Columns
Binoculars: Of security, military, intelligence and non-kinetic Comradeship against a common enemy in the north east war theatre
 
																								
												
												
											Binoculars: Of security, military, intelligence and non-kinetic Comradeship against a common enemy in the north east war theatre
By: Bodurin Kayode
One thing I have learnt in the North Eastern Nigeria war theatre is the fact that both the kinetic and the non-kinetic players are one as a team. We do not have a superior partner against an inferior partner. Just leaders. This is because we have accepted the grim reality of the fact that the bullet that kills the General is the same bullet that can send the private worrier in any organization to his early grave.
You could see it clearly in the way the military, which is the toughest kinetic organization managing the insurgency, has been embracing others in the non-kinetic realm into the theatre.
I was in a police forum recently where the command bomb controller was explaining how they detonate bombs and IEDs and it was not different from the way the military did it in the same Mallam Fatori council area of northern Borno.
What I am saying is that both the military and the non-kinetic sector including the intelligence services and the media have been drafted into the war to fight a common enemy. So if one partner feels offended in any way about the way the other does his thing then the onus is on him to call the person and use civil language to make his complaint and the solution will be reached for the common good. Not to use crude language regardless of how angry one partner is.
DO WE HAVE ANY SUPERIOR PARTNER TO THE REST OF US?
The answer to this is a capital no.What we have is a common enemy that must be crushed. And that is Boko Haram and their cousins.
So if we have a common enemy it means we are all agents of the state having the right to do the right thing at all times. The Directorate of State Security partners can claim that it is only them that have the right to protect the state but that would apply to states where we don’t have known enemies looking down on us. They surely can’t do it alone in the Maiduguri war where everyone is a target. They need all of us.
I had a sordid encounter with one overzealous Rabiu of the DSS working with the north east Development Commission (NEDC) after he had intimidated some of my colleagues to warn me simply because he didn’t know me personally.
What happened? I was trying to join the convoy of the NEDC on a commissioning mission from Borno Mass literacy like other people but their white J5 bus nearly knocked my car in the process. I think the driver himself was obviously an operative, then slowed down to ask me to move. By the time we got to the neighboring military secondary school, Rabiu marched rudely to me with an armed police man to intimidate me. I wondered why a decent operative with his senses will want to talk to a journalist and will now ask a police man to escort him to display a show of force. That was wrong. I was standing chatting with some informants trying to get some information and there was Rabiu with an officer Sunday of the Nigerian Police possibly to intimidate me. Sunday obviously reluctantly was drafted to create a scene on an unarmed reporter.
RABIU’S RUDE BODY LANGUAGE
No matter what I may have done wrong by my decision to burn my petrol for my friends in the NEDC, instead of following anyone, there was no justification for the rude language he used on me. I could even feel the realm of the dangerous “inferiority complex” he had in him for journalists when talking to me. He is obviously one of those who joined that service for the use of the weapon and not for intelligence purposes which they are supposed to be wired for. He was virtually talking down on me as if I would have been his mate if I was in that service. Insultingly.
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And then I humiliated him further by just smiling and I responded by saying, don’t bother yourself. I will not join the convoy again since I am so small or less important to the people who are not VIPs who he is guarding and who are also in the convoy. I could see the surprise in the eyes of officer Sunday of the Nigerian Police who escorted him possibly to show his force but saw me armless. Since he was too timid to come and see me himself and used a much more civil language to talk to me instead of whining like a hyena at the top of his voice. Immediately he walked off back to where the VIPs were and left me and another colleague watching the assignment.
Dogara, a young reporter of the channel’s TV who witnessed the entire wrong the guy meted out to my persona, went livid with rage. I just smiled and told him that as long as someone I respect is the boss of Rabiu, I will not return the rudeness he gave me back to him. Dogara looked at me and wondered if a known non-conformist like myself had gone soft and vowed that if he was the one he would have responded. I begged him to forget the antagonism of Rabiu because he was obviously sent. Ask Dogara when you see him. He saw the other side of me yesterday.
I never had the opportunity to meet Sadiq who is Rabiu’s direct boss before I left the NEDC but I will surely meet him one day to teach Rabiu how we behave in the theatre. He has no right to talk to me disrespectfully as if I was the enemy regardless of what wrong he thought I may have done based on their training and understanding which I am yet to be educated about. Rabiu is a very rude operative who needs training on the role of a journalist. He is not different from another who threatened to shoot myself and Franco sometime this year while driving into the government house. Our offense was because of a similar thing. When you come to a place and you don’t know certain people, you ask guys on the ground who they are and not to bully them unnecessarily. We got out of my car and marched to him and an argument started between the police who knew us and the new man who came from the Presidency. It was so funny. At the end of the day, the police officer who understood civil uniformed relationship asked us to go when the DSS guard started ranting about shooting at us. Franco and I walked back to my car and drove to our assignment. I actually reported the matter to the Governor’s chief detail who promised to look into the matter.
JOURNALISTS AND SECURITY MANAGEMENT
There is nothing contemporary that serious journalists do not know about security management and how to report with the advantage of the state at heart. The only difference in our job descriptions is the weapons they carry and high class equipment they use to get their own information. If we had a National Guard by now, most of the aspects of the state the DSS dabble into will not be necessary. But we missed that because some Generals sources convinced IBB that the guards will rival the Army. I don’t see the fear of rivalry at all. If the CIA and the FBI are not rivals all these years, why would a Nigerian national guard rival the Army? Well that is for another day’s Binoculars.
Sadly I always drum this into the ears of my colleagues who had one brush or the other with these people in the course of their duties.
The State Director in Borno here Oga Muritala as I call him is a fine gentleman. Always calm and gentle but you can’t take him for granted. I don’t have much interaction with his deputies other than hello when we cross paths or when I visit. But I have friends among them even in the lower ranks. They help me with my job. The reason why I couldn’t respond to Rabiu right down there on the ladder is that if we had a squabble and I placed him where he belongs, my friend Oga Muri may begin to have a second thought about the young reporter he knew 25 years ago while he was the Chief detail of the Governor of Zamfara state Ahmed Sani. Each time Yerima Bakura wanted to see me then as the reporter of the vanguard, this man was already waiting to usher me in. I remember his smiles with his walkie talkie in his hand. Always smiling and welcoming till this day when I meet him. Asking about my health and family.
When Yerima Bakura ushered me into his home with his kids milling around while we ate “twoo shinkafa and mia kuka” traditional Hausa food together. Oga Muri was there though distantly and never saw me as a threat. I left Gusau as a happy man. If I wasn’t a threat to Oga Muri then, when we were both very young, why would Rabiu be ranting all over the place as if I have suddenly become his personal threat? Someone should teach him civility with journalists or else something will happen to him that will puncture his arrogance.
I think the onus is on his direct boss in the NEDC Sadiq and my friend Oga Muri to instill our way of doing things to Rabiu and his likes who still behave like we are in the days of the NSO to calm down and respect the fact that the bullet that will kill a private operative is the same bullet that will kill an agent of a sergeant equivalent and it is the same that can send even the DG of their organization to the great beyond. No mortal has power over death so let’s be each other’s keeper.
Let’s learn to be civil in what we do in the war theatre. That will surely keep the kinetic and the non-kinetic together to fight the common enemy. And that is Boko Haram, ISWAP and even the Bandits. The Journalist has never been the enemy and will never be.
Binoculars: Of security, military, intelligence and non-kinetic Comradeship against a common enemy in the north east war theatre
Columns
Public Mouthpiece, Politicians, and Grassroots Mobilizers: Holding Leaders Accountable for Good Governance and Peaceful Coexistence
 
														Public Mouthpiece, Politicians, and Grassroots Mobilizers: Holding Leaders Accountable for Good Governance and Peaceful Coexistence
By: Balami Lazarus
For some time NEWSng has been waving aside the idea of writing on these popular patriotic individuals who are public mouthpiece politicians and grassroots mobilizers that have taken upon themselves to contribute their quota consistently on radio by holding elected leaders accountable and demanding good governance and peaceful coexistence on the Plateau and in Nigeria at large.
It is interesting to know if a media known for featuring and reporting positive developments should allow such important contributions to our democracy with clear objectives for good governance to go down the drain.
Therefore, these men are like the old English musketeers famous for their bravery and professional acts of protection of kings in medieval Europe. These respected individuals are for the public interest, advocating for good governance at all levels through their voices.
They are public mouthpieces, spokesmen for and on behalf of the public who are always calling the attention of elected leaders to challenges faced by the citizens who voted them into power in the political democracy on the Plateau through some radio programs.
The contributions of these patriotic citizens for holding our leaders accountable for good governance in order to make Nigeria better serve as the lighthouses of our democratic growth and development.
If you were to listen to them, you would agree that they are passionate about good governance/dividends of democracy and peace on the Plateau and in Nigeria. They are not critics; they don’t attack, but their actions and opinions/views are raw and painful but are the truth that cannot be denied because they are necessary for the government and other leaders who need to consider them and begin to act to bring developments for the citizens.
NEWSng decided to limit this work to only five in spite of numerous contributors to the radio programs. Musa Kalu, Ada Onugu, Comrade Dadong Antibas, Hon. Omenaka Jude Sat, and Sadiq Umar, whose voices are the true representations of the grassroots. Their voices are cries of the Nigerian masses for dividends of democracy. Ultimately they are holding democratically elected leaders accountable in the present democratic dispensation.
Speaking to them individually on why they are passionate about holding elected leaders accountable. However, they spoke from different angles of developments. Ironically, they are all on the same page demanding good governance and peaceful coexistence among the Nigerian citizens.
Musa Kalu is always on the path of peaceful coexistence without any sentiments. ‘As a Nigerian, I am for peaceful coexistence, progress, and development. Nigeria belongs to all of us in respect of religion, ethnicity, and geographical location. Hon. Jude Sat said that as a public mouthpiece, they will not close their eyes where the government is not doing the needful. ‘I will continue to speak for a better Plateau and Nigeria and for the future generations.’
These individuals are refined politicians in their own right with a strong political hold on their wards/communities. Reliable sources have it that Governor Caleb Manasseh Mutfwang received bulk votes in Jenta/Apata wards, among other wards in Jos, because of the handiworks of some of the public mouthpiece politicians and grassroots mobilizers.
On security bedeviling the state and the country at large, they unanimously said that unless and until the government takes decisive actions on the security challenges, there will be no good governance.
Dadong Antibas said, ‘We will continue to speak and hold our leaders accountable at all times. I have received threats, but that has not stopped my voice…. I have been speaking on state and national issues for years.
Furthermore, Sadiq Umar said that citizens of the state have come to confide in them to speak and call the attention of the government and other elected leaders to their plights. Holding our leaders responsible and accountable…is my responsibility, including you.
Attempts to meet and speak with Ada Onugu failed. However, investigations revealed that their voices are meant to check the activities of government and elected leaders on the Plateau. Their hold on their wards/communities as public mouthpiece politicians and grassroots mobilizers is laudable. Thus, elected leaders and aspiring politicians on the Plateau are beginning to align and key into their popularity at the grassroots.
They all acknowledged the wonderful works of Governor Caleb Manasseh Mutfwang for his efforts in providing dividends of democracy through good governance.
Public Mouthpiece, Politicians, and Grassroots Mobilizers: Holding Leaders Accountable for Good Governance and Peaceful Coexistence
Columns
Burkina Faso’s Ibrahim Traoré and the Revolution of IllusionsThree years after taking power, Traoré’s populist showmanship and defiant rhetoric mask a grim reality of insecurity, poverty, and political isolation — far from the Sankarist revival he promises.
 
														Burkina Faso’s Ibrahim Traoré and the Revolution of Illusions
Three years after taking power, Traoré’s populist showmanship and defiant rhetoric mask a grim reality of insecurity, poverty, and political isolation — far from the Sankarist revival he promises.
By Oumarou Sanou
Three years after seizing power, Burkina Faso’s strongman, Captain Ibrahim Traoré, continues to project himself as the torchbearer of a new African revolution — a reincarnation of the late Thomas Sankara. Yet, his recent performance, marking his third anniversary in power, revealed more theatre than substance. It was less a presidential address and more a self-congratulatory monologue filled with sweeping claims, imagined enemies, and revolutionary soundbites detached from the harsh realities on the ground.
Facing a carefully selected group of journalists — those unlikely to ask uncomfortable questions — Traoré transformed what should have been a serious state briefing into a one-man show. His tone was confident, even prophetic, yet far removed from the desperation of a nation caught in the grip of terrorism, poverty, and displacement.
Traoré opened with drama: when he came to power, he claimed, the Burkinabe army had “barely a hundred weapons and 100,000 cartridges.” Such exaggerations might thrill loyalists but stretch credibility. Even local hunters would scoff at such arithmetic. Yet, the captain reassured his listeners that 15,000 men are now recruited annually and that Burkina Faso will soon “make its own weapons.”
How, and with what resources? There were no details — no factories, no engineers, no budget. It was a familiar populist pattern: imagination over implementation, rhetoric over realism.
Then came a moment of unintended honesty. “Politics in Africa,” Traoré lectured, “is the art of lying, deceiving, and flattering.” Was this a denunciation of the old political elite, a confession of his own methods, or the mission statement of his self-styled “Progressive Popular Revolution”?
Pressed for specifics, Traoré was blunt: “I’m not going to tell you the exact content.” In other words, the people are expected to believe in a revolution whose goals remain secret. It is governance through mystique — a convenient cloak for opacity and improvisation.
Perhaps the highlight — or low point — of the press conference came with the grand economic announcement: a tomato processing plant. While jihadists overrun villages and thousands of civilians flee daily, the government’s big victory was the promise of locally made tomato paste.
Agricultural processing is undoubtedly essential. But in a nation where more than half of the territory is under terrorist control, the symbolism felt jarring. The message seemed to be: Burkina may not be safe, but at least it will have sauce.
When policies fail, populists find scapegoats. In Traoré’s narrative, the Ivory Coast has now become the enemy. He accused Abidjan of serving as “the rear base of Burkina’s enemies” and even suggested that President Alassane Ouattara had signed a “non-aggression pact” with jihadists.
Such allegations are not just far-fetched — they are dangerous. They strain regional diplomacy, alienate neighbours, and distract from the government’s inability to secure its own borders. Ironically, when a journalist cited a poll showing that 66% of Ivorians viewed Burkina Faso’s leadership favourably, Traoré shrugged: “Really? I don’t follow that… I don’t watch those media outlets anymore.”
This was revealing. In a state where the media is censored and dissent suppressed, even positive news struggles to reach the leader’s ears. Traoré appears trapped within his own echo chamber — and Burkina Faso with him.
Three years on, the outcomes are damning. Burkina Faso remains the most terrorised country in the world. Thousands have been killed, millions displaced, and much of the countryside is beyond state control. Schools are closed, health centres are abandoned, and basic livelihoods are destroyed.
Despite fiery anti-Western speeches and his warm embrace of Moscow, little has changed on the ground. Russian mercenaries and propaganda can amplify slogans, but they cannot rebuild schools, protect farmers, or restart an economy in free fall.
And now, with Burkina Faso — alongside Niger and Mali — having withdrawn from ECOWAS, the country faces deepening isolation. What Traoré brands as “sovereign independence” increasingly looks like self-imposed solitude. Without regional cooperation, intelligence sharing, or trade partnerships, Burkina Faso risks turning into a garrison state — fortified in rhetoric but hollow in results.
In just three hours of speaking, Captain Traoré managed to: turn the Ivory Coast into the supposed headquarters of Sahel’s villains; declare tomato paste the new pillar of national resilience; and redefine politics as the art of deception.
But beyond the theatre, Burkina Faso continues to bleed. The ordinary people — farmers, students, traders, and families — pay the real price for this illusion of revolution.
Traoré may parade as the new Sankara, but three years on, his “revolution” looks more like a parody than a legacy. The real revolution Burkina Faso needs today is not one of slogans or posturing, but of results — restoring security, rebuilding trust, and reviving governance.
Until then, Captain Ibrahim Traoré’s revolution remains exactly what it appears to be: a show more than a solution.
Oumarou Sanou
Social critic, Pan-African observer and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, regional stability, and the evolving dynamics of African leadership. Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com
Burkina Faso’s Ibrahim Traoré and the Revolution of Illusions
Three years after taking power, Traoré’s populist showmanship and defiant rhetoric mask a grim reality of insecurity, poverty, and political isolation — far from the Sankarist revival he promises.
Columns
Pharm. Samuel Ishaya Gyang: Compass for Future Dividends of Political Democracy
 
														Pharm. Samuel Ishaya Gyang: Compass for Future Dividends of Political Democracy
By: Balami Lazarus
I have been for youths’ growth and progress in either trades, vocations, professions, or any other legitimate endeavors that will self-empower them or be contributions to their communities later in life.
Before this write-up, I made several attempts to meet and speak with one of the young politicians on the Plateau, but all my efforts failed. Therefore, I decided to put down what I knew personally about the aforementioned political personality and equally what I was able to gather from investigations about this young politician in question who belongs to the youth gallery of politicians on the Plateau.
These young politicians are educated, energetic, focused, and professionals in their chosen careers. They are full of ideas of good governance, excellent blueprints, and roadmaps to future human and capital developments for progress in the realms of our political democracy with clarity of purpose and objectives that reflects our country’s motto, ‘unity and faith, peace and progress.’
The 1999 phase of our political democracy has ushered in mass numbers of youths into the political space, where they are actively participating in meaningful politicking, aspiring for elective positions under a political party of their choice, but with the passage of time, 25 years down the democratic line, we have seen and experienced the contributions of these young, able politicians with a quantum leap in political activities and contributions. Today you find them some elective positions, some with political appointments at both state and federal levels. Unlike in past years, where it was uncommon to find youths as young politicians occupying elective positions, talk less of political appointments. Rather, they are used as political thugs and later dumped when elections are over.
But here on the Plateau, this new dawn has provided the youths who are purposeful the chance and space to participate and vie for political offices, having fulfilled all necessary requirements. I hereby in this work correctly, sincerely, and truthfully declare and attest as to it as a political affidavit that you can find them in many political elective offices and appointments as council chairmen, secretaries, members of assembly aides, and councillors, to mention but a few.
Moreover, my political findings have clearly revealed that Plateau State is a common ground for youth in politics. And more importantly, it has been a healthy launching pad where many more shall reach higher elective positions.
Hon. (Pharm) Samuel Ishaya Gyang is one among such young politicians on the Plateau that has willingly decided to offer himself to serve his people through politics. Investigations have shown that Samuel Gyang is well accepted by the larger members of his community/constituency—Jos Northwest. And to a larger extent, Pharmacist Gyang has gone beyond the Jos North Local Government Area, where he served as secretary with good political records of performance. ‘We have felt him in the distributions of fertilizers in the local government.’
Political rumors going around said that Hon. Samuel Ishaya Gyang is likely to contest once again for the House of Assembly, Jos Northwestconstituency.
Well, there is nothing bad in that. The political spreadsheet is wide and large enough to contain aspirants. Samuel Gyang, keep up the good work and aspire for other high political offices.
Balami, a publisher/columnist. 08036779290
Pharm. Samuel Ishaya Gyang: Compass for Future Dividends of Political Democracy
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