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Bakeni Commiserates with NUJ and Zulum over the demise of Isa Gusau

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Bakeni Commiserates with NUJ and Zulum over the demise of Isa Gusau

By: Bodunrin Kayode

Borno state Chairman Christian Association of Nigeria CAN Bishop John Bakeni has commiserated with the Nigerian Union of Journalists NUJ over the death of Isa Gusau who died in an Indian hospital recently.

He also sympathized with the Governor of the state Prof Babagana Zulum whom Gusau served till his death due to a protracted illness.

Addressing a news conference in Maiduguri, the Auxiliary Bishop said that the entire Christian community sympathized with the government over the loss of such a resourceful journalist.

” I want on behalf of the entire Christian Community in Borno State to commiserate with the Executive Governor and indeed the Government and the entire people of Borno State over the demise of his Media Aid and Strategist, Mallam Isa Gusau, who passed on Thursday, the 11th of January, 2024.

” I wish to also condole you the members of the 4th estate for the loss of one of you. May God grant him peaceful rest and console all those who mourn him.” he said.

Responding to some very strong allegations in the mills against Zulum on his treatments of Christians, the Auxillary Bishop maintained that CAN was not a pressure group or a partisan party but a peaceful association that goes about its activities in a lawful manner.

To him:”CAN is a religious Association, CAN is not a political party and is non-partisan. CAN is not a pressure group. It is a law-abiding Association. It is an Association that works for the unity of Christians and building a peaceful and harmonious society working hand-in-hand with other religious bodies, Government and all relevant stake holders.

“The values that hold us together are Love, Peace and Justice for all. We preach peace, we uphold peace and we work for peace. And that is why we are living in peace with our Muslim brothers and sisters in Borno State.

” in terms of our relationship with the Government, let me say that CAN and the Christian community have a good and cordial relationship with the Government of the day. The Government of Prof. Babagana Umara Zullum has done a lot for us and is still doing more in the following areas:

“Has continued the rehabilitation and reconstruction of churches that were destroyed by the Boko Haram insurgency especially in Southern Borno. This was started by our current Vice President, Kashim Shettima, during his tenure; and His Excellency, Prof Babagana Umara Zullum has continued in that line.

“Sponsorship of Christians for pilgrimage to the Holy Land every year. In fact, the Executive Secretary and coordinator of the Christian Pilgrim has just returned from a pre-visit of the pilgrimage sites in preparation for the 2023/2024 main pilgrimage.

“Reaching out to the Christian community with gifts and cash donations at Christmas and Easter periods. Palliatives are also given to our Christian Women and Widows by the Wives of the Vice President, Her Excellency Nana Kashim and the Governor, Her Excellency, Dr. Falmata Umara Zullum.

“Sponsoring the transportation of our brothers and sisters from the South-South, South East and West during festive seasons.

” Appointment of our Christian sons and daughters in his cabinet.

“After so many years of advocacy, the current Government has started the recruitment of Christian teachers to teach the Christian religion in public schools and many more.”

Bakeni noted that all his claims are real and verifiable adding that in spite of all the good results from the interaction with the government there are still challenges and they do hope to continue to work hard to get over them.

” That is not to say that Christians have no challenges in Borno State; of course we have. We therefore, want to have more access for better results through dialogue and constructive engagement with the Government and other relevant stakeholders.

” We know very well where we are coming from and where we are in terms of the security challenges. We have all tested and experienced the ugly side of violence and destruction and we will not want to go back to that era.

” We love our Governor, we respect our Governor, and we appreciate the relentless and selfless services and sacrifices of our Governor in restoring peace and bringing development to our State.

” As such, CAN will continue to support the Government of the day and will continue to work with the Government towards sustaining the peace that we are already enjoying due to the hard work, commitment, and responsible leadership of our Governor.”

Obviously responding to the recent statements of Rev Dikwa Kallamu over the alleged maltreatment of Christians in the state, the CAN chair went on:” We distance ourselves from any act of violence and provocation. Whatever is written on Social media or any other media outlet, is not from CAN.

” My principle as the Chairman of CAN in Borno State at this time is that what Dialogue cannot give you, Violence and confrontation cannot give you either.”

On the progress being made by the military in protecting the nation’s democracy, he went on: ” With deep sense of gratitude and appreciation, we salute the courage and the sacrifices of our Armed Forces. For those who have paid the supreme price in the course of their service to their fatherland, may God reward them with eternal life in his kingdom.”

Below is the full details of the press release in which Rev Dikwa accused the Borno State government of completely marginalizing Christians in the state.

PRESS RELEASE ON THE TRUE POSITION OF THE CHRISTIANS IN BORNO STATE UNDER GOVERNOR BABAGANA UMARA ZULLUM.
30TH DECEMBER, 2023

The press released on 20 December on the marginalization of the Christian community in Borno State by Governor Zullum was not refuted by either him nor any government officials in the state which affirmed the truth except his wife that called out few widows to share rice a day after for Christmas purposefully for the media to carry it. The only way they refuted was to send thugs after my life like Barrister Bashir Maidugu who called me and put a threat to my life and civilians joint task Force (CJTF) who met me on the road and harassed me but as usual God Almighty saved me to continue exposing the truth.

Let the public court judge, How can a professor and a Governor show tribalism, sectionalism and ethnic segregation like Professor Zulum of Borno State? How many are from Southern Borno and how many are Christians among these political appointments?

PUBLIC ANNOUNCEMENT

Appointment of Special Advicers to Borno State Governor

The Executive Governor of Borno State, His Excellency Prof Babaganagana Umara Zulum has graciously approved the appointment of the following Special Advisers:

  1. Alhaji Ali Makinta Jere
  2. Idrissa L Kemdey
  3. Tijjani Goni Mohammed
  4. Hon Ibrahim Haruna Biu
  5. Hon Tukur Digira
  6. Engr Kori Shettima
  7. Hauwa M Musa
  8. Hon Abubakar Tijjani
  9. Hon Garba Saje
  10. Hon Kester C Oguali
  11. Hon Alao Hassan
  12. Alhaji Audu Maaji
  13. Hon Abba Jato Bama
  14. Hon Abba Saje Mohd Nur
  15. Engr Musa Gashigar
  16. Hon Abba Nguru
  17. Hon Bukar Dalatu
  18. Hon Idrisa Jidda
  19. Shettima Bukar Kulima (Marte)
  20. Hon Kaka Adam Mustapha
  21. Shettima Lawan Maina
  22. Dr Abubakar Hassan
  23. Modu Ali Gana Dikwa
  24. Sheikh Modu Mustapha
  25. Abba Kawu Shehu Abubakar
  26. Hon Musa Abbas
  27. Alhaji Musa Gwamma
  28. Baba Ali Haruna Kukawa
  29. Abdullahi Mohd Nganzai
    Amongst all of the appointees of 29, only

Hon Kester C Oguali is a Christian from the Eastern Nigeria, an Igbo by tribe.
In the threat by the political thugs like Barrister Bashir Maidugu of the Vice president’s crew, he categorically said only four local government in the state have Christian indigenes which are blatant lies from the pit of hell. I’m kanuri by tribe from Maiduguri the state capital and a Christian amongst many kanuri Christians. Going by the Barrister Bashir Maidugu, I ll now ask, have the indigenous Christian from the southern Borno State relocated to the igbo land (Eastern Nigeria) to get a slot from the 29 appointment or still the marginalization?
We condemned on a strong term this total excluding of Christians in the governor’s appointment and Hon Kester C Oguali is not representing any Christians in the state but political strategy to show the world he’s in love with even Christians in the south but marginalized his main duties of inclusive governance.
Let me talk little for now about the LGA Chairman primaries in the State, a Christian dominated area like Chibok has 7 contestants in which 4 are Christians and 3 are Muslims. He disqualified the four Christians and told the 3 Muslims to choose one among themselves, in Askira Uba, the contestants have the highest a Christian with 14 votes followed by a Muslim with 7votes however, Zullum imposed the Muslim candidate with 7 and dropped the Christian with 14, can someone define marginalization for me in different actions than these?

REV. KALLAMU MUSA ALI DIKWA
Director, General Center for Justice on Religious And Ethnicity in Nigeria

Bakeni Commiserates with NUJ and Zulum over the demise of Isa Gusau

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Troops repel bandits’ attack in AgatuBenue

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Troops repel bandits’ attack in Agatu
Benue

By Zagazola Makama

Troops of the Nigerian Army, in collaboration with the police, repelled an attack by suspected armed bandits on a joint patrol team in Agatu Local Government Area of Benue State.

Security sources said the incident occurred at about 9:00 a.m. on April 4, when the troops on routine patrol encountered the armed bandits.

According to the sources, the bandits opened fire on sighting the troops, leading to a gun duel.

“The troops responded decisively, forcing the bandits to retreat after a brief exchange of fire,” the source said.

The attackers reportedly fled through a nearby river, taking advantage of the difficult terrain.

The sources confirmed that no casualty was recorded among the troops during the encounter.

Following the incident, troops have intensified patrols and commenced combing operations in surrounding bushes to track down the fleeing suspects.

The operation is part of ongoing efforts by the military to curb banditry and sustain peace in the area.

Troops repel bandits’ attack in Agatu
Benue

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Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive

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Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive

By Zagazola Makama

Additional details have emerged on the identities of notorious bandit leaders eliminated during the recent military offensive in Tsafe Local Government Area of Zamfara State, where the son of feared kingpin Ado Allero and scores of fighters were neutralised.

At the heart of the operation was the elimination of Kachalla Iliya Sarki, the son of Ado Allero, alongside more than 65 fighters and several high-ranking commanders who had long orchestrated attacks, kidnappings, and cattle rustling across Zamfara and neighbouring states.

For years, the forests of Tsafe, Shinkafi, and Zurmi have served as operational bases for heavily armed groups, with Allero’s network emerging as one of the most feared. The death of his son, widely regarded as a rising figure within the hierarchy, is not just a tactical success, it is a symbolic strike at the core of the group’s command structure.

Security sources confirmed that the offensive, which targeted multiple camps in Munhaye and surrounding forest enclaves, led to the elimination of several key commanders.

Among them was Kachalla Biyabiki, a notorious kidnapping kingpin linked to numerous abductions in the western Tsafe axis. Intelligence indicated he had at least 10 victims in captivity at the time of his death, with ransom negotiations ongoing.

Also killed was Kachalla Dogon Bete, a feared field commander known for leading violent raids on rural communities and coordinating cattle rustling operations.

Other commanders neutralised include Kachalla Dan Bakolo, believed to be responsible for arms supply and logistics; Kachalla Na’Isa, a sub-commander involved in enforcement operations; Kachalla Yellow, linked to reprisal attacks; and Kachalla Mudi, associated with kidnapping activities along rural transit routes.

Together, these figures formed a critical part of the operational backbone of banditry in the Tsafe–Shinkafi corridor.

“These individuals were key actors within the network. Their neutralisation has disrupted command and control structures in the area,” a security source said.

The offensive, which targeted multiple camps in Munhaye and surrounding forest enclaves, also resulted in the destruction of hideouts and recovery of weapons and other logistics.

However, security experts warn that the killing of such high-profile figures—particularly the son of Ado Allero—may provoke retaliatory attacks by fleeing elements seeking revenge.

Troops have consequently intensified clearance operations, aerial surveillance, and aggressive patrols across Tsafe, Shinkafi, and adjoining areas to prevent regrouping and forestall possible reprisals.

Efforts are ongoing to track down remaining loyalists and dismantle residual cells operating within the wider Zamfara-Katsina forest corridor.

In Zamfara’s forests, where power shifts quickly and alliances are fluid, today’s victory can only be secured by tomorrow’s vigilance.

Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive

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Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed

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Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed

By Zagazola Makama

In Plateau State, the sound of gunfire is no longer shocking. It is expected. What follows each incident has also become predictable outrage, media attention, blames and accusations, as well as a rush to frame the tragedy within familiar narratives.

The latest reports of miners lynched by unknown gunmen have once again drawn national and international attention. Youth leaders, clerics, and advocacy groups are already describing the incident in sweeping terms, some branding it as genocide.

But beneath the headlines lies a more complicated and more troubling reality. Plateau is not witnessing isolated acts of violence. It is caught in a deeply entrenched cycle of reprisals, where attacks and counter-attacks have become the norm, and where truth is often buried beneath sentiment and selective narratives.

In the early hours of April 3, troops responded to a distress call from Sabongida village in Jos South Local Government Area. What they found was grim: the lifeless, beheaded body of a 30-year-old herder, identified as Shafiyu, lying in the bush. Security sources indicated that the killing was allegedly carried out by suspected Berom youths. Before the shock of that incident could settle, retaliation came swiftly.

Later that same day, armed men attacked an illegal mining site in Gyel village, Riyom Local Government Area. Three miners, including Samuel Davou, were killed in cold blood, while others fled for safety as troops moved in to secure the area. What might appear as separate incidents are, in reality, part of a continuous chain of violence, one feeding directly into the other.

Across Plateau, recent events reveal a troubling pattern that has defined the conflict for years.
On March 25, the body of Abdullahi Mohammed , a Fulani boy, was discovered in a shallow grave in Mangu Local Government Area, raising suspicions of targeted killing. On the same day in Riyom, irrigation farms belonging to several farmers were destroyed, by Fulani herdsmen, an act capable of provoking immediate retaliation.

Three days later, on March 28, gunmen assassinated Alhaji Bilyaminu Julde, a prominent Fulani community leader and Ardo of Gindiri, in Barkin Ladi. The attack, carried out at his residence, sent ignited tensions through the Fulani community and set off alarm bells across the state.

That same day, another flashpoint emerged in Riyom, where stray cattle destroyed farmlands in Tahoss village an incident that further strained relations between farmers and herders.
By April 2, violence had escalated again. In Bokkos Local Government Area, troops foiled an attack by suspected armed herders following a clash with vigilantes over grazing disputes. One vigilante sustained gunshot injuries.

Then came April 3, a day that encapsulated the crisis. Aside from the killing of the herder in Sabongida and the retaliatory attack on miners in Gyel, more killing were reported in Jos South.
On the same day, troops in Barkin Ladi recovered suspected rustled cattle reportedly taken by the Birom armed militia, while in Riyom, another Fulani youth was allegedly killed in an isolated attack. Each of these incidents is not just an entry in a security log. They are links in a chain, each one strengthening the justification for the next.

The Plateau conflict has increasingly been framed through singular lenses, often ethnic or religious. While these dimensions exist, they do not fully capture the complexity of what is happening on the ground. What emerges from security reports and field accounts is a cycle of reciprocal violence involving armed elements across communities. Fulani herders have been attacked and killed. Berom farmers and miners have also been targeted in deadly reprisals.
Yet, public discourse often pointing fongers only one side of the suffering.

This selective framing creates a dangerous distortion. It fuels anger, deepens divisions, and makes reconciliation even more difficult. More importantly, it prevents a clear understanding of the crisis one that is essential for any meaningful solution.

As observed by Simon Kolawole, the conflict has become a cycle of “attacks and counter-attacks, reprisals and counter-reprisals.”
In such an environment, violence becomes normalized. Communities begin to see retaliation not as a crime, but as justice.
Without accountability, peace remains elusive,”he said in his latest article, titled The Killing fields in plateau State.

In Plateau State, the search for peace has become a long, uncertain journey with no immediate destination in sight. Despite sustained military deployments and repeated calls for calm, deadly attacks continue to rage across communities, reinforcing a grim reality: this is a conflict deeply rooted in cycles of violence, mistrust, and silence.

For many residents, the first instinct after every attack is to look toward the government, Security forces and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Questions are asked why were the troops not there? Why was the intelligence not acted upon? Why are communities left exposed?

These concerns are valid. The primary responsibility of any government is the protection of lives and property. Yet, beneath these criticisms lies a difficult truth that is often left unspoken. In many cases, the same communities that demand protection are unwilling to confront the problem from within.

Across flashpoints in Riyom, Barkin Ladi, Bokkos, and Mangu, patterns have consistent which suggest that perpetrators of violence are not faceless outsiders operating in isolation. They are often known by name, by face, by affiliation. But they are rarely exposed. Instead, a culture of silence prevails. Fear, loyalty, and sometimes complicity prevent communities from identifying or handing over those responsible for attacks.

This silence creates a protective shield around perpetrators, allowing them to strike repeatedly without consequences. The result is a dangerous cycle: attacks occur, blame is assigned externally, and the real actors remain embedded within the communities.

There have been instances where youth leaders publicly blamed Fulani groups for atrocities even in cases where the victims themselves were Fulani. Such claims stretch logic and risk undermining credibility. The argument that a group would attack itself, rustle or poison its own livestock, and transport it into rival territory solely to assign blame raises fundamental questions.

While misinformation is a powerful tool in conflict, it cannot fully explain away patterns that are repeatedly documented by security agencies. These narratives, rather than promoting justice, deepen mistrust and inflame passions, making reconciliation more difficult.

This cycle has blurred the lines between victim and aggressor. Communities that mourn their dead today may be accused of launching attacks tomorrow. In such an environment, truth becomes contested, and justice becomes subjective. A herder is killed, reprisal follows.
Miners are attacked, revenge is planned.
Cattle are rustled, retaliation is inevitable. Each incident becomes both consequence and justification.

Intelligence gathering, the backbone of effective security operations depends heavily on local input. When communities withhold information, protect suspects, or distort facts, security agencies are left to operate in the dark.
This creates gaps that perpetrators exploit.
Blaming the government alone, without acknowledging this dynamic, presents an incomplete picture of the crisis.

Security forces have remained active, responding to distress calls, conducting patrols, and attempting to stabilize volatile areas. Yet, their presence has not been enough to stop the killings. The reality is that no amount of military deployment can fully secure a population that is unwilling to cooperate.

One of the most dangerous drivers of the conflict is impunity. For decades, perpetrators of violence in Plateau have rarely been brought to justice. Killings are recorded, condemned, and eventually forgotten until the next incident occurs.

Community, religious and youths leaders, who should serve as stabilizing forces, are increasingly unable to control armed youth groups. Such interventions are rare and often overshadowed by more powerful forces of anger and revenge. In many cases the leaders are the once directly fueling the crises and encouraging the youths to take up arms to carry out reprisals attacks.

The nature of the Plateau conflict makes it resistant to purely military solutions. This is not a conventional war with clear battle lines. It is a fragmented conflict driven by local grievances, economic competition, and historical mistrust.
Calls for heavy-handed interventions, including suggestions of foreign military involvement, fail to recognize this reality. Force alone cannot resolve a conflict that is rooted in social and communal dynamics.

If Plateau is to break free from this cycle, the first step must be honesty. The violence must be acknowledged for what it is a series of interconnected attacks involving multiple actors, not a one-sided campaign. Only then can meaningful solutions emerge.

This is not just a story of victims and aggressors. It is a story of a society caught in a loop of vengeance, where yesterday’s victim can become today’s perpetrator. Until the truth is confronted in its entirety without bias, without omission peace will remain elusive.

The government must move beyond reactive security measures and take decisive steps to address the root causes of the conflict. This includes ensuring accountability, strengthening intelligence capabilities, and facilitating genuine dialogue among communities.Equally important is the role of local leaders. They must rise above partisan interests and work actively to restrain their followers, promote peace, and reject all forms of violence regardless of who commits them.

Zagazola Makama is a Counter Insurgency Expert and Security Analyst in the Lake Chad Region

Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed

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