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Kashim Shettima: Of Betrayal, Power, and Survival.
Kashim Shettima: Of Betrayal, Power, and Survival.
By: Inuwa Bwala.
“March has returned, and with it the Ides. Beware the men who call you brother.”
Julius Caesar was perhaps Rome’s most trusted general. He crossed the Rubicon for Rome, conquered Gaul for Rome, and pardoned enemies for Rome.
Yet it was neither Gaul nor Pompey: his avowed rivals, that killed him. It was Brutus: his friend, and confidant yet his protégé, who was described as “the noblest Roman of them all.”
Julius Caesar did not slump and died because the daggers were too many, rather, bacause he noticed the person he least expected could betray him amongst those stabbing him: Brutus. In utter shock and disbelief, Caesar slumped, but not before he uttered the word,”And you too Brutus?”.
There is no doubt that, Kashim Shettima was Borno’s most tested governor. He walked into boiling areas, when others fled the state. He rebuilt schools bombed by Boko Haram. He chose to stay in Maiduguri when Abuja offered comfort.
As Vice President, he has carried himself as a true statesman abs the face of the Tinubu administration at national and international meets.
He always speaks of “the sanctity of human life” and calked for swifter and total mobilisationagainst terror.
Yet today, whispers from Borno and Abuja suggest the daggers are not in the bush like that of Boko Haram, they are in the hands of his kinsmen, those he hold family meetings and political meetings with.
Those who could read between the line, may be able to tell, when Shettima gave an anecdote at a recent public function, about the visit by his kinsmen to his boss, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, just three months into the life of the administration.
Like Brutus and the conspirators of the Shakespearean fame, who claimed they did not hate Caesar, but loved Rome more, those who visited Tinubu claimed to love Nigeria more and her President, abd not brcause thry hated Shettima.
Brutus in particular played on a so-called republican pride and his fear of tyranny, which he used in convincing himself that betrayal was patriotism. He struck to “save” Rome.
Shettima’s own “Brutuses” use a different script, relying on Shetyima’s perceived ambition and the attendant battle to keep himself in the balance of power as an alibi.
And in the face of contending forces, they recruited people to plsy out the cards, while remaining in the shadows. The charges may appear different with that if Caesar, but the intents are same. And while still smarting from the Muslim-Muslim debacle, Shettima had hradly setyled in office when they began to spread rumours of him, being too Borno, not enough to be a northerner. Too ambitious, fetish, independent minded and growing too popular. One thing they could not take away from him though us the fact that Shettima is intelligent, shrewd and a master schemer, which his boss knows too well.
I had cause to warn of this years ago seeing Shettima’s passive refusal to pick between kinsmen in place of statesmen to work with him.
I could see through the plots to denigrate a fine emergent nationalist by linking him with Boko Haram, painting him as fetish, portraying him as a religious and ethinic checkbox, all in a bud to undo him. The weapon when he was govetnor was insurgency, but the weapon now is political naivity and stereotyping . The tactic includes convincing his Kanuri kinsmen to fight him, so that “when Kanuri fights Kanuri, others will win. But beyond that, even his Kanuri brothers seem to have an axe to grind with him.
The painful truth remains, that, Caesar’s killers were senators in the Capitol, but Shettima’s challengers may be his own kinsmen: some of whom, he nentored snd no one can ever convince him that, they could ever work against him. In both cases, the dagger is dipped in familiarity.
It cuts deeper because the hands holding it, are either those he mentored or once broke bread with him.
Caesar died because he ignored omens. Not even Calpurnia, his wife’s dream could deter him. He ignored the soothsayer, and shunned the Senate’s mood, thinking goodwill was a good sheild and armor.
Shettima’s March 2027 is loaded with omens too, arising from fresh attacks by vested interests, intrigues amongst political players, betrayal by kinsmen, espionage by aides and attachees, dissertion by hitherto close allies, manipulations in the media, ethnic or religious profiling, clandestine meetings that without communiqués, but with lethal intents, contending forces in the party who whisper that 2027 needs a “new pairing.” indeed, the ides are here, because a second term is near, and second terms birth daggers.
As governor, perhaps Shettima survived by moving rather faster than conspiracy. He outrun, those who want to either even scores or shake off his dominace, and those people have remained at daggers drawn with him
How Shettima Survives, will definitely be a refrence point in power struggles in Nigeria.
But unlike Caesar who never learnt, Shettima is a good student of Robert Greens 48 Laws of Power, and must have drawn lessons from the falls of others before him.
To survive, Shettima must learn to trust, but audit the Praetorians. Caesar trusted Brutus with his life. Shettima cannot afford blind trust. The INEC database compromise and probe shows how insider access kills. Shettima must do what he did as governor: forensic audits, no sacred cows. As I earlier said, he must have his own policy, which must not be changed simply because some people want to determine its content.
He must learnt to keep the people, his own trusted people, and must not loose, as Caesar lost Rome due to his belief in his personal prowess and capacity. Shettima still owns Borno’s streets and still conttols the larger and more lethal political forces in the North.
He should be able to name the Brutus, but should not become an Antony, whom at Caesar’s funeral sparked civil unrest. Shettima cannot afford chaos. He should have a machinery on ground that will expose the plot, without burning the Forum. He should expedite action in uniting the North, and rally the support of kinsmen, even as a counterforce, or risks allowing the real enemies to win.
Importantly, he should bear in mind, that, the parabolical March is not the end, the ides pass. For Caesar, it ended at Pompey’s statue, but for Shettima, March can end with a stronger alliance. He must do what he told the nation: “We choose light over shadow, and hope over despair”.
The Verdict of History, had
Brutus dying on his own sword, muttering, “Caesar, now be still.” Betrayal did not save the Republic, rather it buried it.
Shettima’s kinsmen face the same choice. They can strike and wait for the verdict of history, or they can sheathe the dagger and remember: the real enemy still sleeps someehere else.
Twelve years ago, I wrote that Shettima’s ides would test Borno. In 2026, I state without fear of contradiction, that, they will test Nigeria.
Caesar ignored the soothsayer because he was in so much hurry. Shettima, as always, may not be in a hurry, but should he decide to, that hurry may yet save him.
Kashim Shettima: Of Betrayal, Power, and Survival.
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Troops foil multiple ISWAP infiltration attempts in Maiduguri, Buratai axis
Troops foil multiple ISWAP infiltration attempts in Maiduguri, Buratai axis
By Zagazola Makama
Troops of the Joint Task Force North East, Operation HADIN KAI (OPHK), have foiled coordinated infiltration attempts by suspected ISWAP terrorists targeting parts of Maiduguri and Buratai axis of Borno State, forcing the insurgents to retreat after intense engagements.

The attempted attacks occurred between 12:20 a.m. and 2:30 a.m. on Friday, when the terrorists simultaneously advanced toward Muna Garage, Shuwari Village and the Ajilari Cross area in an apparent bid to gain access into the Maiduguri metropolis.

Military sources told Zagazola Makama that the troops, supported by an effective early warning system, detected the movement of the insurgents and engaged them from multiple directions with heavy and accurate fire, disrupting the coordinated assault before the terrorists could penetrate the city.
The sources said the terrorists, overwhelmed by the troops’ swift tactical response, abandoned their mission and fled in disarray.

In related operations, troops also repelled separate infiltration attempts by the insurgents at Miringa and Dutsen Kura in the Buratai area of Borno State.
During the pursuit of the fleeing terrorists at Miringa, a Mine-Resistant Ambush Protected (MRAP) vehicle activated an Improvised Explosive Device (IED). However, no casualty was recorded among the troops, and the operational situation remained stable.
Security sources said clearance and exploitation operations are ongoing across the affected areas to track down the fleeing terrorists, recover possible abandoned equipment and prevent any further threat to nearby communities.
The military reaffirmed that Operation HADIN KAI would continue sustained offensive operations aimed at denying terrorist groups freedom of movement and safeguarding lives and property across the North-East.
Residents were also urged to remain vigilant and continue providing credible and timely intelligence to security agencies to support ongoing counter-terrorism operations.
Troops foil multiple ISWAP infiltration attempts in Maiduguri, Buratai axis
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CCS Supports Objective Security Reporting, Rejects Ethnic Double Standards in Addressing Criminality
PRESS STATEMENT
CCS Supports Objective Security Reporting, Rejects Ethnic Double Standards in Addressing Criminality
July 8, 2026
The Centre for Contemporary Studies (CCS), Abuja, expresses its support for the position articulated by security analyst and conflict reporter Zagazola Makama on the imperative of objective, fact-based reporting of criminal activities, irrespective of the ethnic, religious, or political identity of those involved.
CCS believes that the fight against insecurity in Nigeria can only succeed when the same standards of accountability are applied to all offenders without exception. Criminality does not become acceptable because it is committed by a member of one’s ethnic group, nor does violence become justifiable because it is wrapped in the language of communal defence.
The controversy generated by the identification of a suspected attacker involved in the attempted assault on the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS), Kuru, highlights a deeper national challenge: the tendency of some individuals and groups to support transparency only when it exposes those they consider opponents, while resisting the same transparency when facts implicate members of their own communities.
CCS maintains that objective reporting is not ethnic profiling. Where credible facts establish the identity, affiliation, or operational background of criminal actors, journalists and security analysts should not be intimidated into suppressing such information merely because it is politically inconvenient or socially uncomfortable. Selective outrage and selective accountability only deepen mistrust and prolong conflict.
For years, Nigerians have demanded that security reports accurately identify perpetrators of violence. That demand must remain consistent. Whether the perpetrators are Fulani bandits, Berom militias, Irigwe militias, Mwaghavul militias, or any other armed criminal group, the truth must be reported and the law must take its course.
The Centre also commends the professionalism and courage of security personnel who successfully repelled the attempted attack on NIPSS and continue to defend strategic national institutions under difficult circumstances. Their sacrifices deserve public recognition and support.
CCS wishes to emphasize that no community in Nigeria possesses a monopoly on either victimhood or criminality. Across the country, millions of law-abiding citizens from every ethnic and religious background desire peace, security, and justice. Equally, criminal elements exist across communities and must be confronted without bias or sentiment.
Nigeria cannot defeat insecurity if citizens judge crimes based on the identity of the perpetrator rather than the nature of the offence. A criminal remains a criminal regardless of ethnicity. An armed attacker remains an armed attacker regardless of religion. A murderer does not become a hero because he belongs to a particular community.
The Centre therefore calls on the media, civil society organisations, community leaders, and the general public to uphold a single standard of justice and accountability. The protection of criminals through ethnic, religious, or political narratives undermines national security and weakens efforts to build lasting peace.
CCS stands firmly for truth, accountability, and equal justice under the law. We support all responsible efforts to expose criminality wherever it exists and reject every attempt to shield offenders from scrutiny because of their identity.
There must be no sacred cows in the fight against insecurity. There must be no shielding of criminals. Justice must remain blind to ethnicity, religion, and politics.
Yusuf Musa
Chief Executive Officer (CEO)
Centre for Contemporary Studies (CCS), Abuja &
Capt. Kabir Aminu (Rtd.)
Director, Security and Strategic Studies
Centre for Contemporary Studies (CCS), Abuja
CCS Supports Objective Security Reporting, Rejects Ethnic Double Standards in Addressing Criminality
News
The Kano Model Comes of Age: Faith Leaders Become Africa’s Firewall Against Disinformation
The Kano Model Comes of Age: Faith Leaders Become Africa’s Firewall Against Disinformation
By Senator Iroegbu
Months ago, these pages made an argument that ran counter to conventional wisdom. Nigeria’s most effective answer to disinformation may not be found inside government ministries or technology companies, but in an unlikely place: the mosque, the church and the traditional palace. That idea was named the Kano Model, a simple but powerful proposition that places religious and traditional leaders at the centre of the fight to build public resilience against misinformation, disinformation and information manipulation.

Today, that idea has taken a decisive step forward. In Abuja, between 24 and 25 June 2026, Alkalanci, the Hausa language verification platform, convened the largest edition yet of its fact-checking and media literacy training. Supported by the MacArthur Foundation and in collaboration with the Centre for Democracy and Development, the workshop gathered Islamic clerics and scholars from across Northern Nigeria under a single roof for the first time. It followed earlier sessions in Kano, Sokoto, Gombe, Kaduna and Maradi in neighbouring Niger Republic. More than 120 clerics and teachers have now passed through the programme, across six cities and two countries. What began as a modest experiment in one emirate has matured into a movement.
The timing could hardly be more consequential. Nigeria is moving steadily towards the 2027 general elections, a season when domestic misinformation predictably surges. Across the Sahel, military governments battle violent extremism while geopolitical rivalries intensify and foreign powers compete for influence through information operations as much as through diplomacy or arms. Artificial intelligence now allows fabricated videos, cloned voices and manipulated images to circulate at alarming speed. This is no longer merely a media challenge. It is a national security challenge.
The significance of Abuja lies not only in scale but in institutional weight. The two most authoritative bodies in Nigerian Islam lent their voices to the cause. The Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs (NSCIA), led by the Sultan of Sokoto, and Jama’atu Nasril Islam (JNI) both charged clerics with becoming guardians of truth. Speaking through its Secretary-General, Professor Is-haq Oloyede, the NSCIA grounded the appeal in scripture, recalling that Surah Al-Hujurat instructs believers to verify information before acting upon it. Verification, the Council argued, is not an import but a divine injunction.
That moral framing changes the conversation entirely. For decades, governments have tried to combat disinformation through regulation, censorship and technology. Each has a role, yet none reaches the deeper question of trust. People do not always believe institutions. They believe people they know. Across Northern Nigeria and much of Africa, few voices command greater trust than religious leaders and traditional rulers. Every Friday, every Sunday, and at countless community gatherings, millions receive guidance from imams, pastors, scholars, and emirs. When those trusted voices urge citizens to pause before forwarding a message, verify a viral clip or question an inflammatory rumour, they build a social firewall no algorithm can match.

This is precisely where traditional institutions become decisive. The programme has drawn consistent endorsement from the emirates. The Emir of Kano was represented at the pioneering session, the Sultan of Sokoto at another, the Emirate of Gombe at a third. When a Sarkin Alkali speaks for the Sultan, or a royal envoy addresses assembled imams, the message carries an authority no government circular can rival. As the Emir of Gombe’s representative reminded an earlier gathering, truthfulness is not merely an ethical duty. It is an act of faith.
The threats, meanwhile, are evolving. Alkalanci’s Editor, Alhassan Bala, warned that the coming election season will bring a surge of misinformation from domestic actors, alongside foreign information manipulation and interference. Deepfakes, the synthetic speeches, videos and audio, are now cheap enough to flood any campaign, adding a dangerous new layer. The JNI’s Secretary-General, Professor Khalid Abubakar Aliyu, went further still, urging clerics to remain resolutely apolitical, to verify before they speak, and cautioning politicians against enticing religious leaders into partisan corners. In a country where a single doctored clip can inflame a community overnight, a clergy trained to pause and verify is a national security asset.
The Sahel makes the stakes plainer. In Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, disinformation has become an instrument of war, deployed to justify coups, discredit democratic institutions and turn populations against their neighbours and regional bodies. Much of it is amplified by networks tied to external powers seeking leverage on African soil. That the Alkalanci training has already crossed into Maradi is therefore no small detail. It carries the model into the very theatre where information warfare is fiercest, and through the one channel foreign propagandists struggle to capture: the trusted local voice speaking a local language.
Equally telling is what this reveals about civil society. The programme is not a state project. It is a local organisation building long-term societal resilience, empowering trusted leaders to become educators, validators and defenders of truth. Every such effort is, in plain terms, an investment in peace.
The lesson from Kano and now Abuja is remarkably simple. The fight against disinformation cannot be won by governments alone, nor outsourced entirely to journalists, fact-checkers or technology companies. It must become a societal responsibility, one that reaches beyond the North and beyond a single faith, drawing in Christian clergy, women and youth networks and traditional rulers nationwide.
At a time when falsehood travels faster than truth, Africa’s greatest advantage may not lie in more sophisticated technology, but in its enduring institutions of faith and tradition. The warriors for truth are multiplying. The task before Nigeria, the Sahel and Africa is to keep their ranks growing.
Senator Iroegbu is a security, geopolitics and development analyst. Email: senator.iroegbu@yahoo.co.uk
The Kano Model Comes of Age: Faith Leaders Become Africa’s Firewall Against Disinformation
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