Politics

BUHARI’S CONSENSUS CANDIDATE: THE BLIND MAN’S BUFF

Published

4 years ago

June 10, 2022

News Net Global

BUHARI’S CONSENSUS CANDIDATE: THE BLIND MAN’S BUFF

BY CHRIS GYANG

Nothing rattles Mr. President. That is, the way the leader of a country that has fulfilled all the undignified requirements of a failed state naturally should.

Confronted with relatively less problems, leaders of other democracies, even dictatorships, have been known to quake, but gather themselves up and trudge on. But not Mr. Buhari. He appears to have crumbled a long time ago from the sheer weight of the responsibilities of governance.

Even the uptick in kidnappings for ransom, armed banditry, Fulani herdsmen’s violent land-grabbing in parts of the Middle Belt, Islamist terrorism, mind-bugling corruption in the corridors of his administration and run-away inflation, among others, do not shake our president no more. Afterall, these are the frightening outcomes of his lethargic, laid-back, leadership style.

Quite instructively, in April this year, a prestigious Scottish university shared the picture of President Buhari on twitter reclining comfortably on a settee at the presidential palace picking his teeth, obviously after a sumptuous meal. This is in stark contrast with the poverty, hunger and general state of discontent ravaging ordinary Nigerians. According to the institution, the picture was used to illustrate bad and insensitive leadership. They accurately hit the bull’s eye.

That twitter representation of our president also captured the very essence of the man and his leadership style in a country buffeted on all sides by monstrous problems, most of them caused by a leadership deficit. But even before then, because the president had continued to show an almost complete lack of interest in the burning problems threatening to over-run the country, there was a time it was widely believed that the man in Aso Rock was Buhari’s body double, a foreign impostor from Sudan known as ‘Jubril.’

Many Nigerians could not rationalize how a true national leader could display such crass ambivalence to the tempests tottering the ship of state. And although the conspiracy theory that it was Jubril of Sudan and not the ‘original’ Buhari who gave the plagiarized “I am for no one but for everyone” speech that was at the Villa was later proved wrong, Mr. Buhari has remained as aloof and absent-minded as ever.

Many other Nigerians who claimed he had dementia still hold on to that belief and cite Mr. Buhari’s tepid responses to the killings, abductions for ransom, armed banditry, armed herdsmen’s attacks, etc, as glaring examples.

But there is still a very notable exception to these. Matters of partisan politics, wielding and dispensing power (with large doses of nepotism) and choosing his own successor, excite Mr. President in no small measure. To Buhari and the core northern political, religious and feudal establishments, political power is an end in itself. They proudly call it MULKI up north and hanker after it with uncommon zeal.

For them, controlling the levers of the Federal Government is sufficient, even if large swathes of their own states are in the hands of terrorists, bandits and other well-armed gangs. For them, it is enough to be president even if your region holds the ignoble record of having the largest number of poor people and out of school children in the country, not to mention their concomitant consequences.

Unfortunately, it is these and such other beliefs that have underpinned Buhari’s administration in the last seven years. And it is on that basis that he wishes to impose another northerner on the country during his APC’s presidential convention.

It is so frightening that President Buhari’s misplaced but growing sense of entitlement, self-accomplishment and self-worth make him feel that he should be allowed by the ruling APC to single-handedly determine its presidential candidate in next year’s election. Apparently, he wants to perpetuate this sweltering nightmare, state of anomy, that has become Nigeria’s new normal since he assumed power in 2015.

In a meeting with APC governors on May 31, 2022, President Buhari spelt out his demand in no uncertain terms. DAILY TRUST newspaper (June 1, 2023) captured it this way: “President Muhammadu Buhari yesterday dropped a bombshell when he told the governors of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) to allow him to make a choice for his successor.”

According to the tabloid, the governors were taken aback because they had expected the president to allow them choose one of them to succeed him. But the president’s demand should not have come as a surprise to the governors because there appears to have been an understanding between them and the president on this matter. Thus, he reminded them that the Party had already put in place smooth succession plans at the local government, state and national levels.

“For example,” Mr. Buhari explained, “first term governors who have served credibly well have been encouraged to stand for re-election. Similarly, second term governors have been accorded the privilege of promoting successors that are capable of driving their visions as well as the ideals of the party.”

Aggrieved Party members in states such as Plateau who felt that their second-term governors unjustly imposed their successors in the recent primary elections now know that they did so with the tacit backing of Aso Rock. The pact was that the governors would also bend over backwards to serve the interest of Mr. President when it comes to choosing his own successor.

So if such APC members had had any hopes of extracting justice through the intervention of Mr. Buhari or their Party’s national leadership, they should kiss that hope goodbye.

Now the president wants his pound of flesh from the state governors. He is telling them that, in the spirit of give and take, they should also allow him choose the presidential candidate of the APC. During that meeting with the governors, he proceeded to pontificate about the values of democracy and the goals and benefits of good governance in a way that completely belied his democratic credentials and the way he has misled the country so far.

Hear him: “In a few days, the party will be holding its convention during which primaries would take place to pick the presidential flag bearer for the 2023 General Elections. This is a very significant process and its outcome should prove to the world, the positive quality of the APC regarding democratic principles, culture as well as leadership.

“As we approach the Convention, I appeal to all of you to allow our interests to converge, our focus to remain on the changing dynamics of our environment, the expectations of our citizens and the global community. Our objective must be the victory of our party and our choice of candidate must be someone who would give the Nigerian masses a sense of victory and confidence even before the elections.” Mere platitudes, as usual.

Also Read: Kashim Shettima: Victory at the end

The president even emphasized the need to meet the expectations of the global community as if he had made any spirited attempts in his seven years in office to effectively leverage on the strategic position and immense human and natural resources of the country to make it a key global player.

With an intractable Islamist rebellion and armed Fulani herdsmen’s expansionism going on almost unabated, the Buhari administration has consistently shown the international community that it lacks the moral courage and political will to put a stop to these and other forms of bloody criminality that have become the order of the day all over the country. As a result, most of the global community has now adopted a stand-and-watch attitude towards Nigeria as it goes about its half-hearted motions of battling insecurity.

It is a continuation of this that the president wants the APC to allow him perpetuate by choosing a northern candidate to succeed him. No doubt, the feeling that he wants to impose a northern candidate on the APC has caused great disquite in the ranks of the party and frayed a lot of nerves. Apparently, now that it suits their whims, power shift and zoning may as well go to the dogs. But once upon a time, in fact only about eight years ago, Buhari and the core north tightly held on to these principles with religious zeal and threatened to upset the political apple cart if they were not strictly upheld. And they had their way because good reason prevailed.

The outbursts of the National Leader of the APC, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, on June 2, 2022, at Abeokuta, Ogun State, clearly underscored this growing tension, dissatisfaction and suspicion both within the APC and the polity generally, considering the fact that it is this political party that is in charge of running the affairs of the country.

In obvious response to Buhari’s shinanigans, an apparently frustrated Tinubu declared: “If not me that led the war front, Buhari wouldn’t have emerged. He contested first, second and third times, but lost. He even said on television that he won’t contest again.

“But I went to his home in Katsina. I told him you would contest and win, but you won’t joke with the matters of the Yorubas. Since he has emerged, I have not been appointed minister. I didn’t get contract. This time, it’s Yoruba turn and in Yorubaland, it’s my tenure.”

In the last few days, there have been strong indications that the president may very likely cave in to pressure from the cabal in the Presidency, chiefly made up of his relatives and a few high-ranking officials in his government, and select between the Senate President, Ahmad Ibrahim Lawan (an ultra-conservative core northerner) and former Zamfara State Governor, Alhaji Ahmed Yarima (the man who first introduced Sharia as state law while he was governor) as the APC’s consensus presidential candidate. Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s anger must have been fueled by these widespread speculations which are gradually gaining traction.

But in a swift response, a former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Mr. Babachir David Lawan, lashed out at Tinubu’s grandstanding, describing it as ‘bulshit’ (sic). Now, it’s significant to note that this is coming from a man who is one of Tinubu’s closest political allies. In fact, he was among the heavyweights that purchased the APC Presidential nomination form for Tinubu and has been a leading force in his campaign to be President in 2023.

But Lawan, a self-professed northerner, appears to have sided with the core north and Mr. Buhari against his political ally. And his vituperations would further reveal the deep-seated suspicion the core north has harboured against the Yoruba, spanning decades. VANGUARD newspaper quoted him as saying: “Sometimes it is very difficult to support a Yoruba person in national politics if you are not one.

“They have a way of making you regret your support because they eventually make you seem like a traitor to your own people. Now all these comments about Bola’s Yoruba presidency and his support of Buhari without which Buhari would not have been President is bulshit.”

He pointed out that there were many other Nigerians from other parts of the country who also contributed in making Mr. Buhari President but were “not bragging about it” and expressed regret that “You may wish to know that all of us Buhari supporters are shocked and pissed off by Bola’s speech on this occasion. It is unlike him.

“And this speech is massively trending in the North and being given a negative connotation as you can well imagine. I first read it this morning on an Adamawa group platform and the anger is palpable and all round.”

Certainly, the fact that Buhari wishes to single-handedly select the APC Presidential candidate is creating big cracks in the APC as old comrades tear each other to shreds, egged on by their deep ethnic and regional cleavages. These have now been exposed by the stress of this brutal struggle for the APC Presidential ticket. But Babachir Lawan is not yet done. He must remind the Yoruba and other Nigerians about one of Bola Tinubu’s tribesmen whose stars, he believes, were dimmed by similar attitudes.

“This appears to be the Abiola saga,” he said, “being replayed. Abiola won the election with majority Northern votes but they took the brunt of the post-election protests that followed.

“Just survey all the people that are doing more meaningful practical things to enthron (sic) Bola as President and you will find that almost all are northerners while his kinsmen engage themselves in social media activism and Northern bashing.

“When Yorubas vilify the North like this, our sense of fear and insecurity under a Yoruba presidency gets heightened and in the end, pushes us to re-think our support for not only Bola but any Yoruba as President for that matter.”

But he concluded on this rather conciliatory note: “Please, do not join our opponents to destroy our chances of clinching Monday’s primary elections.”

Nevertheless, Buhari’s consensus candidate gambit has already done irreparable damage to the APC. It can only get worse and may well be the last straw that will break this camel’s back. Buhari is taking a dangerous shot in the dark.

He is blindly groping in the dark, like he has done with the destiny of Nigerians and their motherland in the last seven years, with these catastrophic consequences. In this highly risky blind man’s buff game he is playing, the odds are dangerously high. He may just lay his hands on the wrong person. And things will definitely fall apart.

(GYANG is the Chairman of the N.G.O, Journalists Coalition for Citizens’ Rights Initiative – JCCRI. Visit our website: https://jccri-online.org. Follow us on our Twitter handle: @jccri1. Facebook

page: facebook.com/jccrionline. Emails: info@jccrionline.org; chrisgyang01@gmail.com)

BUHARI’S CONSENSUS CANDIDATE: THE BLIND MAN’S BUFF

Politics

Governor Buni moves to appeal to guber aspirants to step down for Wali in Yobe

Published

9 hours ago

May 15, 2026

Ochuwa Ibrahim

Governor Buni moves to appeal to guber aspirants to step down for Wali in Yobe

By: Yahaya Wakili

Governor Mai Mala Buni CON of Yobe State has vowed to appeal to aggrieved aspirants to step down for the government-preferred candidate of the party, Baba Mallam Wali FCAN, MNI, before the primary election date.

Governor Buni disclosed this yesterday while receiving thousands of members of the crowd of All Progressives Congress (APC) supporters from all 17 local government areas of the state at the Muhammadu Buhari International Airport, Damaturu.

He commended Senator Ahmed Ibrahim Lawan, Senator Musa Mustapha, former Inspector General of Police Usman Baba Alkali, and other aspirants for stepping down for the preferred candidate, Baba Mallam Wali, and noted that he would work tirelessly to see that the remaining aggrieved aspirants also stepped down for Wali.

“We should avoid banter, name-calling, and abuse; it is not in our culture and character. We must not tolerate it,” Governor Buni tells the crowd of party supporters.

He praised the steadfast support of the party’s members, which he said was credited with the successful outcomes of his administration, including the significant developmental projects, such as the construction of the Muhammadu Buhari International Airport.

Governor Buni further assured that next year our pilgrims will be airlifting to Saudi Arabia from this airport, Inshallah, and very soon the commercial business activities will commence, of which all the Yobeans would benefit.

“All the good work we executed in the areas of health care delivery, education, agriculture, the roads we are constructing, and security—all these developmental projects we executed all along with Baba Mallam Wali, and inshallah, he will come and continue with them.”

He called on the people to offer prayers for peace in our country and to pray for the general elections to be conducted peacefully, as well as to pray Almighty Allah unites us, the people of Yobe State and Nigeria as a whole.

Governor Buni moves to appeal to guber aspirants to step down for Wali in Yobe

Politics

Reconfiguring Nigeria’s 2027 Elections: Zoning, Coalition Politics and the Battle for the Presidency

Published

15 hours ago

May 15, 2026

Ochuwa Ibrahim

Reconfiguring Nigeria’s 2027 Elections: Zoning, Coalition Politics and the Battle for the Presidency

By: Austin Aigbe

Policy and Strategy Expert
Abuja – can be reached: aigbeomoruyi@mail.com

As Nigeria heads to the 2027 general elections, the political environment offers a dynamic and diverse contest that can inspire hope and engagement among pundits interested in shaping the country’s democracy. At the centre of the 2027 contest stands President Bola Tinubu of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the established power of incumbency.

Challenging him is Peter Obi, now repositioned under the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), with a strong alliance with Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, an arrangement increasingly described by supporters as the “OK Movement” (Obi–Kwankwaso).

Meanwhile, Atiku Abubakar, of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), continues to insist that only a Northern candidate possesses the electoral arithmetic to defeat Tinubu.

Alongside these heavyweights is Seyi Makinde, who announced his debut under the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) – Alliance for Progressive Movement (APM) partnership, introducing a younger technocratic alternative seeking to transcend traditional elite politics.

Adding yet another layer of intrigue is recurring speculation surrounding a possible return of former President Goodluck Jonathan as a consensus or stabilising candidate in a deeply polarised political atmosphere. Together, these developments are reshaping the 2027 elections into more than a contest for power.

They represent a broader national argument about zoning, competence, generational transition, inclusion, and the future architecture of democracy.

Bola Tinubu and his strong political machinery instil confidence about the prospects of stability and continuity in leadership. His broad political reach and entrenched alliances suggest a resilient foundation for his campaign.

The president’s supporters argue that his administration inherited deep structural economic distortions and that difficult reforms, i.e, the removal of fuel subsidy and the floating of the Naira, were unavoidable if the country were to avoid long-term fiscal collapse.

For the APC, 2027 will likely be framed as a choice between continuity and uncertainty. The party’s central message may be that reforms require time and political stability to mature into measurable national gains. The president’s strongest political asset remains his ability to build coalitions across regional and ideological divides. His influence in the South West remains substantial, while the APC continues to maintain significant structures across the North.

The Tinubu administration faces mounting pressure from worsening economic hardship, inflation, insecurity, and declining purchasing power. While many Nigerians acknowledge the necessity of reform, public frustration increasingly centres on the social consequences of those reforms.

No doubt, Tinubu’s re-election campaign may ultimately depend on whether voters perceive sufficient economic recovery before 2027. The zoning debate further muddies.

Traditionally, many political stakeholders expect a Southern president to complete two terms before power rotates Northward. Tinubu’s supporters may therefore campaign against Atiku that altering the arrangements in 2027 would violate the spirit of political balance underpinning Nigeria’s informal rotational plan.

Among opposition formations, the alliance between Mr Peter Obi and Engr. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, on the platform of the NDC, is significant because it could reshape the electoral landscape and challenge the status quo. The “OK Movement” carries significant symbolic and electoral implications.

Obi brings substantial urban youth support, middle-class reformist energy, and the enduring momentum of the civic mobilisation and the Obedient Movement observed during the 2023 elections. Kwankwaso, on the other hand, brings grassroots Northern political structures, deep influence in Kano and parts of the North West, and an established populist network through the Kwankwasiyya movement.

The Obi–Kwankwaso alliance may address one of the major criticisms of Obi’s 2023 campaign: limited penetration in the core Northern voting blocs. With Kwankwaso as an ally, the ticket could potentially build a bridge between Southern reformist enthusiasm and Northern populist mobilisation. Supporters of the movement argue that it represents a new national identity built around inclusion, generational transition, and institutional reform rather than traditional elite patronage.

The movement may especially appeal to younger Nigerians frustrated with the dominance of longstanding political establishments. But challenges remain. Critics argue that managing the ideological and strategic ambitions of both camps could prove difficult. Questions also persist, whether online enthusiasm can positively translate into nationwide electoral structures capable of competing against the APC’s entrenched machinery, as it is said locally, there are no polling units on social media.

Former vice-president, Atiku Abubakar, approaches 2027 with a strategic focus, asserting that only a Northern candidate has the electoral strength to defeat Tinubu and unify key voting blocs. This argument reflects both demographic realities and longstanding patterns within Nigerian electoral politics.

Northern voting strength remains essential to presidential victory calculations, and Atiku’s supporters believe that fragmenting Northern political influence would merely strengthen Tinubu’s path to re-election. From this perspective, Atiku presents himself not simply as a candidate but as a pragmatic electoral solution. His extensive political network, cross-regional alliances, and decades of national visibility continue to make him a formidable political figure.

However, critics contend that insisting on a Northern presidency after only one Southern term risks undermining the spirit of zoning and reinforcing perceptions of political entitlement. Many Southern stakeholders would likely view such a move as an attempt to prematurely reverse the rotational balance that has helped stabilise the nation’s democracy since 1999. His argument that the North has served for a limited term since then does not hold water if he backdates the argument to 1960 (from independence).

Added to this, Atiku’s repeated presidential ambitions may reinforce voter fatigue, especially among Nigerians seeking generational renewal and ideological revolution rather than familiar elite contentions.

Still, dismissing Atiku would be politically unwise. Nigerian elections are often won not only through popularity, but through identity politics, coalition management, elite negotiation, and organisational reach, all areas where Atiku remains highly competitive.

Governor Seyi Makinde and the Technocratic Recalibration. The emergence of Seyi Makinde under the PDP–APM alliance introduces another compelling dimension to the 2027 contest.

Unlike many traditional political heavyweights, Makinde increasingly projects himself as a governance-oriented technocrat seeking to reposition politics around competence, innovation, and administrative credibility. His supporters point to his governance record in Oyo State, his relatively moderate political style, and his appeal among younger professionals and reform-minded voters. More importantly, Makinde’s candidacy directly challenges Nigeria’s conventional zoning assumptions. Traditionally, the expectation remains that presidential power should rotate North after the completion of a Southern presidency in 2031.

However, Makinde’s emergence complicates this arithmetic by arguing, implicitly and explicitly, that governance performance should matter as much as geography. In this sense, Makinde represents a broader intellectual shift within Nigerian politics: the gradual movement from “whose turn is it?” toward “who can govern effectively?” His candidacy may therefore resonate with younger voters increasingly frustrated by elite rotational bargains that have not necessarily produced accountable governance.

Nevertheless, Makinde’s challenge remains structural. National elections require deep grassroots networks, extensive funding, and broad political alliances. While his technocratic image strengthens his credibility, transforming state-level popularity into nationwide electoral viability remains a difficult undertaking.

The Goodluck Jonathan Question: Consensus or Political Nostalgia? Recurring speculation surrounding Goodluck Jonathan reflects the growing uncertainty within Nigeria’s political landscape.

Though Jonathan has not formally declared interest, discussions around his possible return reveal broader anxieties about political stability, national cohesion, and the search for a less polarising figure. Former President Jonathan’s democratic credentials remain significantly strengthened by his peaceful concession of power in 2015, widely regarded as one of the most important moments in Nigeria’s democratic history.

Supporters therefore view him as a stabilising statesman capable of calming political tensions and rebuilding elite consensus. Jonathan, with one more term, appeals to the zoning debates. Jonathan’s candidacy resonates with President John Mahama of Ghana, who returned after eight years and won.

The 2027 presidential election is gradually transforming into one of the most significant democratic contests in the country’s modern history. More than a battle between parties, it represents competing visions of national identity, governance, inclusion, and democratic evolution.

Bola Ahmed Tinubu offers continuity, institutional stability, and incumbency. Peter Obi and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso present a reformist coalition seeking to bridge generational and regional divides through the OK Movement. Atiku Abubakar advances a strategy rooted in Northern electoral arithmetic and coalition politics. Seyi Makinde embodies technocratic recalibration and merit-based leadership.

Goodluck Jonathan reflects the appeal of consensus and national reconciliation in uncertain times.

Will the 2027 election be a three, four or five-horse race?

Reconfiguring Nigeria’s 2027 Elections: Zoning, Coalition Politics and the Battle for the Presidency

Politics

Zulum: Leadership, humility And humanity

Published

15 hours ago

May 15, 2026

News Net Global

Professor Babagana Umara Zulum, Borno state governor

Zulum: Leadership, humility And humanity

By: Dr. James Bwala

In the tapestry of leadership narratives, few stories resonate as profoundly as that of Professor Babagana Umara Zulum, the Governor of Borno State. His journey from humble beginnings to the pinnacle of political power epitomizes resilience, humility, and an unyielding connection to one’s roots. Recently, I watched a short video where the Borno State governor was addressing a gathering of some high and mighty in the country. And giving them a life example during the meeting touches the heart. Professor Zulum’s reflections on his past, contrasting the genuine friendships forged in adversity with those cultivated in affluence, underscore a compelling lesson for contemporary leaders about authenticity, empathy, and the imperative to remain grounded amidst success.

Professor Babagana Umara Zulum’s story is not just a biography; it is a testament to the transformative power of perseverance and divine mercy. Raised in a modest village environment by a peasant farmer, he epitomizes the archetype of a self-made individual who navigated the vicissitudes of life with dignity and an unwavering commitment to his values. For fourteen years, Zulum labored as a commercial driver, a vocation far removed from the corridors of power he now inhabits. Yet, it is precisely this past—marked by simplicity and struggle—that shapes his present ethos. Unlike many public figures who might obscure or distance themselves from such origins, Zulum embraces it as a cornerstone of his identity, an anchor against the storms of ego and detachment often induced by status.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/yobe-2027-consensus-g-six-and-the-crucible-of-direct-primaries/

The distinction he draws between “the friends of the governor” and “the friends of the child who grew up in the village” is both poignant and instructive. The former are often acquaintances drawn to power and influence, transient, and contingent on the privileges of office. This reminds me of the piece I read about the son of the late president, Yusuf Buhari, whose stories reflected the kinds of friends we met at that social status. The latter, however, endures through hardship, shared experiences, and mutual support. These true friends recognize Zulum not merely as a governor but as Babagana Umara Zulum—the man who once sat beside them in village paths and knew the sting of poverty firsthand. This distinction illuminates a broader social phenomenon: the alienation leaders frequently encounter as they ascend politically and economically, often resulting in a loss of authentic human connections.

Zulum’s insistence on keeping his past “close to his chest” speaks volumes about his leadership philosophy. It is a conscious resistance against the arrogance and superiority that can accompany public office. This I can attest to when, indeed, I witnessed his firsthand humility during the 2023 campaign at the home of the vice president, Kashim Shettima, where he met me and Hon. Unus Merami chose to come and sit with us while waiting for the VP-elect then. The approach, the laughter, and the pleasantry with which he communes with us, throwing a friendly handshake and laughter, show this point he was sharing with the high and mighty because at that moment we were not looking at the governor of Borno State despite the security details he came with but the son of Borno meeting with common men and his kin.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/yobe-2027-consensus-g-six-and-the-crucible-of-direct-primaries/

Indeed, by refusing to allow “the euphoria of his present status” to cloud his judgment or demeanor, Zulum models a form of leadership deeply rooted in humility. Such a mindset is critical in governance, especially in regions like Borno State, where poverty, insecurity, and socio-economic challenges are pervasive. Leaders who remain empathetic and connected to their origins are better positioned to craft policies that genuinely reflect the needs and aspirations of their constituents.

A particularly salient aspect of Zulum’s reflection is his critique of ostentatious displays of wealth, exemplified by his statement that he never sent his wife to Saudi Arabia or Dubai for shopping at the expense of the impoverished masses. In a world where leadership is often measured by visible extravagance rather than substance, this stance is a radical affirmation of solidarity with the less fortunate. He acknowledges the harsh reality faced not only by families in Borno but also across Nigeria—millions living in poverty, grappling daily with deprivation and despair. By consciously avoiding indulgence that could exacerbate social inequalities, Zulum positions himself as a steward of public trust rather than a beneficiary of public office.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/yobe-2027-consensus-g-six-and-the-crucible-of-direct-primaries/

This reflection serves as a clarion call to all leaders: the positional power they wield must not detach them from the lived realities of their people. Instead, it should amplify their responsibility to serve with compassion and integrity. Leaders must remember that offices are temporary, yet the bonds formed through adversity and authentic friendship constitute an enduring support system. These true friends—as Zulum aptly notes—might very well be the only family one has “when all is done.” This reinforces the concept of relational leadership, wherein personal connections and community ties enrich governance and ensure accountability.

I salute my governor and brother. Indeed, Zulum’s narrative challenges the pervasive culture of leadership detachment and elitism. In many developing contexts, political figures often prioritize personal gain and status symbols, distancing themselves from the populace they are meant to serve. This phenomenon breeds distrust and disenfranchisement, eroding the social contract fundamental to democratic governance. Babagana Umara Zulum’s example disrupts this pattern by advocating a leadership style that is empathetic, frugal, and deeply connected to the grassroots.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/yobe-2027-consensus-g-six-and-the-crucible-of-direct-primaries/

On a broader scale, this discourse invites reflection on the nature of friendship and loyalty in the arena of public service. Are the companions who surround a leader in office genuine allies invested in the common good, or do they represent transactional relationships shaped by accession to power? Zulum’s differentiation encourages leaders to nurture and cherish relationships forged in authenticity, as these are the ties that sustain character and purpose beyond the tenure of office.

Babagana Umara Zulum embraced his humble origins and maintained close ties with his early friends. This exemplifies how leaders can harness their life stories as sources of strength and moral clarity. Rather than perceiving one’s past as a stigma or obstacle, it becomes a reservoir of wisdom and empathy. This perspective is invaluable in societies marked by inequality, fostering leadership that prioritizes inclusivity and social justice.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/yobe-2027-consensus-g-six-and-the-crucible-of-direct-primaries/

Professor Babagana Umara Zulum’s reflections offer a profound critique of leadership detached from humility and genuine human connection. His life trajectory—from a peasant farmer’s son and commercial driver to governor—embodies resilience, groundedness, and a steadfast commitment to the welfare of his people. He stood tall, differentiating between superficial friendships tied to power and the enduring bonds born of shared struggle; he underscores a vital lesson for contemporary leaders: to lead effectively, one must remain anchored in authenticity, compassion, and service.

The mercies that elevated Zulum to his current station are a reminder that leadership is not merely about status but about stewardship—a covenant with the people that calls for constant remembrance of where one came from and whom one serves. Ultimately, as Zulum poignantly suggests, true friends and memories of humble beginnings are the compass that guides leaders through the complexities of governance, ensuring they remain connected to the heart of their communities long after the spotlight fades.

* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.

Zulum: Leadership, humility And humanity