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Plateau steps back from the brink as Nigerian Armed Forces coordinated response halts escalation
Plateau steps back from the brink as Nigerian Armed Forces coordinated response halts escalation
By: Zagazola Makama
After days of tension, anxiety and painful losses, a cautious calm is returning to parts of Plateau State after a narrowly averted escalation.
The hostilities which recently escalated along the Barkin Ladi-Riyom–Jos corridor have significantly reduced in the past few days, averting what many feared could spiral into a broader ethno-religious crisis.
Multiple sources attribute the de-escalation to proactive and coordinated interventions of the Federal Government, which directed its armed forces, alongside the Nigeria Police Force and the Department of State Services (DSS), to ensure that the situation was brought under control.
The synergy prevented Plateau from tipping into a full-blown crisis with possible regional contagion across other Northern states.
For decades, this axis has carried the weight of unresolved grievances land-use disputes, indigene-settler narratives, youth unemployment, and political rivalry. Each new killing risks reopening old wounds, and each reprisal threatens to widen the circle of suspicion.
The recent flare-ups, however, occurred within Plateau State, particularly in Barkin Ladi and Riyom, with anxiety spilling toward Jos North and Jos South. Yet, in the past few days, the feared urban ignition has not materialized.
Security presence has been reinforced along flashpoints, while high-level engagements with all warring communities have reportedly led to a cooling of ultimatums and counter-ultimatums that had earlier hardened positions.
Political, community and religious leaders in Jos, as well as elder statesmen in other parts of the country, have intensified peace engagements, urging restraint and rejecting inflammatory rhetoric capable of transforming localized disputes into full-scale ethno-religious confrontation.
Yet what unfolded in recent weeks does not fit the legal or factual threshold of genocide. Rather, it followed a tragic but familiar retaliatory pattern one group attacks, the other responds, and the cycle deepens unless decisively interrupted.
This time, it was interrupted. Security deployments were reinforced. Intelligence coordination improved. Youth leaders were engaged. Religious figures amplified calls for restraint. Political actors, mindful of the state’s fragile equilibrium, moved to cool tempers rather than inflame them, while those who inflamed the situation were cautioned.
But beyond the immediate violence, another battle was playing out the battle of narratives.
Nigeria remains vulnerable to destabilization efforts by internal conflict entrepreneurs and, potentially, external actors who exploit local grievances for strategic advantage, just as what is currently playing out in Plateau and Benue. External security elements, sometimes operating under the guise of NGOs, are also fueling resentment and making inflammatory statements that could further ignite chaos in the country.
It has been noted that these elements make exaggerated claims, use inflammatory framing, and deploy emotionally charged labels that covertly transform localized disputes into perceived existential wars.
A recurring theme among peace advocates is the danger of waiting for external rescue or framing domestic challenges as externally solvable crises. Nigerian politicians have also failed to fully discharge their responsibilities by investigating the crises and implementing concrete policies and programs that would further prevent recurrence.
Top government officials often hesitate to speak against prevailing narratives. We even saw that those who opposed certain framings, like Rabiu Kwankwaso, were tagged as supporters of the persecution of Christians.
The Nigerian media has largely refused to give the Plateau crisis balanced and sustained attention. Coverage has often focused in one direction, hardly depicting the perspectives of both sides of the conflict. Few media outlets have carried out fact-based, thorough research to unravel the real causes of the crisis in Plateau with a view to fostering peace and development in the state.
History offers sobering lessons. The insurgency of Boko Haram or the IPOB Biafra agitation began with local grievances that metastasized into protracted conflicts, partly sustained by narratives of persecution and apocalyptic struggle. Bandit networks similarly capitalized on identity-based fear, at times spreading claims of collective extinction to recruit and radicalize Fulani youths into their violent campaigns.
In parts of the Sahel, groups such as Jama’at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM) have demonstrated how porous borders and grievance politics can intersect, expanding insecurity beyond its point of origin. This is what is already playing out — Nigerian bandits inviting other terrorist groups from Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso to operate in Nigeria’s Kwara, Niger, Sokoto and Kebbi corridors.
Today, Plateau was at risk of becoming an ignition point of a wider Nigerian Muslim–Christian crisis, a “soft ground” where localized clashes could be amplified into national rupture. Had urban centers been drawn in, especially after the killing of five Plateau North indigenes, the ripple effects might have extended far beyond the state’s borders.
Some will tell you that Christians are being targeted by jihadists with the aim of eliminating every Christian household in Nigeria. But how could that narrative stand when a significant percentage of households in Northern Nigeria are bound by intermarriages between Muslims and Christians? There are families where Muslims and pastors coexist within the same lineage.
Those who lived through the Boko Haram conflict know that such sweeping narratives were deeply misleading. Yet religion remains the easiest weapon for those who seek chaos.
Therefore, the suggestion that any side faces inevitable annihilation is both historically inaccurate and operationally dangerous. Such framing fuels fear, and fear fuels mobilization. Both Fulani communities and local groups in Plateau have, at different times, amplified such narratives.
Nigeria’s problems are largely local in origin. And sustainable solutions must be local. Government must take ownership of the entire situation. Outsiders do not carry our wounds, and they cannot heal them for us. History shows that external actors often pursue their own interests, not necessarily the interests of the affected country.
The darker scenario one in which reprisals escalate, youth radicalize, security forces are perceived as partisan, and politicians exploit division is not hypothetical. It is a pattern Nigeria has seen before. What prevented that pattern from fully unfolding in Plateau was early containment.
Troops of Operation Safe Haven maintained forward presence in flashpoints. Police units increased patrols. DSS monitoring curtailed incendiary mobilization. Traditional rulers convened urgent meetings. Interfaith leaders urged restraint from pulpits and podiums.
Collectively, these actions slowed the spiral.
However, calm does not mean closure. The structural drivers land administration ambiguities, grazing corridor disputes, unemployment, and political instrumentalization of identity. remain unresolved. Without deliberate reform, cycles can re-emerge.
Rejecting violence therefore requires rejecting simplistic narratives. There is no moral victory in framing complex disputes as civilizational wars. There is no strategic gain in exaggerating communal fear. And there is no national future in allowing grievance merchants to profit from division whether they are pastors, imams, community leaders or youth leaders.
Nigeria’s common enemies are those who weaponize difference for power insurgent groups, bandit networks, militias, separatist agitators, or self-serving politicians.
For now, Plateau has stepped back from the brink. The question that remains is whether Nigeria, as a whole, will use this moment not merely to breathe, but to reflect, reform and recommit to coexistence.
Because in the end, no external power will determine Nigeria’s stability.
Plateau steps back from the brink as Nigerian Armed Forces coordinated response halts escalation
News
Zulum Emerges BusinessDay’s Best Performing Governor SCIRA Award of the Year
Zulum Emerges BusinessDay’s Best Performing Governor SCIRA Award of the Year
By: Our Reporter
Borno State Governor, Professor Babagana Umara Zulum, has emerged as BusinessDay’s 2025 Governor of the Year on Competitiveness and Investment Readiness Awards (SCIRA) under the category of Infrastructure Competitiveness Category Awards.
The award ceremony is scheduled to be held on Thursday, June 18, 2026, at NAF Conference Center & Suites, Jabi, Abuja.
Zulum’s nomination was contained in a letter by the Publisher/CEO of BusinessDay, Frank Aigbogun, addressed to the Governor.
“On behalf of BusinessDay Media Limited, Nigeria’s foremost business and economic intelligence platform, we are honoured to inform you that Borno State has been nominated for ‘Best Performing Governor’ under the Infrastructure Competitiveness Category for the 2025 States Competitiveness/Investment Readiness Awards (SCIRA),” Aigbogun said.
According to him, Governor Zulum’s nomination acknowledges his administration’s extraordinary strides in rebuilding infrastructure, reviving moribund industries, and restoring livelihoods as part of Borno’s long-term post-conflict recovery.
“Your Excellency, few states embody the spirit of renewal as Borno does. Against the backdrop of a decade-long insurgency, your government has delivered one of Nigeria’s most ambitious reconstruction and reintegration programmes, with infrastructure as its anchor,” he added.
Highlights of this transformation include:
Revival of Industrial Assets: The Borno Plastic Industry and Borno Meat Processing Company, once abandoned, have been progressively rehabilitated, signaling a return of productive capacity and investor confidence.
Industrial Hub Redevelopment: Through the Borno State Industrial Park and Enterprise Centre (BIP), over 2,000 SMEs now operate in structured facilities that provide power, workspace, and logistics support.
Infrastructure-led Recovery: Over 10,000 houses have been reconstructed across local government areas, enabling market access and trade linkages among Maiduguri, Biu, Monguno, and Gwoza.
Energy & Industrial Power Supply: The Maiduguri 50MW Gas Plant and collaboration with the Rural Electrification Agency (REA) have significantly enhanced industrial energy reliability.
Mr Aigbogun said these efforts have repositioned Borno as a credible destination for post-conflict
industrial reinvestment that combines human development with economic diversification.
“Borno’s shortlisting was derived from the BusinessDay Research & Intelligence Unit (BRIU) and BudgIT State Competitiveness Model (2025), using a Composite Infrastructure Competitiveness Index (CICI) based on three weighted dimensions,”
“Across these parameters, Borno ranked among the top five northern states, with its infrastructure recovery index improving by over 41% between 2020 and 2024.
“In the education and health sectors, construction of over 100 secondary schools, Kashim Ibrahim University Teaching Hospital and Staff quarters, doctors’ quarters, as well as take-off support for Federal Polytechnic Monguno, Federal College Gwoza, School of Nursing and Midwifery in Gwoza and Monguno, and the Orthopedic Hospital Azare, amongst others,” he remarked.
The Publisher acknowledged that Governor Zulum’s administration has rebuilt confidence, reconstruct
and resettled communities, revived industries, education, and healthcare, noting that today Borno stands as a model of post-conflict competitiveness in Africa.
Zulum Emerges BusinessDay’s Best Performing Governor SCIRA Award of the Year
News
Parliamentarians in Sierra Leone mourn colleague Lucinda Kelly
Parliamentarians in Sierra Leone mourn colleague Lucinda Kelly
By: Bodunrin Kayode
Following the distressing announcement of the sudden death of Lucinda Kelly, representing Kono District, of Sierra Leone proceedings in the Parliament empathically came to a halt last week and was adjourned to this week in memory of the late politician.
During their last sitting, opposition leader Abdul Kargbo moved a motion, seconded by Deputy Opposition Leader Aaron Koroma, that all businesses on the Order Paper be suspended for the House be adjourned thereby allowing members to pay a condolence visit to the family of the bereaved.
“The remains of our colleague are currently at the mortuary, and I do not believe we can continue with the Sittings,” Kargbo said solemnly.
Acting Leader of Government Business, Bashiru Silikie joined the Opposition in extending condolences and requested that Acting Speaker Ibrahim Conteh adjourn Sittings to allow Members to mourn the late parliamentarian Lucinda Kelly.
Silikie noted that Kelly would have been present to form a quorum for last week’s Sittings, but death had sadly snatched her away from legislative businesses.
He proposed that the Parliament adjourns until tomorrow Tuesday for further deliberations pending announcement of her interment rites.
Acting Speaker Ibrahim Tawa Conteh then called on the House to observe a moment of silence in honour of the late Kelly.
Lucinda Kelly was an All People’s Congress (APC) Opposition Member of Parliament representing Kono District of the Republic of Sierra Leone.
She was a vocal and formidable debater who took her parliamentary responsibilities of representation, lawmaking, and oversight very seriously.
Parliamentarians in Sierra Leone mourn colleague Lucinda Kelly
News
Kashim Shettima: Of Betrayal, Power, and Survival.
Kashim Shettima: Of Betrayal, Power, and Survival.
By: Inuwa Bwala.
“March has returned, and with it the Ides. Beware the men who call you brother.”
Julius Caesar was perhaps Rome’s most trusted general. He crossed the Rubicon for Rome, conquered Gaul for Rome, and pardoned enemies for Rome.
Yet it was neither Gaul nor Pompey: his avowed rivals, that killed him. It was Brutus: his friend, and confidant yet his protégé, who was described as “the noblest Roman of them all.”
Julius Caesar did not slump and died because the daggers were too many, rather, bacause he noticed the person he least expected could betray him amongst those stabbing him: Brutus. In utter shock and disbelief, Caesar slumped, but not before he uttered the word,”And you too Brutus?”.
There is no doubt that, Kashim Shettima was Borno’s most tested governor. He walked into boiling areas, when others fled the state. He rebuilt schools bombed by Boko Haram. He chose to stay in Maiduguri when Abuja offered comfort.
As Vice President, he has carried himself as a true statesman abs the face of the Tinubu administration at national and international meets.
He always speaks of “the sanctity of human life” and calked for swifter and total mobilisationagainst terror.
Yet today, whispers from Borno and Abuja suggest the daggers are not in the bush like that of Boko Haram, they are in the hands of his kinsmen, those he hold family meetings and political meetings with.
Those who could read between the line, may be able to tell, when Shettima gave an anecdote at a recent public function, about the visit by his kinsmen to his boss, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, just three months into the life of the administration.
Like Brutus and the conspirators of the Shakespearean fame, who claimed they did not hate Caesar, but loved Rome more, those who visited Tinubu claimed to love Nigeria more and her President, abd not brcause thry hated Shettima.
Brutus in particular played on a so-called republican pride and his fear of tyranny, which he used in convincing himself that betrayal was patriotism. He struck to “save” Rome.
Shettima’s own “Brutuses” use a different script, relying on Shetyima’s perceived ambition and the attendant battle to keep himself in the balance of power as an alibi.
And in the face of contending forces, they recruited people to plsy out the cards, while remaining in the shadows. The charges may appear different with that if Caesar, but the intents are same. And while still smarting from the Muslim-Muslim debacle, Shettima had hradly setyled in office when they began to spread rumours of him, being too Borno, not enough to be a northerner. Too ambitious, fetish, independent minded and growing too popular. One thing they could not take away from him though us the fact that Shettima is intelligent, shrewd and a master schemer, which his boss knows too well.
I had cause to warn of this years ago seeing Shettima’s passive refusal to pick between kinsmen in place of statesmen to work with him.
I could see through the plots to denigrate a fine emergent nationalist by linking him with Boko Haram, painting him as fetish, portraying him as a religious and ethinic checkbox, all in a bud to undo him. The weapon when he was govetnor was insurgency, but the weapon now is political naivity and stereotyping . The tactic includes convincing his Kanuri kinsmen to fight him, so that “when Kanuri fights Kanuri, others will win. But beyond that, even his Kanuri brothers seem to have an axe to grind with him.
The painful truth remains, that, Caesar’s killers were senators in the Capitol, but Shettima’s challengers may be his own kinsmen: some of whom, he nentored snd no one can ever convince him that, they could ever work against him. In both cases, the dagger is dipped in familiarity.
It cuts deeper because the hands holding it, are either those he mentored or once broke bread with him.
Caesar died because he ignored omens. Not even Calpurnia, his wife’s dream could deter him. He ignored the soothsayer, and shunned the Senate’s mood, thinking goodwill was a good sheild and armor.
Shettima’s March 2027 is loaded with omens too, arising from fresh attacks by vested interests, intrigues amongst political players, betrayal by kinsmen, espionage by aides and attachees, dissertion by hitherto close allies, manipulations in the media, ethnic or religious profiling, clandestine meetings that without communiqués, but with lethal intents, contending forces in the party who whisper that 2027 needs a “new pairing.” indeed, the ides are here, because a second term is near, and second terms birth daggers.
As governor, perhaps Shettima survived by moving rather faster than conspiracy. He outrun, those who want to either even scores or shake off his dominace, and those people have remained at daggers drawn with him
How Shettima Survives, will definitely be a refrence point in power struggles in Nigeria.
But unlike Caesar who never learnt, Shettima is a good student of Robert Greens 48 Laws of Power, and must have drawn lessons from the falls of others before him.
To survive, Shettima must learn to trust, but audit the Praetorians. Caesar trusted Brutus with his life. Shettima cannot afford blind trust. The INEC database compromise and probe shows how insider access kills. Shettima must do what he did as governor: forensic audits, no sacred cows. As I earlier said, he must have his own policy, which must not be changed simply because some people want to determine its content.
He must learnt to keep the people, his own trusted people, and must not loose, as Caesar lost Rome due to his belief in his personal prowess and capacity. Shettima still owns Borno’s streets and still conttols the larger and more lethal political forces in the North.
He should be able to name the Brutus, but should not become an Antony, whom at Caesar’s funeral sparked civil unrest. Shettima cannot afford chaos. He should have a machinery on ground that will expose the plot, without burning the Forum. He should expedite action in uniting the North, and rally the support of kinsmen, even as a counterforce, or risks allowing the real enemies to win.
Importantly, he should bear in mind, that, the parabolical March is not the end, the ides pass. For Caesar, it ended at Pompey’s statue, but for Shettima, March can end with a stronger alliance. He must do what he told the nation: “We choose light over shadow, and hope over despair”.
The Verdict of History, had
Brutus dying on his own sword, muttering, “Caesar, now be still.” Betrayal did not save the Republic, rather it buried it.
Shettima’s kinsmen face the same choice. They can strike and wait for the verdict of history, or they can sheathe the dagger and remember: the real enemy still sleeps someehere else.
Twelve years ago, I wrote that Shettima’s ides would test Borno. In 2026, I state without fear of contradiction, that, they will test Nigeria.
Caesar ignored the soothsayer because he was in so much hurry. Shettima, as always, may not be in a hurry, but should he decide to, that hurry may yet save him.
Kashim Shettima: Of Betrayal, Power, and Survival.
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