Columns
Burkina Faso’s Ibrahim Traoré and the Revolution of IllusionsThree years after taking power, Traoré’s populist showmanship and defiant rhetoric mask a grim reality of insecurity, poverty, and political isolation — far from the Sankarist revival he promises.
Burkina Faso’s Ibrahim Traoré and the Revolution of Illusions
Three years after taking power, Traoré’s populist showmanship and defiant rhetoric mask a grim reality of insecurity, poverty, and political isolation — far from the Sankarist revival he promises.
By Oumarou Sanou
Three years after seizing power, Burkina Faso’s strongman, Captain Ibrahim Traoré, continues to project himself as the torchbearer of a new African revolution — a reincarnation of the late Thomas Sankara. Yet, his recent performance, marking his third anniversary in power, revealed more theatre than substance. It was less a presidential address and more a self-congratulatory monologue filled with sweeping claims, imagined enemies, and revolutionary soundbites detached from the harsh realities on the ground.
Facing a carefully selected group of journalists — those unlikely to ask uncomfortable questions — Traoré transformed what should have been a serious state briefing into a one-man show. His tone was confident, even prophetic, yet far removed from the desperation of a nation caught in the grip of terrorism, poverty, and displacement.
Traoré opened with drama: when he came to power, he claimed, the Burkinabe army had “barely a hundred weapons and 100,000 cartridges.” Such exaggerations might thrill loyalists but stretch credibility. Even local hunters would scoff at such arithmetic. Yet, the captain reassured his listeners that 15,000 men are now recruited annually and that Burkina Faso will soon “make its own weapons.”
How, and with what resources? There were no details — no factories, no engineers, no budget. It was a familiar populist pattern: imagination over implementation, rhetoric over realism.
Then came a moment of unintended honesty. “Politics in Africa,” Traoré lectured, “is the art of lying, deceiving, and flattering.” Was this a denunciation of the old political elite, a confession of his own methods, or the mission statement of his self-styled “Progressive Popular Revolution”?
Pressed for specifics, Traoré was blunt: “I’m not going to tell you the exact content.” In other words, the people are expected to believe in a revolution whose goals remain secret. It is governance through mystique — a convenient cloak for opacity and improvisation.
Perhaps the highlight — or low point — of the press conference came with the grand economic announcement: a tomato processing plant. While jihadists overrun villages and thousands of civilians flee daily, the government’s big victory was the promise of locally made tomato paste.
Agricultural processing is undoubtedly essential. But in a nation where more than half of the territory is under terrorist control, the symbolism felt jarring. The message seemed to be: Burkina may not be safe, but at least it will have sauce.
When policies fail, populists find scapegoats. In Traoré’s narrative, the Ivory Coast has now become the enemy. He accused Abidjan of serving as “the rear base of Burkina’s enemies” and even suggested that President Alassane Ouattara had signed a “non-aggression pact” with jihadists.
Such allegations are not just far-fetched — they are dangerous. They strain regional diplomacy, alienate neighbours, and distract from the government’s inability to secure its own borders. Ironically, when a journalist cited a poll showing that 66% of Ivorians viewed Burkina Faso’s leadership favourably, Traoré shrugged: “Really? I don’t follow that… I don’t watch those media outlets anymore.”
This was revealing. In a state where the media is censored and dissent suppressed, even positive news struggles to reach the leader’s ears. Traoré appears trapped within his own echo chamber — and Burkina Faso with him.
Three years on, the outcomes are damning. Burkina Faso remains the most terrorised country in the world. Thousands have been killed, millions displaced, and much of the countryside is beyond state control. Schools are closed, health centres are abandoned, and basic livelihoods are destroyed.
Despite fiery anti-Western speeches and his warm embrace of Moscow, little has changed on the ground. Russian mercenaries and propaganda can amplify slogans, but they cannot rebuild schools, protect farmers, or restart an economy in free fall.
And now, with Burkina Faso — alongside Niger and Mali — having withdrawn from ECOWAS, the country faces deepening isolation. What Traoré brands as “sovereign independence” increasingly looks like self-imposed solitude. Without regional cooperation, intelligence sharing, or trade partnerships, Burkina Faso risks turning into a garrison state — fortified in rhetoric but hollow in results.
In just three hours of speaking, Captain Traoré managed to: turn the Ivory Coast into the supposed headquarters of Sahel’s villains; declare tomato paste the new pillar of national resilience; and redefine politics as the art of deception.
But beyond the theatre, Burkina Faso continues to bleed. The ordinary people — farmers, students, traders, and families — pay the real price for this illusion of revolution.
Traoré may parade as the new Sankara, but three years on, his “revolution” looks more like a parody than a legacy. The real revolution Burkina Faso needs today is not one of slogans or posturing, but of results — restoring security, rebuilding trust, and reviving governance.
Until then, Captain Ibrahim Traoré’s revolution remains exactly what it appears to be: a show more than a solution.
Oumarou Sanou
Social critic, Pan-African observer and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, regional stability, and the evolving dynamics of African leadership. Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com
Burkina Faso’s Ibrahim Traoré and the Revolution of Illusions
Three years after taking power, Traoré’s populist showmanship and defiant rhetoric mask a grim reality of insecurity, poverty, and political isolation — far from the Sankarist revival he promises.
Columns
The North and ‘Northerners’ The Fear of the Middle Belt
The North and ‘Northerners’ The Fear of the Middle Belt
By: Balami Lazarus
When I recently read some works that are negative and biased on the Middle Belt, it dawned on me to put my contributions on this subject.
Several discourses and comments on the Middle Belt have put fear in the minds of many individuals in the north, fueled by the ‘Northerners.’ The work of one writer recently on the Middle Belt was insulting, where he called it the ‘Bible Belt,’ giving it religious interpretations without any historical considerations, undermining the fact that it has large numbers of other faithfuls, Moslems inclusive. I dismissed that work as fiction of his wild imagination with no specific genre to hinge his work on.
However, the response of Dr. Pogu Bitrus, the president of the Middle Belt Forum (MBF), to a recent article by one Safyan Umar Yahaya on the Middle Belt spoke my mind. That piece gave the true picture of the sociocultural, political, and economic dynamics of the Middle Belt. And hence the birth of this piece.
The north today is where lives, properties, and investments are not safe. The three geopolitical zones that formed the geographical north are a theater of insecurity; homes for bandits, insurgents, and kidnappers; a hallmark of poverty and ignorance where economic activities are cornered and confined. Farming, movements of goods and services, for instance.
There has been a loud ethnic and religious nagging fermented in the cauldrons of sentiments nurtured by the ‘Northerners,’ which has created fear of the Middle Belt and streamed into the minds of the uniformed poor northerners. These have attempted to distort the struggle and agitation for the Middle Belt as a geopolitical zone yearning for a clearly defined cultural identity as a region with political representation. A mark of its geographical identity and expressions.
In this piece, I shall debunk the argument or the notion that the north is a unified bloc, giving my own reasons why it is not. The emergence of the Middle Belt in the body polity of Nigeria long before now has divided the north. For some, it is a recent phenomenon.
First, one has to clearly define the north. Is a geographical expression, and during the days of the late premier Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto, it stretched from the banks of the Benue and Niger rivers to the Chad/Niger borders. The premier then wielded power and respect across the ethnic provinces that made up the north because of his sense of fairness and equity in the ways and manner he handled and discharged his duties and led the region. The north was a bloc with a common purpose and sense of unity. But today these have manifested themselves into ethno-religious sentiments, attacks, and discriminations from Hausa and/or Fulani vs. Christians. Kabilus that paints the pictures of Moslems or Christians in the north, and the ‘game’ is the Middle Belt.
For me, the present north has four definitions that emerged from the crooked activities of ‘northerners.’ These are political north, ethnic north, religious north, and geographical north, which has long been replaced with geopolitical zones.
The Balkanization of the north noticeably came to the fore long before now, where other ethnic groups who constitute part of the north population were not carried along in the scheme of affairs because they are either Arnes or Kabilus, who are considered parts of the ignorant oppressed Talakawas of the north.
The level of ethno-religious divide has caused discrimination between Christians and Moslems in the north. The Middle Belt agitations have further widened the space where the term “Arewa” means “Moslem north,” while “Middle Belt” means “Christian north” in the minds of bigots.
However, when you speak of the north, you need to ask yourself, which of the north are you referring to in respect of the definitions earlier mentioned? Similarly, if you say “Northerners,” which of the Northerners are you also referring to?
Time and space are making so many tribes/ethnic groups realize their cultural history and where they belong with pride of identity. Therefore, the Middle Belt is a fusion of different ethnic nationalities and the right to be different as a Nigerian.
Balami, a Publisher/Columnist 08036779290
The North and ‘Northerners’ The Fear of the Middle Belt
Columns
Medical and Health Developments Amidst Insecurity: The Case of University of Maiduguri Teaching Hospital (UMTH)
Medical and Health Developments Amidst Insecurity: The Case of University of Maiduguri Teaching Hospital (UMTH)
By: Balami Lazarus
Insecurity challenges have pervaded and taken over every inch of the Nigerian estate, spreading their wings, casting dark shadows stealthily in silence of ambush. The predator has created excuses against growth, progress, and development among ministries, departments, and agencies (MIDA’s), including health institutions where medical and healthcare services are needed.
Development means a different thing to many people. “An improvement in people’s living conditions inevitably contributes to higher productivity and to economic growth, subsequently development.” Therefore the needs of people in a particular area are their development. For example, health.
Moreover, development is essentially concerned with continuous improvements of the human life and condition right from time, in its capacity for qualitative and quantitative reproduction and capabilities to control and manipulate the environment for the betterment of mankind as a whole. Therefore, the purpose of development is to create an enabling environment for people to enjoy long, healthy, and creative lives at all levels of their growth and progress.
But for UMTH under Prof. Ahmed Ahidjo, the CMD, medical and health development in infrastructure, human capital, and healthcare services is a continuous process amidst insecurity in Borno State and Maiduguri, the state capital.
At UMTH, the story of growth and development has brought progress in health and medical services that are expected from institutional hospitals. The rate and level of medical and healthcare services through specialized medical centers equipped with modern state-of-the-art equipment second to none in Nigeria is a testament to health/medical development in the aforesaid hospital.
People have always examined the concept of growth and development from economic perspectives, refusing to align them to the objectives of human needs that will increase productivity to provide and satisfy these human needs to ensure good medical and healthcare service delivery that is available at all times in UMTH “Centre of Excellence.”
Prof. Ahidjo has no doubt facilitated the concept of health development through changes in the health and medical services provided by UMTH in spite of the ten security challenges staring us hard in the face.
Growth, progress, and development initiated by Prof. Ahmed Ahidjo is itself a concept of development in the health sector. The CMD has blended the concepts of development together through their aims and objectives, which are charted towards the improvements of the human standard of living in healthcare and medical services.
Prof. Ahmed’s efforts have therefore brought developments in the life of the hospital that have never been witnessed since the inception of UMTH, until the man with the Midas touch came on board with improvements and transformations of infrastructures and facilities.
Prof. Ahidjo had directed his development towards the satisfaction of the hospital’s needs, the primary objectives of UMTH, which translates to human capital development through teaching, practicals, medical research, and provisions of healthcare services to her immediate host community.
Therefore, development cannot be seen purely as economic, social, and political affairs but rather as an outcome of man’s effort to transform societal structures and institutions in the case of UMTH.
Balami, a Publisher/Columnist 08036779290
Medical and Health Developments Amidst Insecurity: The Case of University of Maiduguri Teaching Hospital (UMTH)
Columns
In Search of Our History Through Reconstruction and Restructuring of the Nigerian State for Peaceful Coexistence and Good Governance
In Search of Our History Through Reconstruction and Restructuring of the Nigerian State for Peaceful Coexistence and Good Governance
By: Balami Lazarus
This piece is an extraction from a paper I wrote years back intended to be presented to my society—the Borno Museum Society (BSM)—but it never saw the light of day. However, this is not the original title; I did some changes, putting in some terms to reflect the contemporary issues facing us currently as Nigerians.
Looking at the paper today, which had lain fallow since 1991, I laughed. Dr. Musa Hambolu and Mr. Kyari Bukar, as members, encouraged and urged me to make an effort and present the paper for onward publication in our newsletter, but it never happened. I believe this version will make sense to many more who believe in the Nigerian project as a sovereign nation.
And back to the main menu of the discourse.
One of the major historical developments in Africa south of the Sahara was the great Bantu migration that took place thousands of years ago. It was a mass exodus of the Bantu people, culture, and traditions; its droplets along the line of their migration gave birth to settlements, which had affected many ethnic nations’ language, culture, and traditions. What happened later is part of African history. We are now nestled between who are we? And what are we?
It is very clear that the reconstruction of our history through the restructuring of Nigeria and its state and conditions has long been toyed with, knowing fully well that it is the heart of our peaceful coexistence and good governance. It’s also the main bowl of our socio-political and economic growth and developments.
Our history, geography, and ethnology have drawn our attention to the state of sovereignty known, called, and addressed as Nigeria, a colonial creation, forgetting that we were here before.
the white man’s creation.
To trace the origin of the people that made up Nigeria, one cannot dismiss the substance of other disciplines like history, archeology, anthropology, geography, sociology, and linguistics, and other related subjects. These fields of scholarships have tremendously improved in the explanations of our history, artifacts, and cultural source materials of the people that were wrongfully and forcefully brought together to live and form Nigeria. Therefore,
There is the need for the restructuring of the Nigerian state for peace and good governance for the benefit of all citizens.
To achieve this, we must collectively agree with one voice to restructure our systems to find a lasting solution to our torn political garment, unity shredded with suspicion generated by us over the years. Because modernization is the process of change towards social, economic, and political systems.
Historically, Nigeria is a conglomerate of large ethnic diversities, and each represents a distinct nation with different cultures, traditions, and civilizations living independently before the forceful amalgamation of 1st January, 1914, carried out and executed by the British colonial masters. Sources available to political historians on our past underscored the necessity to shift from the present state of nationhood to a common ground that will provide us with equal opportunities to maintain and sustain our togetherness as one indivisible and indissoluble nation through reconstruction and restructuring.
The reconstruction and restructuring of our historical and political past is paramount; it will aid in checking the high rate of insecurity and criminal activities of bandits and kidnappers. And shall also clamp down on terrorists and the rise of insurgents. Restructuring will reduce sentiments and segregation in the activities of our national life.
History does not repeat itself. But people repeat history and then falsely accuse history of repeating itself.
We have consciously decided to polarize our country with Black Strike sentiments. And here we are, with agitations in different forms: Oduduwa, Biafra, Middle Belt, and Niger Delta.
Balami, Publisher/Columnist 08036779290
In Search of Our History Through Reconstruction and Restructuring of the Nigerian State for Peaceful Coexistence and Good Governance
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