silence during the post-election unrest in her own country stood in stark contrast to her sudden interest in Benin.

Additionally, accounts linked to the Alliance of Sahel States (AES)—a military-led bloc comprising Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso—circulated doctored videos, fabricated images, and claims of “two million protesters” supporting the mutineers.

Recycled footage from old patriotic rallies was falsely presented as real-time mobilisation in Cotonou. This was not random noise. It was an information peration primed for exploitation—one that appeared ready-made and waiting for a trigger.

The speed and uniformity raised serious questions: Were these influencers briefed in advance? Were the AES-linked accounts acting on instructions? And were external actors anticipating a successful overthrow?

Russian Warships and Unanswered Questions

Perhaps the most puzzling development came from the sea. At the exact time the coup attempt was underway, two Russian naval vessels were detected approaching the Port of Cotonou. Witnesses say the ships abruptly turned away once it became clear the coup had failed.

Coincidence? Routine deployment? Something else? No conclusive evidence ties Moscow directly to the putsch. However, as security analysts often note, patterns matter. For instance, pro-Russian influencers quickly championed the coup, AES-aligned accounts amplified disinformation, and Russian ships moved in synchrony with the events.

In the same vein, the coup took place on the eve of a major pan-African meeting in Lomé—a moment of heightened strategic visibility. If not coordination, then convenient alignment.

However, one fact is apparent: the ecosystem that cheered the mutiny was overwhelmingly pro-Moscow.

Benin’s Institutions Held Barely

The most remarkable part of the story is not that the coup happened, but that it failed so quickly.

The Beninese Armed Forces, long regarded as professional and disciplined, remained united. Only a tiny and poorly organised faction joined the mutiny. Command structures held firm. President Talon remained secure under guard.

Public support was also decisive. Citizens came out in defence of the constitutional order. The attempted junta found no social base. This unity was reinforced by rapid signals from regional powers as Côte d’Ivoire alerted troops to stand by for intervention if Benin requested help. Gabon, despite its transitional military government, also indicated readiness to mobilise. Nigeria, as ECOWAS Chair, put regional standby units on alert.

For the first time in recent memory, West African states appeared willing to actively prevent a coup, not merely condemn one after the fact.

Nigeria and ECOWAS React

Fearing a repeat of what happened in Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso, Nigeria and ECOWAS took immediate and proactive steps to foil the coup with show of force and military deployment.

In response to the directive from President Ahmed Bola Tinubu, the Nigeria’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a firm statement within hours:

“Nigeria condemns in the strongest terms the attempt to subvert the constitutional order in the Republic of Benin. Any unconstitutional change of government is unacceptable in West Africa. Nigeria stands ready to support Benin in safeguarding its stability, democracy, and territorial integrity.”

In the same vein, the ECOWAS followed with an emergency communiqué:

“The Authority of Heads of State and Government denounces the coup attempt in Benin and reaffirms its zero-tolerance stance on unconstitutional changes of government. ECOWAS urges all member states to strengthen democratic governance, address underlying grievances, and guard against external interference.”

These statements were backed by quiet but real military readiness, as some of the coupists were reportedly bombed and neutralised. The region clearly understood the stakes.

How Fragile Democracies Invite External Interference

The attempted coup exposed uncomfortable truths about West Africa’s democratic health.

Across the region, several trends make coups enticing—or at least easy to justify for populists, extremists, and foreign opportunists —such as the erosion of public trust in elections due to disputed polls, weak institutions, and corruption, which fuels cynicism.

Rising living costs and inequality, where economic hardship provides fertile ground for anti-government mobilisation, often commandeered by foreign-backed narratives. This is exacerbated by the shrinking civic space, where citizens cannot express their grievances peacefully, and unconstitutional actors step in. Then, the failure of regional early-warning systems, particularly within the ECOWAS and AU frameworks, focuses more on punishment than prevention.

Into these cracks enter foreign powers—Russia most aggressively—offering military partnerships, anti-West rhetoric, and propaganda support to coup-friendly actors.

In Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, Moscow-backed networks have reshaped the political environment, helping legitimise military rule under the guise of “sovereignty.”

Benin’s failed coup fits neatly into this pattern of attempted destabilisation—whether Moscow orchestrated it or exploited it.

A Region at a Dangerous Crossroads

The lesson from Cotonou is not one of triumph, but of caution. Benin narrowly escaped a crisis. Another West African state might not.

Suppose governments do not strengthen democratic governance, close civic space gaps, improve economic management, and maintain civilian control over the military. In that case, external and internal opportunists will likely attempt to do so again.

ECOWAS faces its most significant test yet: Can it restore deterrence and democratic credibility after years of failed interventions and weakened institutions?

The answer depends on whether it moves from reactive sanctions to proactive democratic peer review, as some experts have long advocated.

A Final Warning

Benin’s failed coup is more than a contained incident. It is a mirror held up to the region.

The Sahel’s coup contagion was not accidental—it was the result of democratic decay, citizen mistrust, security failures, and foreign manipulation. If these conditions remain unaddressed, West Africa will continue to be a playground for geopolitical proxies and destabilising forces.

Benin survived because its institutions held. But no country in the region today can claim immunity. West Africa must act—urgently, decisively, and collectively—before the next coup succeeds.

Oumarou Sanou, who contributed this report is a social critic, Pan-African observer and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, regional stability, and the evolving dynamics of African leadership. Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com

Benin’s Failed Coup: Russian Shadows, Weaponised Disinformation, and a Warning to West Africa

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Kashim Shettima: Of Betrayal, Power, and Survival.

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Kashim Shettima: Of Betrayal, Power, and Survival.

By: Inuwa Bwala.

“March has returned, and with it the Ides. Beware the men who call you brother.”
Julius Caesar was perhaps Rome’s most trusted general. He crossed the Rubicon for Rome, conquered Gaul for Rome, and pardoned enemies for Rome.

Yet it was neither Gaul nor Pompey: his avowed rivals, that killed him. It was Brutus: his friend, and confidant yet his protégé, who was described as “the noblest Roman of them all.”

Julius Caesar did not slump and died because the daggers were too many, rather, bacause he noticed the person he least expected could betray him amongst those stabbing him: Brutus. In utter shock and disbelief, Caesar slumped, but not before he uttered the word,”And you too Brutus?”.

There is no doubt that, Kashim Shettima was Borno’s most tested governor. He walked into boiling areas, when others fled the state. He rebuilt schools bombed by Boko Haram. He chose to stay in Maiduguri when Abuja offered comfort.
As Vice President, he has carried himself as a true statesman abs the face of the Tinubu administration at national and international meets.

He always speaks of “the sanctity of human life” and calked for swifter and total mobilisationagainst terror.
Yet today, whispers from Borno and Abuja suggest the daggers are not in the bush like that of Boko Haram, they are in the hands of his kinsmen, those he hold family meetings and political meetings with.

Those who could read between the line, may be able to tell, when Shettima gave an anecdote at a recent public function, about the visit by his kinsmen to his boss, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, just three months into the life of the administration.

Like Brutus and the conspirators of the Shakespearean fame, who claimed they did not hate Caesar, but loved Rome more, those who visited Tinubu claimed to love Nigeria more and her President, abd not brcause thry hated Shettima.
Brutus in particular played on a so-called republican pride and his fear of tyranny, which he used in convincing himself that betrayal was patriotism. He struck to “save” Rome.

Shettima’s own “Brutuses” use a different script, relying on Shetyima’s perceived ambition and the attendant battle to keep himself in the balance of power as an alibi.
And in the face of contending forces, they recruited people to plsy out the cards, while remaining in the shadows. The charges may appear different with that if Caesar, but the intents are same. And while still smarting from the Muslim-Muslim debacle, Shettima had hradly setyled in office when they began to spread rumours of him, being too Borno, not enough to be a northerner. Too ambitious, fetish, independent minded and growing too popular. One thing they could not take away from him though us the fact that Shettima is intelligent, shrewd and a master schemer, which his boss knows too well.

I had cause to warn of this years ago seeing Shettima’s passive refusal to pick between kinsmen in place of statesmen to work with him.
I could see through the plots to denigrate a fine emergent nationalist by linking him with Boko Haram, painting him as fetish, portraying him as a religious and ethinic checkbox, all in a bud to undo him. The weapon when he was govetnor was insurgency, but the weapon now is political naivity and stereotyping . The tactic includes convincing his Kanuri kinsmen to fight him, so that “when Kanuri fights Kanuri, others will win. But beyond that, even his Kanuri brothers seem to have an axe to grind with him.
The painful truth remains, that, Caesar’s killers were senators in the Capitol, but Shettima’s challengers may be his own kinsmen: some of whom, he nentored snd no one can ever convince him that, they could ever work against him. In both cases, the dagger is dipped in familiarity.
It cuts deeper because the hands holding it, are either those he mentored or once broke bread with him.

Caesar died because he ignored omens. Not even Calpurnia, his wife’s dream could deter him. He ignored the soothsayer, and shunned the Senate’s mood, thinking goodwill was a good sheild and armor.

Shettima’s March 2027 is loaded with omens too, arising from fresh attacks by vested interests, intrigues amongst political players, betrayal by kinsmen, espionage by aides and attachees, dissertion by hitherto close allies, manipulations in the media, ethnic or religious profiling, clandestine meetings that without communiqués, but with lethal intents, contending forces in the party who whisper that 2027 needs a “new pairing.” indeed, the ides are here, because a second term is near, and second terms birth daggers.

As governor, perhaps Shettima survived by moving rather faster than conspiracy. He outrun, those who want to either even scores or shake off his dominace, and those people have remained at daggers drawn with him
How Shettima Survives, will definitely be a refrence point in power struggles in Nigeria.
But unlike Caesar who never learnt, Shettima is a good student of Robert Greens 48 Laws of Power, and must have drawn lessons from the falls of others before him.

To survive, Shettima must learn to trust, but audit the Praetorians. Caesar trusted Brutus with his life. Shettima cannot afford blind trust. The INEC database compromise and probe shows how insider access kills. Shettima must do what he did as governor: forensic audits, no sacred cows. As I earlier said, he must have his own policy, which must not be changed simply because some people want to determine its content.
He must learnt to keep the people, his own trusted people, and must not loose, as Caesar lost Rome due to his belief in his personal prowess and capacity. Shettima still owns Borno’s streets and still conttols the larger and more lethal political forces in the North.

He should be able to name the Brutus, but should not become an Antony, whom at Caesar’s funeral sparked civil unrest. Shettima cannot afford chaos. He should have a machinery on ground that will expose the plot, without burning the Forum. He should expedite action in uniting the North, and rally the support of kinsmen, even as a counterforce, or risks allowing the real enemies to win.

Importantly, he should bear in mind, that, the parabolical March is not the end, the ides pass. For Caesar, it ended at Pompey’s statue, but for Shettima, March can end with a stronger alliance. He must do what he told the nation: “We choose light over shadow, and hope over despair”.
The Verdict of History, had
Brutus dying on his own sword, muttering, “Caesar, now be still.” Betrayal did not save the Republic, rather it buried it.
Shettima’s kinsmen face the same choice. They can strike and wait for the verdict of history, or they can sheathe the dagger and remember: the real enemy still sleeps someehere else.

Twelve years ago, I wrote that Shettima’s ides would test Borno. In 2026, I state without fear of contradiction, that, they will test Nigeria.
Caesar ignored the soothsayer because he was in so much hurry. Shettima, as always, may not be in a hurry, but should he decide to, that hurry may yet save him.

Kashim Shettima: Of Betrayal, Power, and Survival.

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FACT CHECK: No School Attack, No Student Abduction in Kautikari — What Really Happened During the ISWAP Raid

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FACT CHECK: No School Attack, No Student Abduction in Kautikari — What Really Happened During the ISWAP Raid

By Zagazola Makama

A wave of alarming reports circulating across social media and some online platforms has claimed that Boko Haram insurgents attacked a school and abducted students in Kautikari community of Chibok Local Government Area, Borno State.

The claims, predictably amplified by emotionally charged references to the 2014 Chibok schoolgirls’ abduction, have generated anxiety among Nigerians following developments in the troubled region.

However, a detailed fact-check by Zagazola Makama, based on assessment from field sources, and video evidence from the scene, has found the claims to be entirely FALSE.

According to sources, the incident occurred at about 7:30 p.m. on June 13 when ISWAP terrorists launched an attack on a hunters’ patrol base located within the premises of a disused primary school in Kautikari.

The facility being used by the hunters was not functioning as a school at the time of the attack, nor were students present at the location. Rather, local hunters had established a patrol outpost within the structure, using some of the classrooms as temporary accommodation and operational shelters while supporting troops of Operation HADIN KAI’s efforts in the area.

The terrorists specifically targeted the hunters’ base and not a school populated by students as widely claimed. Initial resistance by the hunters successfully repelled the first assault.

However, the terrorists later regrouped in larger numbers and launched a second attack, forcing the hunters to temporarily withdraw after running low on ammunition.

Military sources disclosed that reinforcement teams comprising troops of the 117 Task Force Battalion from Kwada, supported by a Quick Response Force, local hunters and vigilante personnel, rapidly mobilized to the scene and engaged the terrorists. The coordinated response eventually overwhelmed the attackers and forced them to retreat.

No Student Was Abducted

Contrary to viral claims, there is no evidence that any student was abducted during the attack. Operational reports from the scene recorded no missing students, no reports of schoolchildren being taken away, and no indication that the terrorists targeted an educational institution in session.

Security sources confirmed that accountability checks conducted after the attack found no cases of student abduction.

In fact, the only confirmed casualties were one civilian who was reportedly struck by a stray bullet fired by the terrorists and one member of the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) who sustained a gunshot wound to the arm.

Sources said also that the terrorists set fire to clothing and personal belongings belonging to the hunters stationed at the outpost. No troops were killed or injured during the engagement.

Further undermining the false reports is video footage obtained by Zagazola Makama from the aftermath of the attack. In the footage, one of the affected hunters is seen showing the damaged facility and burnt belongings while lamenting the destruction caused by the terrorists.

The hunter can be heard explaining that the location served as their place of accommodation and operational base.

“This is where we sleep,” he says while pointing to the affected section of the building.

The footage clearly supports military accounts that the target was a hunters’ outpost and not an occupied school hosting students.

The confusion likely arose because the hunters’ base was situated within the premises of a primary school building.

Photographs and videos showing damaged classrooms were subsequently circulated online without context, leading some platforms to incorrectly conclude that a school had been attacked and students abducted.

The result was the rapid spread of misinformation that failed basic verification standards.

Given Chibok’s painful history, any report involving schools and abductions naturally attracts national and international attention. This makes accurate reporting even more important.

FACT CHECK: No School Attack, No Student Abduction in Kautikari — What Really Happened During the ISWAP Raid

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Police Foil IED Attack, Destroy Explosive Device in Zamfara

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Police Foil IED Attack, Destroy Explosive Device in Zamfara

By: Zagazola Makama

The Zamfara State Police Command says it has successfully foiled a planned attack after its Explosive Ordnance Disposal (EOD) unit discovered and safely destroyed an Improvised Explosive Device (IED) in Tsafe Local Government Area of the state.

The Command said the operation was carried out on Friday at about 4:15 p.m. along the Kunchin Kalgo axis following credible intelligence received through community engagement efforts.

According to a statement issued by the Command, operatives of the Violence Crime Response Unit (VCRU), in collaboration with the EOD team, swiftly mobilised to the area after receiving information about a suspected explosive device planted by bandits.

Preliminary findings indicated that the device was strategically planted along the road with the intent of causing mass casualties among commuters and other road users.

The statement added that the timely response of the operatives led to the safe detection, evacuation and controlled destruction of the explosive device before it could cause any harm.

The Command commended the vigilance and cooperation of local residents, describing community support as critical to ongoing security operations in the state.

It further assured residents that efforts were ongoing to identify, arrest and prosecute those responsible for planting the device.

The police also disclosed that patrols had been intensified across vulnerable areas to prevent similar incidents and ensure the safety of road users.

The Commissioner of Police, A.M. Bello, reiterated the Command’s commitment to sustained operations against banditry and other violent crimes in Zamfara State.

Police Foil IED Attack, Destroy Explosive Device in Zamfara

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