Connect with us

Politics

BUHARI’S CONSENSUS CANDIDATE: THE BLIND MAN’S BUFF

Published

4 years ago

on

BUHARI’S CONSENSUS CANDIDATE: THE BLIND MAN’S BUFF

BUHARI’S CONSENSUS CANDIDATE: THE BLIND MAN’S BUFF

BY CHRIS GYANG

Nothing rattles Mr. President. That is, the way the leader of a country that has fulfilled all the undignified requirements of a failed state naturally should.

Confronted with relatively less problems, leaders of other democracies, even dictatorships, have been known to quake, but gather themselves up and trudge on. But not Mr. Buhari. He appears to have crumbled a long time ago from the sheer weight of the responsibilities of governance.

Even the uptick in kidnappings for ransom, armed banditry, Fulani herdsmen’s violent land-grabbing in parts of the Middle Belt, Islamist terrorism, mind-bugling corruption in the corridors of his administration and run-away inflation, among others, do not shake our president no more. Afterall, these are the frightening outcomes of his lethargic, laid-back, leadership style.

Quite instructively, in April this year, a prestigious Scottish university shared the picture of President Buhari on twitter reclining comfortably on a settee at the presidential palace picking his teeth, obviously after a sumptuous meal. This is in stark contrast with the poverty, hunger and general state of discontent ravaging ordinary Nigerians. According to the institution, the picture was used to illustrate bad and insensitive leadership. They accurately hit the bull’s eye.

That twitter representation of our president also captured the very essence of the man and his leadership style in a country buffeted on all sides by monstrous problems, most of them caused by a leadership deficit. But even before then, because the president had continued to show an almost complete lack of interest in the burning problems threatening to over-run the country, there was a time it was widely believed that the man in Aso Rock was Buhari’s body double, a foreign impostor from Sudan known as ‘Jubril.’

Many Nigerians could not rationalize how a true national leader could display such crass ambivalence to the tempests tottering the ship of state. And although the conspiracy theory that it was Jubril of Sudan and not the ‘original’ Buhari who gave the plagiarized “I am for no one but for everyone” speech that was at the Villa was later proved wrong, Mr. Buhari has remained as aloof and absent-minded as ever.

Many other Nigerians who claimed he had dementia still hold on to that belief and cite Mr. Buhari’s tepid responses to the killings, abductions for ransom, armed banditry, armed herdsmen’s attacks, etc, as glaring examples. 

But there is still a very notable exception to these. Matters of partisan politics, wielding and dispensing power (with large doses of nepotism) and choosing his own successor, excite Mr. President in no small measure. To Buhari and the core northern political, religious and feudal establishments, political power is an end in itself. They proudly call it MULKI up north and hanker after it with uncommon zeal.

For them, controlling the levers of the Federal Government is sufficient, even if large swathes of their own states are in the hands of terrorists, bandits and other well-armed gangs. For them, it is enough to be president even if your region holds the ignoble record of having the largest number of poor people and out of school children in the country, not to mention their concomitant consequences. 

Unfortunately, it is these and such other beliefs that have underpinned Buhari’s administration in the last seven years. And it is on that basis that he wishes to impose another northerner on the country during his APC’s presidential convention. 

It is so frightening that President Buhari’s misplaced but growing sense of entitlement, self-accomplishment and self-worth make him feel that he should be allowed by the ruling APC to single-handedly determine its presidential candidate in next year’s election. Apparently, he wants to perpetuate this sweltering nightmare, state of anomy, that has become Nigeria’s new normal since he assumed power in 2015.

In a meeting with APC governors on May 31, 2022, President Buhari spelt out his demand in no uncertain terms. DAILY TRUST newspaper (June 1, 2023) captured it this way: “President Muhammadu Buhari yesterday dropped a bombshell when he told the governors of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) to allow him to make a choice for his successor.”

According to the tabloid, the governors were taken aback because they had expected the president to allow them choose one of them to succeed him. But the president’s demand should not have come as a surprise to the governors because there appears to have been an understanding between them and the president on this matter. Thus, he reminded them that the Party had already put in place smooth succession plans at the local government, state and national levels. 

“For example,” Mr. Buhari explained, “first term governors who have served credibly well have been encouraged to stand for re-election. Similarly, second term governors have been accorded the privilege of promoting successors that are capable of driving their visions as well as the ideals of the party.”  

Aggrieved Party members in states such as Plateau who felt that their second-term governors unjustly imposed their successors in the recent primary elections now know that they did so with the tacit backing of Aso Rock. The pact was that the governors would also bend over backwards to serve the interest of Mr. President when it comes to choosing his own successor. 

So if such APC members had had any hopes of extracting justice through the intervention of Mr. Buhari or their Party’s national leadership, they should kiss that hope goodbye.

Now the president wants his pound of flesh from the state governors. He is telling them that, in the spirit of give and take, they should also allow him choose the presidential candidate of the APC. During that meeting with the governors, he proceeded to pontificate about the values of democracy and the goals and benefits of good governance in a way that completely belied his democratic credentials and the way he has misled the country so far.

Hear him: “In a few days, the party will be holding its convention during which primaries would take place to pick the presidential flag bearer for the 2023 General Elections. This is a very significant process and its outcome should prove to the world, the positive quality of the APC regarding democratic principles, culture as well as leadership.

“As we approach the Convention, I appeal to all of you to allow our interests to converge, our focus to remain on the changing dynamics of our environment, the expectations of our citizens and the global community. Our objective must be the victory of our party and our choice of candidate must be someone who would give the Nigerian masses a sense of victory and confidence even before the elections.” Mere platitudes, as usual.

Also Read: Kashim Shettima: Victory at the end

The president even emphasized the need to meet the expectations of the global community as if he had made any spirited attempts in his seven years in office to effectively leverage on the strategic position and immense human and natural resources of the country to make it a key global player.

With an intractable Islamist rebellion and armed Fulani herdsmen’s expansionism going on almost unabated, the Buhari administration has consistently shown the international community that it lacks the moral courage and political will to put a stop to these and other forms of bloody criminality that have become the order of the day all over the country. As a result, most of the global community has now adopted a stand-and-watch attitude towards Nigeria as it goes about its half-hearted motions of battling insecurity. 

It is a continuation of this that the president wants the APC to allow him perpetuate by choosing a northern candidate to succeed him. No doubt, the feeling that he wants to impose a northern candidate on the APC has caused great disquite in the ranks of the party and frayed a lot of nerves. Apparently, now that it suits their whims, power shift and zoning may as well go to the dogs. But once upon a time, in fact only about eight years ago, Buhari and the core north tightly held on to these principles with religious zeal and threatened to upset the political apple cart if they were not strictly upheld. And they had their way because good reason prevailed.

The outbursts of the National Leader of the APC, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, on June 2, 2022, at Abeokuta, Ogun State, clearly underscored this growing tension, dissatisfaction and suspicion both within the APC and the polity generally, considering the fact that it is this political party that is in charge of running the affairs of the country. 

In obvious response to Buhari’s shinanigans, an apparently frustrated Tinubu declared: “If not me that led the war front, Buhari wouldn’t have emerged. He contested first, second and third times, but lost. He even said on television that he won’t contest again. 

“But I went to his home in Katsina. I told him you would contest and win, but you won’t joke with the matters of the Yorubas. Since he has emerged, I have not been appointed minister. I didn’t get contract. This time, it’s Yoruba turn and in Yorubaland, it’s my tenure.”

In the last few days, there have been strong indications that the president may very likely cave in to pressure from the cabal in the Presidency, chiefly made up of his relatives and a few high-ranking officials in his government, and select between the Senate President, Ahmad Ibrahim Lawan (an ultra-conservative core northerner) and former Zamfara State Governor, Alhaji Ahmed Yarima (the man who first introduced Sharia as state law while he was governor) as the APC’s consensus presidential candidate. Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s anger must have been fueled by these widespread speculations which are gradually gaining traction.  

But in a swift response, a former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Mr. Babachir David Lawan, lashed out at Tinubu’s grandstanding, describing it as ‘bulshit’ (sic). Now, it’s significant to note that this is coming from a man who is one of Tinubu’s closest political allies. In fact, he was among the heavyweights that purchased the APC Presidential nomination form for Tinubu and has been a leading force in his campaign to be President in 2023.

But Lawan, a self-professed northerner, appears to have sided with the core north and Mr. Buhari against his political ally. And his vituperations would further reveal the deep-seated suspicion the core north has harboured against the Yoruba, spanning decades. VANGUARD newspaper quoted him as saying: “Sometimes it is very difficult to support a Yoruba person in national politics if you are not one.

“They have a way of making you regret your support because they eventually make you seem like a traitor to your own people. Now all these comments about Bola’s Yoruba presidency and his support of Buhari without which Buhari would not have been President is bulshit.”

He pointed out that there were many other Nigerians from other parts of the country who also contributed in making Mr. Buhari President but were “not bragging about it” and expressed regret that “You may wish to know that all of us Buhari supporters are shocked and pissed off by Bola’s speech on this occasion. It is unlike him.

“And this speech is massively trending in the North and being given a negative connotation as you can well imagine. I first read it this morning on an Adamawa group platform and the anger is palpable and all round.”

Certainly, the fact that Buhari wishes to single-handedly select the APC Presidential candidate is creating big cracks in the APC as old comrades tear each other to shreds, egged on by their deep ethnic and regional cleavages. These have now been exposed by the stress of this brutal struggle for the APC Presidential ticket. But Babachir Lawan is not yet done. He must remind the Yoruba and other Nigerians about one of Bola Tinubu’s tribesmen whose stars, he believes, were dimmed by similar attitudes.

“This appears to be the Abiola saga,” he said, “being replayed. Abiola won the election with majority Northern votes but they took the brunt of the post-election protests that followed.

“Just survey all the people that are doing more meaningful practical things to enthron (sic) Bola as President and you will find that almost all are northerners while his kinsmen engage themselves in social media activism and Northern bashing.

“When Yorubas vilify the North like this, our sense of fear and insecurity under a Yoruba presidency gets heightened and in the end, pushes us to re-think our support for not only Bola but any Yoruba as President for that matter.”

But he concluded on this rather conciliatory note: “Please, do not join our opponents to destroy our chances of clinching Monday’s primary elections.”

Nevertheless, Buhari’s consensus candidate gambit has already done irreparable damage to the APC. It can only get worse and may well be the last straw that will break this camel’s back. Buhari is taking a dangerous shot in the dark. 

He is blindly groping in the dark, like he has done with the destiny of Nigerians and their motherland in the last seven years, with these catastrophic consequences. In this highly risky blind man’s buff game he is playing, the odds are dangerously high. He may just lay his hands on the wrong person. And things will definitely fall apart.

(GYANG is the Chairman of the N.G.O, Journalists Coalition for Citizens’ Rights Initiative – JCCRI. Visit our website: https://jccri-online.org. Follow us on our Twitter handle: @jccri1. Facebook

page: facebook.com/jccrionline.  Emails: info@jccrionline.org; chrisgyang01@gmail.com)

BUHARI’S CONSENSUS CANDIDATE: THE BLIND MAN’S BUFF

Related Topics:
Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Politics

Edo South 2027: Why Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu Remains a Strong Senatorial Option,

Published

2 days ago

on

April 17, 2026

By

Edo South 2027: Why Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu Remains a Strong Senatorial Option,

By Augustine Osayande, PhD

As Edo South gradually enters the early phase of political alignment ahead of the 2027 senatorial election, it is becoming increasingly evident that the contest will not merely be about personalities, but about the depth of experience, institutional capacity, and the ability to translate political influence into measurable development outcomes.

Among the figures already shaping this emerging conversation is Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu, whose name continues to surface consistently in stakeholder consultations and intra-party engagements across the district.

Whether one views him through a partisan lens or a governance-oriented perspective, his presence in Edo South political discourse is neither incidental nor new—it is the product of sustained political engagement spanning multiple electoral cycles and administrative roles.

From my perspective, Ize-Iyamu represents a category of political actors whose relevance is built not only on ambition, but on long-term institutional exposure and embeddedness within the machinery of state governance. This factor alone places him in a distinct position within any serious evaluation of potential senatorial contenders.

Recent engagements across Edo South, particularly within political structures of the All Progressives Congress (APC), indicate an early but deliberate process of consultation and alignment among key stakeholders.

These meetings—often involving local government party leadership, ward representatives, and aspirants—have focused on representation gaps, development priorities, and internal party cohesion ahead of the next electoral cycle.

In one such engagement, an aspirant formally met with APC chairmen across the seven local government areas in Edo South to declare intent and outline a preliminary vision for legislative representation. Discussions reportedly centred on the need for stronger advocacy at the National Assembly and improved coordination between federal presence and local development needs.

Such consultations are increasingly becoming a defining feature of pre-election politics in Edo South, reflecting both the strategic importance of the senatorial seat and the growing awareness among political actors that legislative representation must go beyond symbolic presence.

A central argument in favour of Osagie Ize-Iyamu is his extensive experience within the executive arm of government in Edo State. His service as Chief of Staff between 1999 and 2003, and subsequently as Secretary to the State Government from 2003 to 2007, placed him in positions that are critical to governance coordination and policy execution.

These roles are not peripheral; they are central to the functioning of government. They involve oversight of administrative systems, coordination between ministries and agencies, and direct interface with the governor on policy implementation. This kind of exposure is particularly relevant to legislative duties at the National Assembly, where success is often determined by an understanding of how executive decisions are formulated, funded, and implemented.

In practical terms, senators are expected to do more than debate legislation—they are also required to influence budgetary outcomes, negotiate constituency projects, and engage in complex intergovernmental advocacy. A background such as Ize-Iyamu’s provides a form of institutional literacy that can be difficult to acquire quickly within the legislative environment.

One of the persistent challenges in Nigeria’s legislative system is the gap between representation and effective delivery of constituency benefits. Many legislators enter the National Assembly without prior experience in governance structures, which often limits their capacity to navigate federal bureaucracy.

In this context, Ize-Iyamu’s administrative background becomes a significant factor. His exposure to executive processes equips him with an understanding of how to engage ministries, departments, and agencies, as well as how to position constituency priorities within national development frameworks.

For Edo South, where issues of infrastructure development, youth unemployment, environmental challenges, and industrial underdevelopment remain central concerns, the ability to effectively interface with federal institutions is not merely desirable—it is essential.

Another dimension of Ize-Iyamu’s political profile is his endurance across Nigeria’s often volatile political terrain. Over the past two decades, he has remained an active participant in Edo State politics, navigating multiple party affiliations, electoral contests, and shifting alliances.

While political opponents sometimes interpret this fluidity differently, it also demonstrates a form of adaptability that is increasingly relevant in Nigeria’s coalition-driven political environment. Legislative politics, particularly at the Senate level, is rarely driven by ideology alone; it is shaped by negotiation, alliance-building, and strategic compromise.

In this respect, political resilience is not merely about survival—it is about maintaining relevance, influence, and access to evolving power structures.
Ize-Iyamu’s political career has also been marked by sustained engagement across party lines and political blocs. This has resulted in a network of relationships that extends beyond immediate partisan boundaries within Edo South.

Such networks are often critical in legislative politics, where influence is exercised not only through formal committee structures but also through informal alliances that shape decision-making, funding priorities, and project allocation.

His repeated participation in high-profile electoral contests has further reinforced his visibility at both state and national levels. In practical terms, visibility translates into political leverage, particularly in negotiations involving federal presence and constituency development projects.

Within Edo South itself, questions of equitable representation have increasingly become part of the political discourse. One recurring observation is that certain local government areas, such as Orhionmwon, have not historically held the senatorial seat since Nigeria’s return to democratic governance in 1999.

While zoning arrangements are often informal and politically negotiated, such historical imbalances tend to influence stakeholder conversations as elections approach. These considerations add another layer to the broader debate on fairness, inclusion, and regional balance within the senatorial district.

Ultimately, the emerging discourse around the 2027 Edo South senatorial race is beginning to crystallise around a familiar but important dichotomy: experience versus experimentation.

On one side are arguments that emphasise the need for seasoned political actors who understand governance systems, legislative procedures, and federal negotiation dynamics. On the other are calls for generational change and new political approaches.

Ize-Iyamu’s supporters clearly position him within the first category. Their argument is that Edo South requires a representative who does not need time to learn the system, but one who can immediately operate within it to deliver results.

Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu remains a significant figure in the evolving Edo South senatorial conversation for 2027, not merely because of political ambition, but because of a combination of institutional experience, political resilience, and established networks of influence.

While the final outcome will ultimately be determined by party decisions, zoning arrangements, and voter preferences, his profile ensures that he remains a central reference point in any serious discussion about Edo South’s representation at the National Assembly.

At its core, the debate is not simply about individuals. It is about the kind of leadership Edo South believes is best suited to navigate the complexities of federal politics and convert representation into tangible development outcomes for the district.

Augustine Osayande contributed this article through austinelande@yahoo.com

Edo South 2027: Why Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu Remains a Strong Senatorial Option,

Continue Reading

Politics

Namdas 2027: Why Adamawa Needs a Grassroots Politician to Lead the State After Fintiri 

Published

2 days ago

on

April 17, 2026

By

Dr. Abdulrazak Namdas

Namdas 2027: Why Adamawa Needs a Grassroots Politician to Lead the State After Fintiri 

Dr. James Bwala

Adamawa State stands at a critical crossroads as it approaches the 2027 governorship election. The choice of leadership will not only determine the trajectory of its development but also reflect the aspirations and hopes of its diverse communities. Against this backdrop, there is a compelling argument for why Adamawa needs a grassroots politician to take the helm after Governor Umaru Fintiri—someone who truly understands the lives, challenges, and ambitions of ordinary citizens. Among the few who embody this ideal is Dr. Abdulrazak Namdas, whose political journey exemplifies genuine grassroots leadership. His experiences and proven commitment to the populace make him an exemplary candidate worthy of leading Adamawa into a future defined by inclusive progress and empowerment.

Grassroots leadership is not merely a political slogan; it is a fundamental paradigm that anchors governance in the lived realities of everyday people. Adamawa, with its rich cultural mosaic stretching from Yola town through the townships of Kubur-sho-sho and the far-flung Ganye, requires a leader who does not govern from lofty pedestals but engages directly and empathetically with constituents. This engagement is essential because grassroots leaders possess an intimate understanding of the socio-economic dynamics at the community level. They are attuned to the concerns of market women striving for economic stability, youths seeking opportunities amid widespread unemployment, and community leaders advocating for improved infrastructure and social services. A politician from the grassroots knows that sustainable development starts with listening and responding to these specific needs rather than imposing top-down policies that may miss the mark.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/the-complex-reality-of-healthcare-a-perspective-on-the-university-of-maiduguri-teaching-hospital-and-the-loss-experienced-by-barrister-nuhu-dantani-hamza/

Dr. Abdulrazak Namdas’s career vividly illustrates the qualities necessary for such leadership. Beginning his political journey as a media strategist during the Boni Haruna administration, Namdas developed a nuanced grasp of communication and public engagement—skills vital for transparent and effective governance. Yet, his influence extends beyond mere messaging. By contesting for political office and eventually serving in the National Assembly, representing his constituency, he demonstrated unwavering dedication to public service. His tenure saw him champion policies and initiatives that resonated with the very people who elected him, thereby strengthening the bond between government and governed. The recognition of his name—from bustling markets to quiet villages—attests to his accessibility and visibility amongst the grassroots populace, a testament rarely achieved by many politicians today.

Another critical factor underscoring the need for grassroots leadership in Adamawa is the imperative for inclusive development that bridges the urban-rural divide. Historically, the state has grappled with disparities in resource allocation, healthcare, education, and infrastructure, particularly affecting rural communities. A leader rooted in grassroots politics inherently embodies a commitment to equitable growth. They perceive the entire state as their mandate—not just the urban centers but every location where people reside and contribute to the state’s cultural and economic fabric. Dr. Namdas, through his inclusive approach and connection with diverse constituencies, epitomizes this leadership style. His comprehensive understanding of local challenges enables him to advocate effectively for policies that address inequalities and catalyze holistic development.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/the-complex-reality-of-healthcare-a-perspective-on-the-university-of-maiduguri-teaching-hospital-and-the-loss-experienced-by-barrister-nuhu-dantani-hamza/

Moreover, energy and innovation are needed in Adamawa’s leadership to tackle modern challenges such as youth unemployment, insecurity, and economic diversification. Grassroots politicians, steeped in the daily realities of their communities, are uniquely positioned to devise practical solutions anchored in genuine consultations and collaborations. Dr. Namdas’s rapport with youths and market women alike positions him as a catalyst for harnessing local talents and entrepreneurial spirit. His leadership style fosters empowerment rather than dependency, encouraging communities to be proactive participants in their own development. This bottom-up approach ignites sustainable change that survives beyond electoral cycles.

Beyond policy and governance, leadership imbued with grassroots sensibilities strengthens democratic values. It promotes transparency, accountability, and participatory democracy—the pillars upon which strong, resilient societies are built. Adamawa requires a leader who does not view governance as a privilege but a solemn responsibility to serve. The trust and legitimacy that come from being a true man of the people such as Dr. Namdas generate political stability, mitigate conflicts, and cultivate a culture of mutual respect between government institutions and citizens. This is essential for fostering peace and prosperity in a state marked by ethnic diversity and complex social dynamics.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/the-complex-reality-of-healthcare-a-perspective-on-the-university-of-maiduguri-teaching-hospital-and-the-loss-experienced-by-barrister-nuhu-dantani-hamza/

Skeptics might argue that grassroots politicians lack the extensive experience or resources of more established political figures. However, this perspective overlooks the intrinsic value of lived experience and authentic representation. Indeed, leadership detached from grassroots realities risks disconnect, inefficacy, and public disenchantment. Conversely, Dr. Namdas’s blend of strategic political acumen, parliamentary experience, and community engagement presents an optimal fusion of competence and compassion. His trajectory dispels the myth that grassroots engagement is incompatible with high-level governance. Instead, it underscores that effective leadership arises from a profound understanding of people’s everyday struggles coupled with the ability to navigate institutional frameworks.

As Adamawa looks toward the 2027 governorship election, the stakes could not be higher. The state yearns for a leader who can unify diverse constituencies, elevate marginalized voices, and steer transformative development grounded in local realities. The choice is clear: a grassroots politician like Dr. Abdulrazak Namdas embodies the vision, character, and experience necessary to lead with empathy, efficacy, and integrity. His proven track record and deep-seated connection to the people make him not just a candidate but a beacon of hope for Adamawa’s future.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/the-complex-reality-of-healthcare-a-perspective-on-the-university-of-maiduguri-teaching-hospital-and-the-loss-experienced-by-barrister-nuhu-dantani-hamza/

Indeed, Adamawa’s challenges demand a new breed of leadership—one that rises from the soil of grassroots politics, responsive to the needs of all communities within the state. Dr. Abdulrazak Namdas represents this leadership ethos, having consistently demonstrated his commitment to the welfare of his people across various roles. As the state prepares for its next chapter in 2027, electing a grassroots politician who embodies dedication, inclusiveness, and pragmatic vision will be instrumental in achieving sustainable progress. For Adamawa to thrive, it must entrust its destiny to a leader who stands tall not in titles alone but in the hearts and homes of its people. Dr. Abdulrazak Namdas is precisely that leader Adamawa needs in 2027.

* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja. 

Namdas 2027: Why Adamawa Needs a Grassroots Politician to Lead the State After Fintiri 

Continue Reading

Politics

2027: Who owns the ADC presidential ticket? 

Published

3 days ago

on

April 16, 2026

By

2027: Who owns the ADC presidential ticket? 

By: Dr. James Bwala

The African Democratic Congress (ADC) recently concluded its national convention, culminating in the election of David Mark, a prominent northern political figure, as its National Chairman. This outcome has sparked considerable debate and speculation about the party’s internal zoning strategies, especially regarding the 2027 presidential ticket. Central to this discussion are questions that touch on the very core of Nigerian politics: Will the ADC now zone its presidential nomination to the South, as per the unwritten zoning conventions that have largely guided political power distribution in Nigeria? 

If Atiku Abubakar, another influential northern politician, decides to contest the presidency under the ADC banner, which he will as a perpetual candidate, will David Mark step down from his chairmanship to accommodate zoning expectations? The currents of speculation are further fueled by rumors surrounding the ownership of the ADC presidential ticket. Meanwhile, on the opposing side of Nigeria’s political arena, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima stand battle-ready for the 2027 general elections, poised to face any rival. 

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-of-shettimas-remarks-and-atikus-response/

These unfolding scenarios require astute political navigation by the ADC, which must balance regional dynamics, party cohesion, and electoral competitiveness to meaningfully challenge the well-entrenched political heavyweights. And I asked again, “Who owns the ticket?” 

The significance of zoning in Nigerian politics cannot be overstated. The concept of zoning, an informal arrangement designed to maintain a balance of power among Nigeria’s diverse ethnic and regional groups, has traditionally aimed to mitigate feelings of marginalization and foster national unity. Across different political parties, zoning arrangements dictate the rotation of key positions—especially the presidency—between the North and the South. The ADC’s election of David Mark, a northern political stalwart, as National Chairman raises important questions about the party’s commitment to this principle regarding its presidential nomination. Given that the North has produced several recent presidents, including Muhammadu Buhari, many political observers and southern stakeholders expect the next presidential candidate, particularly from opposition parties, to hail from the South. This expectation aligns with broader national calls for fairness and regional inclusivity.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-of-shettimas-remarks-and-atikus-response/

Planning is an important function of management; the ADC can either plan to fail or plan to win in the 2027 political outing. The dilemma now is whether the ADC, by electing a northern chairman, is implicitly signaling a northern hold on the presidential candidacy or whether it intends to adhere to zoning conventions by nominating a southern presidential candidate. The party’s decision in this regard is more than symbolic; it will set the tone for its electoral viability and credibility. Should the ADC nominate another northerner for the presidency, it risks alienating southern voters who may perceive this as an entrenchment of northern dominance. 

Conversely, a genuine zoning commitment to the South would enable the party to strengthen its appeal across regional lines, potentially broadening its support base in preparation for the 2027 elections. Indeed, the balancing act is delicate, as internal party interests often complicate straightforward regional accommodation.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-of-shettimas-remarks-and-atikus-response/

Complicating matters further are the speculations surrounding Atiku Abubakar’s potential presidential ambitions within the ADC. Atiku, a former vice president and perennial presidential aspirant, commands significant influence, particularly in the North. Should Atiku choose to run under the ADC platform, this scenario would present an immediate conundrum vis-à-vis zoning and party leadership roles. If the party’s national chairman—David Mark—also from the North, is maintaining both leadership and presidential candidacy in the same region, this might be perceived as a violation of zoning equity, undermining the party’s coherence and public image. In such a circumstance, political logic and party discipline may compel David Mark to resign or temporarily step aside to enable a fair contest and to respect the spirit of zoning. This would demonstrate political maturity and respect for zoning conventions, thereby enhancing the ADC’s stance as a party that values national integration and equitable power-sharing.

However, politics rarely operates in neat, idealistic frameworks. Both David Mark and Atiku wield considerable political clout, and compromises may be difficult to reach. The ADC must therefore engage in strategic policymaking and consensus-building to manage these personalities and expectations effectively. Failure to manage this tension risks internal fractures that could weaken the party’s position ahead of one of Nigeria’s most consequential general elections.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-of-shettimas-remarks-and-atikus-response/

Another layer to this complex narrative is the question: who currently “owns” the ADC presidential ticket? In Nigerian politics, the notion of “owning” a party ticket often transcends official processes, involving informal agreements, internal lobbying, and political bargaining. Rumors abound that influential figures within the ADC have stakes in the presidential candidacy. Disentangling these claims requires transparency and democratic internal mechanisms within the party. A credible and inclusive primary process that allows aspirants to compete fairly is essential to establishing the legitimacy of the eventual candidate. If the party falls into the trap of conceding the ticket to a single individual or faction prematurely, it risks alienating other stakeholders and undermining collective motivation.

Clear communication from the ADC leadership about the timelines, criteria, and processes for selecting its presidential candidate can help dispel rumors and unify the party’s message. Moreover, the ADC must remain mindful that the Nigerian electorate is increasingly discerning, demanding accountability and fairness from political parties. Demonstrating internal democracy will signal to voters that the ADC is different from the status quo political machinery, potentially heightening its competitive edge.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-of-shettimas-remarks-and-atikus-response/

Yet, even with effective internal arrangements, the ADC faces formidable opposition from established political giants. On the other side of the political spectrum, Bola Tinubu and Kashim Shettima are widely seen as front-runners for the ruling party’s presidential and vice-presidential tickets in 2027. Tinubu, a political strategist with deep-rooted networks, and Shettima, a strategic and respected vice president with considerable regional influence, represent an entrenched political coalition with vast resources and an extensive grassroots structure. This reality means the ADC’s efforts to position itself as a viable alternative must go beyond internal zoning debates; it must articulate a compelling vision and program that resonates with Nigerians across ethno-regional divides.

To challenge Tinubu and Shettima, the ADC will need to leverage its unique positioning and capitalize on public dissatisfaction with the incumbent administration. The party must also use the zoning issue strategically to present itself as a champion of national unity and equitable representation. By successfully navigating internal regional complexities, the ADC can portray itself as a model of political inclusion in contrast to the often divisive politics of established parties.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-of-shettimas-remarks-and-atikus-response/

There are cracks everywhere within the ADC. Indeed, the ADC’s recent election of David Mark as National Chairman opens a complex but critical chapter in the party’s evolution. Addressing the zoning question concerning the 2027 presidential ticket will test the party’s commitment to national inclusivity and internal democracy. Should Atiku Abubakar pursue the presidency under the ADC, the party faces the additional challenge of reconciling competing northern interests while maintaining the integrity of zoning conventions. The ownership of the presidential ticket remains contested, underscoring the need for transparent and democratic selection processes. 

Ultimately, while Tinubu and Shettima appear ready to dominate the 2027 electoral landscape, the ADC has an opportunity to redefine Nigeria’s political narrative through judicious management of regional dynamics and a unified front. A successful navigation of these challenges will not only enhance the ADC’s electoral prospects but also contribute to strengthening Nigeria’s democratic fabric. It is incumbent upon the ADC leadership and members to act decisively, inclusively, and strategically as they prepare for the political battles ahead. With questions swinging around Peter Obi, Rotimi Amaechi, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, and others in the race for the ticket, there seemed to be a time bomb for the ADC waiting to explode should the party fail to plan. 

* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja. 

2027: Who owns the ADC presidential ticket? 

Continue Reading

Trending

Verified by MonsterInsights