Columns
Burkina Faso’s Ibrahim Traoré and the Revolution of IllusionsThree years after taking power, Traoré’s populist showmanship and defiant rhetoric mask a grim reality of insecurity, poverty, and political isolation — far from the Sankarist revival he promises.
Burkina Faso’s Ibrahim Traoré and the Revolution of Illusions
Three years after taking power, Traoré’s populist showmanship and defiant rhetoric mask a grim reality of insecurity, poverty, and political isolation — far from the Sankarist revival he promises.
By Oumarou Sanou
Three years after seizing power, Burkina Faso’s strongman, Captain Ibrahim Traoré, continues to project himself as the torchbearer of a new African revolution — a reincarnation of the late Thomas Sankara. Yet, his recent performance, marking his third anniversary in power, revealed more theatre than substance. It was less a presidential address and more a self-congratulatory monologue filled with sweeping claims, imagined enemies, and revolutionary soundbites detached from the harsh realities on the ground.
Facing a carefully selected group of journalists — those unlikely to ask uncomfortable questions — Traoré transformed what should have been a serious state briefing into a one-man show. His tone was confident, even prophetic, yet far removed from the desperation of a nation caught in the grip of terrorism, poverty, and displacement.
Traoré opened with drama: when he came to power, he claimed, the Burkinabe army had “barely a hundred weapons and 100,000 cartridges.” Such exaggerations might thrill loyalists but stretch credibility. Even local hunters would scoff at such arithmetic. Yet, the captain reassured his listeners that 15,000 men are now recruited annually and that Burkina Faso will soon “make its own weapons.”
How, and with what resources? There were no details — no factories, no engineers, no budget. It was a familiar populist pattern: imagination over implementation, rhetoric over realism.
Then came a moment of unintended honesty. “Politics in Africa,” Traoré lectured, “is the art of lying, deceiving, and flattering.” Was this a denunciation of the old political elite, a confession of his own methods, or the mission statement of his self-styled “Progressive Popular Revolution”?
Pressed for specifics, Traoré was blunt: “I’m not going to tell you the exact content.” In other words, the people are expected to believe in a revolution whose goals remain secret. It is governance through mystique — a convenient cloak for opacity and improvisation.
Perhaps the highlight — or low point — of the press conference came with the grand economic announcement: a tomato processing plant. While jihadists overrun villages and thousands of civilians flee daily, the government’s big victory was the promise of locally made tomato paste.
Agricultural processing is undoubtedly essential. But in a nation where more than half of the territory is under terrorist control, the symbolism felt jarring. The message seemed to be: Burkina may not be safe, but at least it will have sauce.
When policies fail, populists find scapegoats. In Traoré’s narrative, the Ivory Coast has now become the enemy. He accused Abidjan of serving as “the rear base of Burkina’s enemies” and even suggested that President Alassane Ouattara had signed a “non-aggression pact” with jihadists.
Such allegations are not just far-fetched — they are dangerous. They strain regional diplomacy, alienate neighbours, and distract from the government’s inability to secure its own borders. Ironically, when a journalist cited a poll showing that 66% of Ivorians viewed Burkina Faso’s leadership favourably, Traoré shrugged: “Really? I don’t follow that… I don’t watch those media outlets anymore.”
This was revealing. In a state where the media is censored and dissent suppressed, even positive news struggles to reach the leader’s ears. Traoré appears trapped within his own echo chamber — and Burkina Faso with him.
Three years on, the outcomes are damning. Burkina Faso remains the most terrorised country in the world. Thousands have been killed, millions displaced, and much of the countryside is beyond state control. Schools are closed, health centres are abandoned, and basic livelihoods are destroyed.
Despite fiery anti-Western speeches and his warm embrace of Moscow, little has changed on the ground. Russian mercenaries and propaganda can amplify slogans, but they cannot rebuild schools, protect farmers, or restart an economy in free fall.
And now, with Burkina Faso — alongside Niger and Mali — having withdrawn from ECOWAS, the country faces deepening isolation. What Traoré brands as “sovereign independence” increasingly looks like self-imposed solitude. Without regional cooperation, intelligence sharing, or trade partnerships, Burkina Faso risks turning into a garrison state — fortified in rhetoric but hollow in results.
In just three hours of speaking, Captain Traoré managed to: turn the Ivory Coast into the supposed headquarters of Sahel’s villains; declare tomato paste the new pillar of national resilience; and redefine politics as the art of deception.
But beyond the theatre, Burkina Faso continues to bleed. The ordinary people — farmers, students, traders, and families — pay the real price for this illusion of revolution.
Traoré may parade as the new Sankara, but three years on, his “revolution” looks more like a parody than a legacy. The real revolution Burkina Faso needs today is not one of slogans or posturing, but of results — restoring security, rebuilding trust, and reviving governance.
Until then, Captain Ibrahim Traoré’s revolution remains exactly what it appears to be: a show more than a solution.
Oumarou Sanou
Social critic, Pan-African observer and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, regional stability, and the evolving dynamics of African leadership. Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com
Burkina Faso’s Ibrahim Traoré and the Revolution of Illusions
Three years after taking power, Traoré’s populist showmanship and defiant rhetoric mask a grim reality of insecurity, poverty, and political isolation — far from the Sankarist revival he promises.
Columns
In Search of Our History Through Reconstruction and Restructuring of the Nigerian State for Peaceful Coexistence and Good Governance
In Search of Our History Through Reconstruction and Restructuring of the Nigerian State for Peaceful Coexistence and Good Governance
By: Balami Lazarus
This piece is an extraction from a paper I wrote years back intended to be presented to my society—the Borno Museum Society (BSM)—but it never saw the light of day. However, this is not the original title; I did some changes, putting in some terms to reflect the contemporary issues facing us currently as Nigerians.
Looking at the paper today, which had lain fallow since 1991, I laughed. Dr. Musa Hambolu and Mr. Kyari Bukar, as members, encouraged and urged me to make an effort and present the paper for onward publication in our newsletter, but it never happened. I believe this version will make sense to many more who believe in the Nigerian project as a sovereign nation.
And back to the main menu of the discourse.
One of the major historical developments in Africa south of the Sahara was the great Bantu migration that took place thousands of years ago. It was a mass exodus of the Bantu people, culture, and traditions; its droplets along the line of their migration gave birth to settlements, which had affected many ethnic nations’ language, culture, and traditions. What happened later is part of African history. We are now nestled between who are we? And what are we?
It is very clear that the reconstruction of our history through the restructuring of Nigeria and its state and conditions has long been toyed with, knowing fully well that it is the heart of our peaceful coexistence and good governance. It’s also the main bowl of our socio-political and economic growth and developments.
Our history, geography, and ethnology have drawn our attention to the state of sovereignty known, called, and addressed as Nigeria, a colonial creation, forgetting that we were here before.
the white man’s creation.
To trace the origin of the people that made up Nigeria, one cannot dismiss the substance of other disciplines like history, archeology, anthropology, geography, sociology, and linguistics, and other related subjects. These fields of scholarships have tremendously improved in the explanations of our history, artifacts, and cultural source materials of the people that were wrongfully and forcefully brought together to live and form Nigeria. Therefore,
There is the need for the restructuring of the Nigerian state for peace and good governance for the benefit of all citizens.
To achieve this, we must collectively agree with one voice to restructure our systems to find a lasting solution to our torn political garment, unity shredded with suspicion generated by us over the years. Because modernization is the process of change towards social, economic, and political systems.
Historically, Nigeria is a conglomerate of large ethnic diversities, and each represents a distinct nation with different cultures, traditions, and civilizations living independently before the forceful amalgamation of 1st January, 1914, carried out and executed by the British colonial masters. Sources available to political historians on our past underscored the necessity to shift from the present state of nationhood to a common ground that will provide us with equal opportunities to maintain and sustain our togetherness as one indivisible and indissoluble nation through reconstruction and restructuring.
The reconstruction and restructuring of our historical and political past is paramount; it will aid in checking the high rate of insecurity and criminal activities of bandits and kidnappers. And shall also clamp down on terrorists and the rise of insurgents. Restructuring will reduce sentiments and segregation in the activities of our national life.
History does not repeat itself. But people repeat history and then falsely accuse history of repeating itself.
We have consciously decided to polarize our country with Black Strike sentiments. And here we are, with agitations in different forms: Oduduwa, Biafra, Middle Belt, and Niger Delta.
Balami, Publisher/Columnist 08036779290
In Search of Our History Through Reconstruction and Restructuring of the Nigerian State for Peaceful Coexistence and Good Governance
Columns
Aspirations: A Compass for a Purposeful Journey of Life
Aspirations: A Compass for a Purposeful Journey of Life
By: Harmony Shimbura
A blueprint for a purposeful journey, the human experience is often defined not by where we are looking, but by having aspirations, a compass of purposeful life, and an act of claiming agency over one’s future.
My life’s aspirations are not merely a list of goals or a collection of ‘bucket list’ items. It is a living philosophy, a commitment to growth, connection, and the relentless pursuit of a life lived with intention. They are threads woven together for personal values and to give back to your community.
I believed the core of aspirations should be a desire for perpetual evolution. And I also believe that the moment we stop learning is the moment we stop breathing. Therefore, one of my primary goals is to remain a lifelong student where learning is a continuous process.
I aspire to deepen my understanding of the world through diverse perspectives, whether it is through traveling to places where knowledge is obtained by listening or observations, as is the case with the traditional Cherokee ways of learning.
I constantly challenge my own biases, spiritually and mentally. I aspire to reach the state of equilibrium where my peace is not dependent on external circumstances.
Do you know that aspirations transcend titles and salary brackets? Moreover, my true ambition is practical impact. I want to be engaged in work that I feel is the extension of my soul in it at whichever level. I also
I believe that work should be a contribution to the collective good of humanity.
As a young lady, I am on the self-push to achieve a level of mastery in my chosen field where my intuition is as sharp as my skills. I want to be known not just for what I did, but for how I did it with integrity, excellence, and a collaborative spirit.
Most of us neglect the vessel that carries us through life, but I aspire to treat my body with the respect it deserves. My aspirations for health are not about vanity but for sanity in purity.
These aspirations are not a destination I will one day reach; they are the fuel for a lifelong journey.
Harmony Shimbura writes from Zaria. 07033886918
Aspirations: A Compass for a Purposeful Journey of Life
Columns
Once upon a time, Plato College Sharam was a leader in academic excellence and discipline among schools in Nigeria
Once upon a time, Plato College Sharam was a leader in academic excellence and discipline among schools in Nigeria
By: Balami Lazarus
This article is dedicated to the living and dead. My teachers at Sharam, the 1978 intakes. For my wonderful classmates at Plato College. And for those before me, nice to have you as schoolmates.
I will use the “I” and “we” pronouns interchangeably because I was there as a student one cold morning of September 1978, where I spent two and a half academic sessions and left in 1980, leaving behind good and competitive classmates.
We of the 1978 intakes came from different parts of the country, from places like Yola, Lagos, Maiduguri, and Sokoto, and from other towns and cities as teenagers—boys and girls.
We that came from the city of Jos, few knew each other, while many for the first time. But Plato brought us together as students in Sharam to drink from the fountains of knowledge and discipline provided by Plato College Sharam near Kabwir in the Kanki Local Government Area of Plateau State. This came through Dr. Samuila Ndayako of blessed memory.
Similarly, classrooms, dormitories, and group work, assignments, and games were the cause of saving punishment that marked the beginning of my friendships with boys like Nash John Wash Pam, Jolomi David Amogoriye, Yau Dangana, Ismail Abdul, Thomas Owmeri, Gbenga (Kaduna), Kenneth Anosike, Edna Menta, and a few other students. I hope believing is well with them.
When I met with a few of them recently, it was a flashback of nostalgia of our days at Plato College Sharam as boys and girls full of life and dreams. Plato was a place to remember for two reasons, whether you like it or not: character and learning through academic excellence and discipline that you cannot take away. “One of the best-performing schools in the whole country in the West African School Certificate Examination (WASCE) for many years running.” Records as follows: 1979 to 1986: 100%; 1990: 100%. From 1994 to 1995, 100% was also achieved. And in 1997, 100% was made.
Sharam had never had it below average. The few of us that left for other schools manifested the academic training we got at Plato, where we were able to redeem it in character and learning.
Plato College Sharam is a co-educational institution established and owned by Dr. Samuila Ndayako, who was the Rector of the school. It came into existence on the 29th of September 1973 as Yakubu Gowon College but was later changed to Plato College in 1975 due to the circumstances surrounding General Yakubu Gowon in the year 1975. Political/military historians and journalists will know better of what took place.
The late Dr. Samuila Ndayako has left an indelible mark on the history of education in Nigeria. He was the first individual to start a private secondary school in the then North Central State, present Kaduna State, known as Balewa Memorial College at Samaru-Zonkwa, in 1967-1st April 1972, when the government took over mission schools and others from their rightful owners. Besides, he was also the first Northerner to
established a private secondary school. Equally one among the early individual proprietors of
private schools in Nigeria.
Sharam was a place for high moral and academic standards where you are expected to behave well. It opened our eyes to excellent academic performances, which regimented our minds for excellence. Plato during our days is where failure is not tolerated, even as a neighbor talks less as a co-tenant. Therefore, Plato College was the walkway for excellent performances for Platonians of Sharam.
It was where I learned the differences between discipline and punishment and understood that when discipline fails, you have no option other than to apply punishment. Here I learned of beneficial punishments that benefit all students and the school.
Plato College provided us with equal opportunities of a school environment as students. An environment where you are carried along and treated like any other student.
It was in Sharam that I understood the meaning of physical and mental work with its endless dividends. For many of us, it has become part of us to this day. Our Rector has always said it loud and clear that “no student I will train will end up useless.”
We were taught respect and its abundant benefits. As a co-educational institution of learning, we (the boys) are made to show respect and care and treat the girls with love. And we considered them anytime, anywhere as our sisters, because we were also taught to be responsible as future men and leaders.
At Sharam, obedience to school rules and regulations is a must. In fact, the military environment will bow to Plato College during our time.
Notwithstanding, Plato College had her challenges during our time, like extreme cold weather and water and electricity. Our seniors were strict on rules and regulations; some are bullies. However, every student, boy or girl, is made to have senior students as school fathers or mothers to guide and assist him or her from time to time.
What I had also learned personally from the life of Dr. Samuila Ndayako are honesty, boldness, fearlessness, and perseverance.
My school father was Senior Dung Peter, a kindhearted and brilliant student. Who has assisted and guided me to understand why I was in Sharam? I appreciate you.
Balami, Publisher/Columnist 08036779290
Once upon a time, Plato College Sharam was a leader in academic excellence and discipline among schools in Nigeria
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