Political Party System: Why Are We Members; If Few Will Decide Our Fate Through Consensus?

By: Dr. James Bwala

These are the very questions some party membership was asking regarding happenings within party politics in Nigeria. And my thoughts on this are that, in democratic societies, political parties are meant to serve as vehicles for representation, participation, and accountability. They provide a platform through which citizens express their political preferences, compete for public office, and influence governance. However, within many political party systems—most notably that of Nigeria—the concept of consensus has evolved into a mechanism that concentrates power in the hands of a few, disenfranchising the vast majority of party members. This piece contends that the entrenched practice of consensus among party elites is not only undemocratic but also actively undermines the principles of participatory democracy, fostering corruption and dictatorship reminiscent of military regimes. To safeguard democracy’s true essence, it is imperative to critically revisit the consensus ideology and reinstitute the rights and voices of all party members in political decision-making processes.

At its core, democracy demands inclusion, transparency, and equality. Every card-carrying member of a political party should have an equal say in choosing candidates who represent their aspirations and values. Yet, the prevailing consensus model within the Nigerian political party system transforms these ideals into hollow formalities. Instead of empowering the collective membership, consensus becomes a tool wielded by party hierarchies—comprising national chairpersons, governors, powerful financiers, and other influential figures—to select candidates and dictate policies behind closed doors. This top-down approach obliterates internal party democracy and turns membership into a mere symbolic gesture devoid of real participation.

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The justification often given for consensus is the desire to avoid divisive primaries that could jeopardize party unity and electoral success. Proponents argue that consensual agreements prevent bitter factionalism, conserve resources, and project a united front to the electorate. While superficially plausible, this rationale is disingenuous when the process becomes exclusive and opaque, with decisions forged in secret meetings rather than through the broad consultation of party members. The so-called unity achieved is artificial; it masks deep resentment among sidelined aspirants and suppresses the natural contest of ideas fundamental to democratic evolution.

By restricting candidate selection to a handful of party elites, consensus fosters a culture of patronage and favoritism. Individuals who align themselves with dominant factions or offer financial inducements gain preferential treatment, while competent and popular candidates lacking elite connections are marginalized. This incentivizes corrupt practices as ambitious politicians seek to buy influence or broker deals with kingmakers. The consequences spill over into governance, where elected officials, indebted to their selectors rather than accountable to the people, prioritize personal or factional interests over public good. Hence, consensus does not merely distort internal party democracy—it also saps the quality and responsiveness of leadership at all levels of government.

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Indeed, the grip of consensus on candidate nomination echoes the authoritarianism it purportedly rejects. When decisions rest with a small clique operating without transparency or checks, the political party morphs into a microcosm of dictatorship. The voices of ordinary members are silenced; dissent is quashed under the guise of maintaining peace and order within the party. This stifling atmosphere discourages grassroots mobilization and political activism, eroding the vibrancy and dynamism necessary for democratic renewal. In effect, the consensus phenomenon creates a political monopoly, where power is recycled among an elite few, entrenching oligarchic control reminiscent of Nigeria’s past military regimes.

It is critical to emphasize that genuine consensus in democratic contexts differs fundamentally from the elite-driven version prevalent in many Nigerian parties. Authentic consensus arises from deliberation, negotiation, and compromise among broad-based stakeholders, each empowered to voice their views and influence outcomes equitably. It is neither a prearranged dictate nor the suppression of opposition. For democracy to thrive within political parties, institutions and culture must promote open contestation, respect for internal rules, and mechanisms for accountability. This includes transparent and competitive primaries, equal access to party resources by aspirants, and independent oversight bodies to enforce fairness.

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Reforming the consensus practice requires both structural and attitudinal changes. Party constitutions should explicitly enshrine the rights of members to participate meaningfully in candidate selection and policy formulation. Enforcement agencies and electoral commissions must rigorously police internal party elections, sanctioning violations such as imposed candidacies and manipulation of delegate lists. Civil society organizations and the media also have a vital role in exposing anti-democratic practices and educating the public on their rights within parties. Above all, political leaders must embrace a culture of inclusivity, recognizing that sustainable electoral success and legitimacy stem from empowering their membership base rather than manipulating it.

Also, technology offers promising avenues to enhance democratic participation. Digital platforms can facilitate wider consultation and voting processes, reducing the leverage of traditional gatekeepers and expanding grassroots engagement. Social media and mobile communication provide channels for members to hold leaders accountable and organize collective actions. When harnessed properly, these tools can disrupt entrenched power structures and democratize party decision-making.

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Some may argue that the chaos and fragmentation often witnessed during open primaries justify the status quo of elite consensus. However, this perspective overlooks the long-term costs of excluding the majority from decision-making. While competitive elections within parties may pose challenges, they foster political education, enhance representativeness, and strengthen legitimacy. The alternative is a sterile political environment dominated by elites disconnected from the electorate, increasing cynicism and apathy among citizens. Thus, preserving the integrity and vitality of democracy necessitates embracing participatory norms even if they introduce complexity into the process.

On this argument I still stand that the consensus model currently practiced within many political parties, particularly in Nigeria, constitutes a deliberate and damaging subversion of democratic principles. By concentrating decision-making in the hands of a few powerful insiders, it disenfranchises the broader membership, breeds corruption, and nurtures authoritarian tendencies that undermine the very foundations of democracy. The health of democratic governance hinges on restoring genuine participatory mechanisms that empower all members to choose their representatives freely and fairly. Revisiting and reforming the consensus ideology is not merely desirable but essential if democracy is to fulfill its promise of government by the people, for the people. Political parties must cease to be arenas of elite manipulation and instead become true vehicles of popular will—only then can democracy transcend rhetoric and become an authentic lived reality.

* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.

Political Party System: Why Are We Members; If Few Will Decide Our Fate Through Consensus?

Governor Buni moves to appeal to guber aspirants to step down for Wali in Yobe

By: Yahaya Wakili

Governor Mai Mala Buni CON of Yobe State has vowed to appeal to aggrieved aspirants to step down for the government-preferred candidate of the party, Baba Mallam Wali FCAN, MNI, before the primary election date.

Governor Buni disclosed this yesterday while receiving thousands of members of the crowd of All Progressives Congress (APC) supporters from all 17 local government areas of the state at the Muhammadu Buhari International Airport, Damaturu.

He commended Senator Ahmed Ibrahim Lawan, Senator Musa Mustapha, former Inspector General of Police Usman Baba Alkali, and other aspirants for stepping down for the preferred candidate, Baba Mallam Wali, and noted that he would work tirelessly to see that the remaining aggrieved aspirants also stepped down for Wali.

“We should avoid banter, name-calling, and abuse; it is not in our culture and character. We must not tolerate it,” Governor Buni tells the crowd of party supporters.

He praised the steadfast support of the party’s members, which he said was credited with the successful outcomes of his administration, including the significant developmental projects, such as the construction of the Muhammadu Buhari International Airport.

Governor Buni further assured that next year our pilgrims will be airlifting to Saudi Arabia from this airport, Inshallah, and very soon the commercial business activities will commence, of which all the Yobeans would benefit.

“All the good work we executed in the areas of health care delivery, education, agriculture, the roads we are constructing, and security—all these developmental projects we executed all along with Baba Mallam Wali, and inshallah, he will come and continue with them.” 

He called on the people to offer prayers for peace in our country and to pray for the general elections to be conducted peacefully, as well as to pray Almighty Allah unites us, the people of Yobe State and Nigeria as a whole.

Governor Buni moves to appeal to guber aspirants to step down for Wali in Yobe

Reconfiguring Nigeria’s 2027 Elections: Zoning, Coalition Politics and the Battle for the Presidency

By: Austin Aigbe

Policy and Strategy Expert
Abuja – can be reached: aigbeomoruyi@mail.com

As Nigeria heads to the 2027 general elections, the political environment offers a dynamic and diverse contest that can inspire hope and engagement among pundits interested in shaping the country’s democracy. At the centre of the 2027 contest stands President Bola Tinubu of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the established power of incumbency.

Challenging him is Peter Obi, now repositioned under the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), with a strong alliance with Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, an arrangement increasingly described by supporters as the “OK Movement” (Obi–Kwankwaso).

Meanwhile, Atiku Abubakar, of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), continues to insist that only a Northern candidate possesses the electoral arithmetic to defeat Tinubu.

Alongside these heavyweights is Seyi Makinde, who announced his debut under the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) – Alliance for Progressive Movement (APM) partnership, introducing a younger technocratic alternative seeking to transcend traditional elite politics.

Adding yet another layer of intrigue is recurring speculation surrounding a possible return of former President Goodluck Jonathan as a consensus or stabilising candidate in a deeply polarised political atmosphere. Together, these developments are reshaping the 2027 elections into more than a contest for power.

They represent a broader national argument about zoning, competence, generational transition, inclusion, and the future architecture of democracy.

Bola Tinubu and his strong political machinery instil confidence about the prospects of stability and continuity in leadership. His broad political reach and entrenched alliances suggest a resilient foundation for his campaign.

The president’s supporters argue that his administration inherited deep structural economic distortions and that difficult reforms, i.e, the removal of fuel subsidy and the floating of the Naira, were unavoidable if the country were to avoid long-term fiscal collapse.

For the APC, 2027 will likely be framed as a choice between continuity and uncertainty. The party’s central message may be that reforms require time and political stability to mature into measurable national gains. The president’s strongest political asset remains his ability to build coalitions across regional and ideological divides. His influence in the South West remains substantial, while the APC continues to maintain significant structures across the North.

The Tinubu administration faces mounting pressure from worsening economic hardship, inflation, insecurity, and declining purchasing power. While many Nigerians acknowledge the necessity of reform, public frustration increasingly centres on the social consequences of those reforms.

No doubt, Tinubu’s re-election campaign may ultimately depend on whether voters perceive sufficient economic recovery before 2027. The zoning debate further muddies.

Traditionally, many political stakeholders expect a Southern president to complete two terms before power rotates Northward. Tinubu’s supporters may therefore campaign against Atiku that altering the arrangements in 2027 would violate the spirit of political balance underpinning Nigeria’s informal rotational plan.

Among opposition formations, the alliance between Mr Peter Obi and Engr. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, on the platform of the NDC, is significant because it could reshape the electoral landscape and challenge the status quo. The “OK Movement” carries significant symbolic and electoral implications.

Obi brings substantial urban youth support, middle-class reformist energy, and the enduring momentum of the civic mobilisation and the Obedient Movement observed during the 2023 elections. Kwankwaso, on the other hand, brings grassroots Northern political structures, deep influence in Kano and parts of the North West, and an established populist network through the Kwankwasiyya movement.

The Obi–Kwankwaso alliance may address one of the major criticisms of Obi’s 2023 campaign: limited penetration in the core Northern voting blocs. With Kwankwaso as an ally, the ticket could potentially build a bridge between Southern reformist enthusiasm and Northern populist mobilisation. Supporters of the movement argue that it represents a new national identity built around inclusion, generational transition, and institutional reform rather than traditional elite patronage.

The movement may especially appeal to younger Nigerians frustrated with the dominance of longstanding political establishments. But challenges remain. Critics argue that managing the ideological and strategic ambitions of both camps could prove difficult. Questions also persist, whether online enthusiasm can positively translate into nationwide electoral structures capable of competing against the APC’s entrenched machinery, as it is said locally, there are no polling units on social media.

Former vice-president, Atiku Abubakar, approaches 2027 with a strategic focus, asserting that only a Northern candidate has the electoral strength to defeat Tinubu and unify key voting blocs. This argument reflects both demographic realities and longstanding patterns within Nigerian electoral politics.

Northern voting strength remains essential to presidential victory calculations, and Atiku’s supporters believe that fragmenting Northern political influence would merely strengthen Tinubu’s path to re-election. From this perspective, Atiku presents himself not simply as a candidate but as a pragmatic electoral solution. His extensive political network, cross-regional alliances, and decades of national visibility continue to make him a formidable political figure.

However, critics contend that insisting on a Northern presidency after only one Southern term risks undermining the spirit of zoning and reinforcing perceptions of political entitlement. Many Southern stakeholders would likely view such a move as an attempt to prematurely reverse the rotational balance that has helped stabilise the nation’s democracy since 1999. His argument that the North has served for a limited term since then does not hold water if he backdates the argument to 1960 (from independence).

Added to this, Atiku’s repeated presidential ambitions may reinforce voter fatigue, especially among Nigerians seeking generational renewal and ideological revolution rather than familiar elite contentions.

Still, dismissing Atiku would be politically unwise. Nigerian elections are often won not only through popularity, but through identity politics, coalition management, elite negotiation, and organisational reach, all areas where Atiku remains highly competitive.

Governor Seyi Makinde and the Technocratic Recalibration. The emergence of Seyi Makinde under the PDP–APM alliance introduces another compelling dimension to the 2027 contest.

Unlike many traditional political heavyweights, Makinde increasingly projects himself as a governance-oriented technocrat seeking to reposition politics around competence, innovation, and administrative credibility. His supporters point to his governance record in Oyo State, his relatively moderate political style, and his appeal among younger professionals and reform-minded voters. More importantly, Makinde’s candidacy directly challenges Nigeria’s conventional zoning assumptions. Traditionally, the expectation remains that presidential power should rotate North after the completion of a Southern presidency in 2031.

However, Makinde’s emergence complicates this arithmetic by arguing, implicitly and explicitly, that governance performance should matter as much as geography. In this sense, Makinde represents a broader intellectual shift within Nigerian politics: the gradual movement from “whose turn is it?” toward “who can govern effectively?” His candidacy may therefore resonate with younger voters increasingly frustrated by elite rotational bargains that have not necessarily produced accountable governance.

Nevertheless, Makinde’s challenge remains structural. National elections require deep grassroots networks, extensive funding, and broad political alliances. While his technocratic image strengthens his credibility, transforming state-level popularity into nationwide electoral viability remains a difficult undertaking.

The Goodluck Jonathan Question: Consensus or Political Nostalgia? Recurring speculation surrounding Goodluck Jonathan reflects the growing uncertainty within Nigeria’s political landscape.

Though Jonathan has not formally declared interest, discussions around his possible return reveal broader anxieties about political stability, national cohesion, and the search for a less polarising figure. Former President Jonathan’s democratic credentials remain significantly strengthened by his peaceful concession of power in 2015, widely regarded as one of the most important moments in Nigeria’s democratic history.

Supporters therefore view him as a stabilising statesman capable of calming political tensions and rebuilding elite consensus. Jonathan, with one more term, appeals to the zoning debates. Jonathan’s candidacy resonates with President John Mahama of Ghana, who returned after eight years and won.

The 2027 presidential election is gradually transforming into one of the most significant democratic contests in the country’s modern history. More than a battle between parties, it represents competing visions of national identity, governance, inclusion, and democratic evolution.

Bola Ahmed Tinubu offers continuity, institutional stability, and incumbency. Peter Obi and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso present a reformist coalition seeking to bridge generational and regional divides through the OK Movement. Atiku Abubakar advances a strategy rooted in Northern electoral arithmetic and coalition politics. Seyi Makinde embodies technocratic recalibration and merit-based leadership.

Goodluck Jonathan reflects the appeal of consensus and national reconciliation in uncertain times.

Will the 2027 election be a three, four or five-horse race?

Reconfiguring Nigeria’s 2027 Elections: Zoning, Coalition Politics and the Battle for the Presidency