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Edo South 2027: Why Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu Remains a Strong Senatorial Option,

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Edo South 2027: Why Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu Remains a Strong Senatorial Option,

By Augustine Osayande, PhD

As Edo South gradually enters the early phase of political alignment ahead of the 2027 senatorial election, it is becoming increasingly evident that the contest will not merely be about personalities, but about the depth of experience, institutional capacity, and the ability to translate political influence into measurable development outcomes.

Among the figures already shaping this emerging conversation is Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu, whose name continues to surface consistently in stakeholder consultations and intra-party engagements across the district.

Whether one views him through a partisan lens or a governance-oriented perspective, his presence in Edo South political discourse is neither incidental nor new—it is the product of sustained political engagement spanning multiple electoral cycles and administrative roles.

From my perspective, Ize-Iyamu represents a category of political actors whose relevance is built not only on ambition, but on long-term institutional exposure and embeddedness within the machinery of state governance. This factor alone places him in a distinct position within any serious evaluation of potential senatorial contenders.

Recent engagements across Edo South, particularly within political structures of the All Progressives Congress (APC), indicate an early but deliberate process of consultation and alignment among key stakeholders.

These meetings—often involving local government party leadership, ward representatives, and aspirants—have focused on representation gaps, development priorities, and internal party cohesion ahead of the next electoral cycle.

In one such engagement, an aspirant formally met with APC chairmen across the seven local government areas in Edo South to declare intent and outline a preliminary vision for legislative representation. Discussions reportedly centred on the need for stronger advocacy at the National Assembly and improved coordination between federal presence and local development needs.

Such consultations are increasingly becoming a defining feature of pre-election politics in Edo South, reflecting both the strategic importance of the senatorial seat and the growing awareness among political actors that legislative representation must go beyond symbolic presence.

A central argument in favour of Osagie Ize-Iyamu is his extensive experience within the executive arm of government in Edo State. His service as Chief of Staff between 1999 and 2003, and subsequently as Secretary to the State Government from 2003 to 2007, placed him in positions that are critical to governance coordination and policy execution.

These roles are not peripheral; they are central to the functioning of government. They involve oversight of administrative systems, coordination between ministries and agencies, and direct interface with the governor on policy implementation. This kind of exposure is particularly relevant to legislative duties at the National Assembly, where success is often determined by an understanding of how executive decisions are formulated, funded, and implemented.

In practical terms, senators are expected to do more than debate legislation—they are also required to influence budgetary outcomes, negotiate constituency projects, and engage in complex intergovernmental advocacy. A background such as Ize-Iyamu’s provides a form of institutional literacy that can be difficult to acquire quickly within the legislative environment.

One of the persistent challenges in Nigeria’s legislative system is the gap between representation and effective delivery of constituency benefits. Many legislators enter the National Assembly without prior experience in governance structures, which often limits their capacity to navigate federal bureaucracy.

In this context, Ize-Iyamu’s administrative background becomes a significant factor. His exposure to executive processes equips him with an understanding of how to engage ministries, departments, and agencies, as well as how to position constituency priorities within national development frameworks.

For Edo South, where issues of infrastructure development, youth unemployment, environmental challenges, and industrial underdevelopment remain central concerns, the ability to effectively interface with federal institutions is not merely desirable—it is essential.

Another dimension of Ize-Iyamu’s political profile is his endurance across Nigeria’s often volatile political terrain. Over the past two decades, he has remained an active participant in Edo State politics, navigating multiple party affiliations, electoral contests, and shifting alliances.

While political opponents sometimes interpret this fluidity differently, it also demonstrates a form of adaptability that is increasingly relevant in Nigeria’s coalition-driven political environment. Legislative politics, particularly at the Senate level, is rarely driven by ideology alone; it is shaped by negotiation, alliance-building, and strategic compromise.

In this respect, political resilience is not merely about survival—it is about maintaining relevance, influence, and access to evolving power structures.
Ize-Iyamu’s political career has also been marked by sustained engagement across party lines and political blocs. This has resulted in a network of relationships that extends beyond immediate partisan boundaries within Edo South.

Such networks are often critical in legislative politics, where influence is exercised not only through formal committee structures but also through informal alliances that shape decision-making, funding priorities, and project allocation.

His repeated participation in high-profile electoral contests has further reinforced his visibility at both state and national levels. In practical terms, visibility translates into political leverage, particularly in negotiations involving federal presence and constituency development projects.

Within Edo South itself, questions of equitable representation have increasingly become part of the political discourse. One recurring observation is that certain local government areas, such as Orhionmwon, have not historically held the senatorial seat since Nigeria’s return to democratic governance in 1999.

While zoning arrangements are often informal and politically negotiated, such historical imbalances tend to influence stakeholder conversations as elections approach. These considerations add another layer to the broader debate on fairness, inclusion, and regional balance within the senatorial district.

Ultimately, the emerging discourse around the 2027 Edo South senatorial race is beginning to crystallise around a familiar but important dichotomy: experience versus experimentation.

On one side are arguments that emphasise the need for seasoned political actors who understand governance systems, legislative procedures, and federal negotiation dynamics. On the other are calls for generational change and new political approaches.

Ize-Iyamu’s supporters clearly position him within the first category. Their argument is that Edo South requires a representative who does not need time to learn the system, but one who can immediately operate within it to deliver results.

Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu remains a significant figure in the evolving Edo South senatorial conversation for 2027, not merely because of political ambition, but because of a combination of institutional experience, political resilience, and established networks of influence.

While the final outcome will ultimately be determined by party decisions, zoning arrangements, and voter preferences, his profile ensures that he remains a central reference point in any serious discussion about Edo South’s representation at the National Assembly.

At its core, the debate is not simply about individuals. It is about the kind of leadership Edo South believes is best suited to navigate the complexities of federal politics and convert representation into tangible development outcomes for the district.

Augustine Osayande contributed this article through austinelande@yahoo.com

Edo South 2027: Why Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu Remains a Strong Senatorial Option,

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Forum condemns abusive language on Atiku

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Forum condemns abusive language on Atiku

North-East Elders and Youth Forum, Adamawa Chapter has strongly rejected and condemned the abusive language attributed to the former Vice President Atiku Abubakar by the former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Mr Babachir Lawal.

Hamza Sa’ad Dasin, the National Leader of the forum stated this during a press briefing in Yola that Lawal accused Atiku Abubakar of manipulating the recent ADC primary election results while describing him as a religious and tribal bigot.

“Well, that’s not the problem, because leaving or staying with the party remains his absolute right; the most alarming and worrisome approach by the former SGF was his utterances against the Former Vice President.

“Accusing him of being religious and tribal bigot, and even went further to calling him KACHALLA, which connotes direct linkage with banditry”, he said.

He said, Atiku Abubakar, socially and politically remains the symbol of unity Nigeria as he married from South West, South-East and North-East “So he is symbolically democratic even in his own house”.

Dasin further said that Atiku has a very large heart that accommodates all irrespective of religious, tribal or sectional inclinations.

“This can be ascertained by looking at the people surrounding him. He is a believer of cultural multiplicity.

“When Boko Haram entered Mubi in Adamawa State, Atiku used his personal resources to bring in hunters and traditional fighters from different parts of northern Nigeria to come and assist.

“And they eventually succeeded in driving them away, killing a large number of them. This is to tell you that Atiku has never, can never and will never be a supporter of banditry, so count him out of being a KACHALLA”, he said.

He further explained that Atiku is a well recognized Political Guru, not only in Nigeria but in the world.

“He is considered one of the best politicians in Africa and the world”, he said.

Forum condemns abusive language on Atiku

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Kashim Shettima: Understanding Farooq Kperogi’s arguments on Tinubu’s 2027 ticket

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Vice President Kashim Shettima


Kashim Shettima: Understanding Farooq Kperogi’s arguments on Tinubu’s 2027 ticket

By: Dr. James Bwala

The interplay of identity, symbolism, and electoral coalitions remains a defining feature of political calculations. Prof. Farooq Kperogi’s article, “The Shettima Danger for Tinubu,” brings to the fore a nuanced analysis of the 2023 Tinubu-Shettima political alliance and its implications for the upcoming 2027 elections. At first glance, one might dismiss Kperogi’s arguments as overblown or reductionist, interpreting the situation purely through a lens of personal relationships or conventional political maneuvers. However, a deeper examination reveals that Kperogi’s article is a persuasive and compelling warning about how ignoring the complex dynamics of identity blocs and political symbolism could imperil Tinubu’s ambitions. Kperogi’s insights, therefore, must be taken seriously by political actors, analysts, and stakeholders as they unravel the political future of Nigeria’s ruling party.

Kperogi’s central contentions revolve around what he terms “emotional cartography”—the phenomenon where voting behavior in Nigeria is strongly influenced by identity-based sentimental loyalty to ethnic, regional, and religious affiliations. The Tinubu–Shettima ticket of 2023 is not merely an example of a Muslim-Muslim alliance as popularly debated but rather a strategic partnership representing a powerful Yoruba–Northern Muslim electoral coalition. Tinubu, as a Yoruba political titan, symbolized the southwestern, populous, and politically vibrant Yoruba bloc, while Shettima represented the Northern Muslim electorate, a significant demographic force that has historically influenced election outcomes. This alliance functioned not just on religious credentials but on broader identity representation that allowed different groups to feel politically validated and included in governance.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-when-tinubus-endorsement-of-vice-president-kashim-shettimas-unwavering-support-speaks-volumes/

To understand the stakes, one must appreciate how Nigerian electoral politics operate under this framework. Identity politics, though often criticized for perpetuating division, remains a primary mechanism through which large sections of the population interpret their political interests and participation. For many Nigerians, political representation is not only about policies or ideology but also about whether they see their group’s history, values, and concerns visibly acknowledged and safeguarded. Kperogi emphasizes that emotional cartography generates an implicit contract: when a political ticket includes representatives from major ethnic and religious blocks, it reassures those constituencies that their place in the power structure is secure. Conversely, when this balance shifts or is disrupted, it risks alienating those blocs, triggering voter apathy, backlash, or realignment.

This dynamic makes the prospect of removing Shettima from the 2027 Tinubu ticket particularly perilous. According to Kperogi, Shettima’s presence was foundational to the 2023 electoral success because he symbolically anchored Northern Muslim support. The North is not monolithic, but the Northern Muslim constituency comprises a notable voting bloc that contributed significantly to Tinubu’s victory. Removing Shettima signals more than just a personnel change; it potentially conveys to Northern Muslims that their symbolic representation within the ruling coalition is being diminished or erased. Such a perception, Kperogi warns, would likely fracture existing alliances and result in a loss of critical votes during the next election cycle.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-when-tinubus-endorsement-of-vice-president-kashim-shettimas-unwavering-support-speaks-volumes/

Also, Kperogi critiques the assumption that replacing Shettima with a Northern Christian candidate would simply substitute one identity for another and thus maintain coalition stability. This overlooks key realities about the shifting affiliations and political histories of Northern Christians. Many Northern Christian voters have already gravitated toward alternatives such as Peter Obi, making them a less reliable base for Tinubu’s coalition vis-à-vis Northern Muslims. Hence, swapping Shettima for a Northern Christian does not guarantee a straightforward transfer of votes; instead, it risks weakening the Northern bloc’s overall cohesion in favor of less predictable political outcomes. In Kperogi’s assessment, this maneuver could cause Tinubu to lose more ground than he gains.

Beyond electoral arithmetic, Kperogi’s argument also extends into the broader realm of political sociology and conflict studies within Nigeria. Throughout history, Northern political elites have often leveraged religious identity—particularly Muslim solidarity—to mobilize voters and address perceived marginalization or exclusion in the national power matrix. Displacing Shettima, who embodies this Northern Muslim representation, could rekindle grievances and exacerbate fault lines that have periodically erupted into tension or violence. Thus, the “Shettima danger” not only encapsulates electoral risks but also potential destabilization of Nigeria’s delicate interethnic and interreligious equilibrium.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-when-tinubus-endorsement-of-vice-president-kashim-shettimas-unwavering-support-speaks-volumes/

Critically, Kperogi’s analysis does not endorse or glorify identity politics; rather, it pragmatically acknowledges it as an existing reality that shapes Nigerian political behavior. His contribution lies in highlighting that political actors who ignore these identity perceptions do so at their own peril. The idea that electoral success can be achieved solely through policy platforms or technocratic governance is, in Nigeria’s context, incomplete without considering the symbolism of inclusion and representation among diverse communities. Tinubu’s political fortunes, therefore, hinge upon maintaining a coalition that respects and reflects the ethnic and religious mosaic of Nigeria’s electorate.

Opponents of Kperogi’s view might argue that emphasizing identity risks perpetuating sectarianism and undermining efforts toward national integration. They may advocate for transcendence beyond primordial affiliations toward programmatic politics focusing on issues like economic development, security, and social justice. While such aspirations are noble and necessary for Nigeria’s long-term progress, the immediate political reality remains that identity-based emotional loyalty strongly influences voter behavior and political legitimacy. Dismissing this factor risks alienating vital constituencies and undermining political stability—a cost that Nigerian leaders cannot afford in the volatile current climate.

READ ALSO https://newsng.ng/2027-when-tinubus-endorsement-of-vice-president-kashim-shettimas-unwavering-support-speaks-volumes/

Indeed, Kperogi’s concept of emotional cartography offers a useful analytic framework to bridge the divide between identity politics critics and proponents. It encourages recognizing identity as a sociopolitical phenomenon shaped by history, culture, and lived experience rather than a mere obstacle to democracy. Through this lens, politicians like Tinubu must navigate identity sensibilities skillfully, balancing inclusivity and national unity without erasing distinct group identities. The Shettima matter exemplifies this challenge: it requires sensitivity to how symbolic representation operates alongside substantive governance to sustain broad-based political coalitions.

The assessment of the “Shettima danger” for Tinubu’s 2027 ticket should be regarded as a persuasive cautionary tale grounded in Nigeria’s political realities. Far from an academic abstraction, his insights illuminate why removing Shettima risks fracturing a crucial electoral coalition based on Yoruba and Northern Muslim alliances, thereby jeopardizing Tinubu’s political prospects. More importantly, it underscores how identity, symbolism, and emotional cartography continue to shape Nigerian politics in profound ways. For Tinubu and his party, success depends not only on policy effectiveness but also on adeptly managing the complex mosaic of representation and inclusion that defines Nigeria’s democratic landscape. To ignore Kperogi’s warnings is to court a political miscalculation with potentially far-reaching consequences for Nigeria’s fragile unity and democratic stability.

* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.

Kashim Shettima: Understanding Farooq Kperogi’s arguments on Tinubu’s 2027 ticket

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APC Bauchi: Counting the Losses

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APC Bauchi: Counting the Losses

By: Michael Olukayode

The All Progressives Congress (APC) in Bauchi State is gradually entering one of the most critical moments in its political history. What should have been a period of consolidation, unity, and strategic preparation has instead turned into growing confusion, internal resentment, massive defections, and the dangerous creation of unnecessary political enemies within the party.

Sadly, many loyal supporters believe this crisis was avoidable.

The root of the problem lies in the failure of the party to manage its internal affairs with fairness, openness, and genuine consultation. What many party members expected to be a transparent political process instead appeared to become a carefully controlled arrangement driven by personal interests and future political calculations.

Today, APC Bauchi is paying the price.

Unfortunately, many loyal supporters do not believe that M.A. Abubakar currently possesses the political strength, energy, or widespread acceptance needed to successfully confront the opposition in the present political climate. Rather than generating excitement and renewed confidence within the party, his emergence has instead deepened internal divisions, increased frustration among supporters, and accelerated defections across different political structures.

The political sidelining of some prominent aspirants such as Amb. Yusuf Maitama Tuggar remains one of the most painful developments for many supporters across the state. To thousands of APC loyalists, Tuggar represented not just another aspirant, but a modern political force capable of rebuilding confidence in the party and attracting broader public support.

He brought national visibility, diplomatic experience, youth appeal, intellectual strength, and growing grassroots acceptance. More importantly, he represented hope for a new generation of APC politics in Bauchi State.0

Unfortunately, many supporters now feel that merit, popularity, and acceptability were sacrificed for personal political arrangements.

What makes the situation even more dangerous is the perception that the entire strategy was designed around short-term interests rather than the long-term survival of the party. Many believe the arrangement was structured to return a former governor for a single remaining term while preparing the ground for another political ambition afterward.

This perception has become very obvious that the political damages caused is undeniable.

Today, APC Bauchi is no longer only losing members but it is creating more enemies.

And in politics, there is a major difference between losing supporters and creating opponents motivated by disappointment, anger, and exclusion.

Across the state:

  • Influential stakeholders are defecting.
  • Grassroots coordinators are withdrawing their loyalty.
  • Youth supporters are becoming frustrated.
  • Local party structures are weakening.
  • Silent resentment is spreading across many political camps.

Some of the individuals leaving the party are not ordinary members. They are people with political structures, loyal followership, electoral value, and influence within their communities. Every defection weakens the confidence of remaining supporters and strengthens rival political platforms.

The most dangerous part is that many of these crises are self-inflicted.

A political party cannot continue to sideline committed stakeholders, ignore growing dissatisfaction, and expect unity to survive automatically. Politics requires inclusion, consultation, and respect for those who contribute to building the party.

Unfortunately, APC Bauchi is beginning to appear divided between those protecting the future of the party and those protecting personal political interests.

This is creating bitterness that may take years to repair.

Many supporters who once defended the party passionately are now questioning their place within the system. Others have already moved on politically, while many more remain silent observers waiting for the next opportunity to make their decisions.

The reality is simple:
No political party grows stronger by humiliating its strongest assets.

No political structure survives for long while continuously creating internal enemies.

And no party with a weak candidate can successfully challenge opposition.

Therefore, this is a sincere call for urgent intervention before the situation becomes irreversible

The leadership of our great party APC, at both state and national levels, must act immediately.

Most importantly, the party must recognize the strategic political value of leaders like Amb. Yusuf Maitama Tuggar, whose influence, acceptance, and credibility remain important for the future strength of APC in Bauchi State.

Time is running out.
The warning signs are already visible.

The defections are increasing.

The frustration is growing.

And the losses are becoming impossible to ignore.

APC Bauchi must decide quickly whether it wants to build a united future or continue counting the losses.

Michael Olukayode is a seasoned journalist and public analyst

APC Bauchi: Counting the Losses

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