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Between Imperialism and Military Rule: The Choiceless Political Reality in West Africa

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Between Imperialism and Military Rule: The Choiceless Political Reality in West Africa

By Chukwuemeka B. Eze and Jeggan Gray Johnson

West Africa stands today at a troubling crossroads where democratic aspirations collide with deep geopolitical tensions, failing institutions, and a new wave of military interventions- raising legitimate questions of the region’s democratic trajectory fifty years after its formation. Have we plateaued or plummeted into the age of the erosion of established normative procedures and democratic institutions, or is the regional experiment in a stage of reflection of deeper, ongoing challenges? Are citizens confronting systems that they perceive as imperial impositions and using whatever means available to them to resist? Or are they facing a crisis of democracy itself, a legitimacy crisis stemming from civil rule that often masks authoritarian tendencies? Why are military coups predominantly re-emerging in Francophone countries? Is this a coincidence, or does it reveal unresolved histories of external influence, entrenched political economies or distinctive patterns of state–society relations in these contexts? In whose name and under whose mandate do political elites continue to hold power? Why are we so quick to dismiss the military as being outside of the political system when, in fact, it is an institution shaped by the same social, economic and political dynamics as the rest of society? To what extent does our discourse artificially separate civilians from soldiers, rather than examining the broader governance ecosystem that produces both?

Citizens increasingly find themselves trapped between three unappealing forces—the entrenched culture of ‘electoral despotism’, external imperial influence and internal military domination. The trilateral dilemma has produced a disturbing condition: a choiceless choice, where none of the options seem incapable of delivering stability, dignity, peace and security or even genuine sovereignty.

The Long Shadow of Imperialism: More than six decades after independence, imperial legacies remain deeply embedded in West Africa’s political and economic structures. Former colonial powers continue to exert influence through aid conditionalities, control of extractive industries, military cooperation agreements, and political alliances that safeguard their strategic interests. In countries like Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso and Benin, resentment toward external interference; particularly from France has grown into a widespread political sentiment.

Economic dependence, currency constraints (such as the CFA franc), and foreign troops stationed on African soil reinforce the perception that the region’s sovereignty remains compromised. This has created fertile ground for anti-imperialist rhetoric, often championed by populist actors and military juntas who exploit these grievances to gain legitimacy.

The Return of Soldiers to Politics: The last decade has seen a resurgence of military takeovers in the region. Coups in Mali, Guinea, Burkina Faso, Niger, representing a largest coup belt in the world, and recently attempted interventions in Benin- a socio-political enigma and Guinea Bissau- the region’s narco-state, reflect a collapse of public trust in democratic systems perceived as kleptocratic, ineffective, and elite-controlled. Many West Africans, frustrated by insecurity, poverty, and government failure, initially welcomed soldiers as “corrective forces.” But military rule often replaces one form of authoritarianism with another and characterised by restricted freedoms, politicized security apparatus, uncertain transition timelines, limited economic vision and opportunity, heavy reliance on foreign military partners (Russia, Turkey, Gulf states) and debt, overshadowed by a youth bulge threatening to burst at the seams. e. Thus, the promise of liberation from imperialism frequently gives way to new dependencies and domestic authoritarianism, and ultimately, policy incoherence, confusion and instability.

The Choiceless Choice: The tragedy is that citizens are forced to choose between very difficult and perhaps inferior alternatives: Imperialism, which undermines sovereignty and reinforces structural inequalities, the electoral despotism- where power remains concentrated within a cabal or small host of elites, and Military rule, which suspends constitutional order and democratic rights. All option addresses the core issues driving instability: weak governance, unemployment, fractured national identities, extremist threats, and the absence of economic diversification. In this vacuum, West Africans face a situation where every available choice feels imposed, not freely made.

The Geopolitical Chessboard: Part of the crisis stems from the region’s growing importance in global geopolitics. West Africa has become a stage for competition among major powers: France and the EU seek to preserve influence, The United States prioritizes counterterrorism, Russia positions itself as an anti-West alternative, China expands via infrastructure loans, and the eventual confiscation of strategic minerals anchored in the blue and green economies, Gulf states and Turkey enter with economic and military interests and the list continues to expand. These competing agendas pull governments in different directions, leaving citizens with little say over the region’s strategic direction.
The Decline of Democratic Credibility: Democracy in West Africa is in crisis not merely because of coups, but because a leadership pandemic. The region has a critical and morally bankrupt leadership. of Manipulated constitutions, electoral fraud, corruption scandals, and impunity have hollowed out institutions. When democratic governments fail to deliver development or justice, the military’s rhetoric of “rescue missions” becomes appealing. Yet these interventions ultimately produce another cycle of disillusionment.

What Real Sovereignty Requires: Breaking this cycle demands a new political imagination—one rooted in African agency, not external dictates or military paternalism. A pathway to genuine sovereignty includes: Strengthening democratic institutions beyond elections, economic independence, especially through value-added industries, regional security cooperation less reliant on external forces, civic education and accountability systems, that are citizenry driven, that restore public trust, as well as a pan-African political consciousness capable of resisting both imperial pressure and internal authoritarianism. The future depends on reclaiming democracy as a tool of liberation, not a façade for elite capture.

Conclusion: West Africa’s tragedy is not that it lacks alternatives, but that the region’s political trajectory has become trapped between two dominant and deeply flawed forces. Imperialism continues to shape its geopolitics and economy, while military rulers exploit public frustration to consolidate power. Together, they create a choiceless political reality where citizens struggle to find a path that protects both sovereignty and freedom. Yet within this crisis lies an opportunity: the chance to articulate a new political vision grounded in bold leadership, accountable governance, and regional solidarity. Reimagining democracy means going beyond periodic elections. It means nurturing institutions that are stronger than individuals and ensuring that power remains accountable to the people. It means prioritizing people’s power over that of statesmen, strengthening judicial independence, fortifying the institutions meant to protect democracy and ensuring that the exercise of power after elections truly serves citizens. Only then can West Africans move beyond the suffocating binary of imperialism and soldiers—and reclaim the right to choose their own future.

Chukwuemeka B. Eze is the Director for Democratic Futures in Africa and Jeggan Grey Johnson, Advocacy Advisor at the Open Society Foundations

Between Imperialism and Military Rule: The Choiceless Political Reality in West Africa

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Kashim Shettima: Of Betrayal, Power, and Survival.

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Kashim Shettima: Of Betrayal, Power, and Survival.

By: Inuwa Bwala.

“March has returned, and with it the Ides. Beware the men who call you brother.”
Julius Caesar was perhaps Rome’s most trusted general. He crossed the Rubicon for Rome, conquered Gaul for Rome, and pardoned enemies for Rome.

Yet it was neither Gaul nor Pompey: his avowed rivals, that killed him. It was Brutus: his friend, and confidant yet his protégé, who was described as “the noblest Roman of them all.”

Julius Caesar did not slump and died because the daggers were too many, rather, bacause he noticed the person he least expected could betray him amongst those stabbing him: Brutus. In utter shock and disbelief, Caesar slumped, but not before he uttered the word,”And you too Brutus?”.

There is no doubt that, Kashim Shettima was Borno’s most tested governor. He walked into boiling areas, when others fled the state. He rebuilt schools bombed by Boko Haram. He chose to stay in Maiduguri when Abuja offered comfort.
As Vice President, he has carried himself as a true statesman abs the face of the Tinubu administration at national and international meets.

He always speaks of “the sanctity of human life” and calked for swifter and total mobilisationagainst terror.
Yet today, whispers from Borno and Abuja suggest the daggers are not in the bush like that of Boko Haram, they are in the hands of his kinsmen, those he hold family meetings and political meetings with.

Those who could read between the line, may be able to tell, when Shettima gave an anecdote at a recent public function, about the visit by his kinsmen to his boss, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, just three months into the life of the administration.

Like Brutus and the conspirators of the Shakespearean fame, who claimed they did not hate Caesar, but loved Rome more, those who visited Tinubu claimed to love Nigeria more and her President, abd not brcause thry hated Shettima.
Brutus in particular played on a so-called republican pride and his fear of tyranny, which he used in convincing himself that betrayal was patriotism. He struck to “save” Rome.

Shettima’s own “Brutuses” use a different script, relying on Shetyima’s perceived ambition and the attendant battle to keep himself in the balance of power as an alibi.
And in the face of contending forces, they recruited people to plsy out the cards, while remaining in the shadows. The charges may appear different with that if Caesar, but the intents are same. And while still smarting from the Muslim-Muslim debacle, Shettima had hradly setyled in office when they began to spread rumours of him, being too Borno, not enough to be a northerner. Too ambitious, fetish, independent minded and growing too popular. One thing they could not take away from him though us the fact that Shettima is intelligent, shrewd and a master schemer, which his boss knows too well.

I had cause to warn of this years ago seeing Shettima’s passive refusal to pick between kinsmen in place of statesmen to work with him.
I could see through the plots to denigrate a fine emergent nationalist by linking him with Boko Haram, painting him as fetish, portraying him as a religious and ethinic checkbox, all in a bud to undo him. The weapon when he was govetnor was insurgency, but the weapon now is political naivity and stereotyping . The tactic includes convincing his Kanuri kinsmen to fight him, so that “when Kanuri fights Kanuri, others will win. But beyond that, even his Kanuri brothers seem to have an axe to grind with him.
The painful truth remains, that, Caesar’s killers were senators in the Capitol, but Shettima’s challengers may be his own kinsmen: some of whom, he nentored snd no one can ever convince him that, they could ever work against him. In both cases, the dagger is dipped in familiarity.
It cuts deeper because the hands holding it, are either those he mentored or once broke bread with him.

Caesar died because he ignored omens. Not even Calpurnia, his wife’s dream could deter him. He ignored the soothsayer, and shunned the Senate’s mood, thinking goodwill was a good sheild and armor.

Shettima’s March 2027 is loaded with omens too, arising from fresh attacks by vested interests, intrigues amongst political players, betrayal by kinsmen, espionage by aides and attachees, dissertion by hitherto close allies, manipulations in the media, ethnic or religious profiling, clandestine meetings that without communiqués, but with lethal intents, contending forces in the party who whisper that 2027 needs a “new pairing.” indeed, the ides are here, because a second term is near, and second terms birth daggers.

As governor, perhaps Shettima survived by moving rather faster than conspiracy. He outrun, those who want to either even scores or shake off his dominace, and those people have remained at daggers drawn with him
How Shettima Survives, will definitely be a refrence point in power struggles in Nigeria.
But unlike Caesar who never learnt, Shettima is a good student of Robert Greens 48 Laws of Power, and must have drawn lessons from the falls of others before him.

To survive, Shettima must learn to trust, but audit the Praetorians. Caesar trusted Brutus with his life. Shettima cannot afford blind trust. The INEC database compromise and probe shows how insider access kills. Shettima must do what he did as governor: forensic audits, no sacred cows. As I earlier said, he must have his own policy, which must not be changed simply because some people want to determine its content.
He must learnt to keep the people, his own trusted people, and must not loose, as Caesar lost Rome due to his belief in his personal prowess and capacity. Shettima still owns Borno’s streets and still conttols the larger and more lethal political forces in the North.

He should be able to name the Brutus, but should not become an Antony, whom at Caesar’s funeral sparked civil unrest. Shettima cannot afford chaos. He should have a machinery on ground that will expose the plot, without burning the Forum. He should expedite action in uniting the North, and rally the support of kinsmen, even as a counterforce, or risks allowing the real enemies to win.

Importantly, he should bear in mind, that, the parabolical March is not the end, the ides pass. For Caesar, it ended at Pompey’s statue, but for Shettima, March can end with a stronger alliance. He must do what he told the nation: “We choose light over shadow, and hope over despair”.
The Verdict of History, had
Brutus dying on his own sword, muttering, “Caesar, now be still.” Betrayal did not save the Republic, rather it buried it.
Shettima’s kinsmen face the same choice. They can strike and wait for the verdict of history, or they can sheathe the dagger and remember: the real enemy still sleeps someehere else.

Twelve years ago, I wrote that Shettima’s ides would test Borno. In 2026, I state without fear of contradiction, that, they will test Nigeria.
Caesar ignored the soothsayer because he was in so much hurry. Shettima, as always, may not be in a hurry, but should he decide to, that hurry may yet save him.

Kashim Shettima: Of Betrayal, Power, and Survival.

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FACT CHECK: No School Attack, No Student Abduction in Kautikari — What Really Happened During the ISWAP Raid

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FACT CHECK: No School Attack, No Student Abduction in Kautikari — What Really Happened During the ISWAP Raid

By Zagazola Makama

A wave of alarming reports circulating across social media and some online platforms has claimed that Boko Haram insurgents attacked a school and abducted students in Kautikari community of Chibok Local Government Area, Borno State.

The claims, predictably amplified by emotionally charged references to the 2014 Chibok schoolgirls’ abduction, have generated anxiety among Nigerians following developments in the troubled region.

However, a detailed fact-check by Zagazola Makama, based on assessment from field sources, and video evidence from the scene, has found the claims to be entirely FALSE.

According to sources, the incident occurred at about 7:30 p.m. on June 13 when ISWAP terrorists launched an attack on a hunters’ patrol base located within the premises of a disused primary school in Kautikari.

The facility being used by the hunters was not functioning as a school at the time of the attack, nor were students present at the location. Rather, local hunters had established a patrol outpost within the structure, using some of the classrooms as temporary accommodation and operational shelters while supporting troops of Operation HADIN KAI’s efforts in the area.

The terrorists specifically targeted the hunters’ base and not a school populated by students as widely claimed. Initial resistance by the hunters successfully repelled the first assault.

However, the terrorists later regrouped in larger numbers and launched a second attack, forcing the hunters to temporarily withdraw after running low on ammunition.

Military sources disclosed that reinforcement teams comprising troops of the 117 Task Force Battalion from Kwada, supported by a Quick Response Force, local hunters and vigilante personnel, rapidly mobilized to the scene and engaged the terrorists. The coordinated response eventually overwhelmed the attackers and forced them to retreat.

No Student Was Abducted

Contrary to viral claims, there is no evidence that any student was abducted during the attack. Operational reports from the scene recorded no missing students, no reports of schoolchildren being taken away, and no indication that the terrorists targeted an educational institution in session.

Security sources confirmed that accountability checks conducted after the attack found no cases of student abduction.

In fact, the only confirmed casualties were one civilian who was reportedly struck by a stray bullet fired by the terrorists and one member of the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) who sustained a gunshot wound to the arm.

Sources said also that the terrorists set fire to clothing and personal belongings belonging to the hunters stationed at the outpost. No troops were killed or injured during the engagement.

Further undermining the false reports is video footage obtained by Zagazola Makama from the aftermath of the attack. In the footage, one of the affected hunters is seen showing the damaged facility and burnt belongings while lamenting the destruction caused by the terrorists.

The hunter can be heard explaining that the location served as their place of accommodation and operational base.

“This is where we sleep,” he says while pointing to the affected section of the building.

The footage clearly supports military accounts that the target was a hunters’ outpost and not an occupied school hosting students.

The confusion likely arose because the hunters’ base was situated within the premises of a primary school building.

Photographs and videos showing damaged classrooms were subsequently circulated online without context, leading some platforms to incorrectly conclude that a school had been attacked and students abducted.

The result was the rapid spread of misinformation that failed basic verification standards.

Given Chibok’s painful history, any report involving schools and abductions naturally attracts national and international attention. This makes accurate reporting even more important.

FACT CHECK: No School Attack, No Student Abduction in Kautikari — What Really Happened During the ISWAP Raid

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Police Foil IED Attack, Destroy Explosive Device in Zamfara

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Police Foil IED Attack, Destroy Explosive Device in Zamfara

By: Zagazola Makama

The Zamfara State Police Command says it has successfully foiled a planned attack after its Explosive Ordnance Disposal (EOD) unit discovered and safely destroyed an Improvised Explosive Device (IED) in Tsafe Local Government Area of the state.

The Command said the operation was carried out on Friday at about 4:15 p.m. along the Kunchin Kalgo axis following credible intelligence received through community engagement efforts.

According to a statement issued by the Command, operatives of the Violence Crime Response Unit (VCRU), in collaboration with the EOD team, swiftly mobilised to the area after receiving information about a suspected explosive device planted by bandits.

Preliminary findings indicated that the device was strategically planted along the road with the intent of causing mass casualties among commuters and other road users.

The statement added that the timely response of the operatives led to the safe detection, evacuation and controlled destruction of the explosive device before it could cause any harm.

The Command commended the vigilance and cooperation of local residents, describing community support as critical to ongoing security operations in the state.

It further assured residents that efforts were ongoing to identify, arrest and prosecute those responsible for planting the device.

The police also disclosed that patrols had been intensified across vulnerable areas to prevent similar incidents and ensure the safety of road users.

The Commissioner of Police, A.M. Bello, reiterated the Command’s commitment to sustained operations against banditry and other violent crimes in Zamfara State.

Police Foil IED Attack, Destroy Explosive Device in Zamfara

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