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Harmonising Nigeria’s public service retirement age discrepancies
Harmonising Nigeria’s public service retirement age discrepancies
By: Michael Mike
Mr David Adebayo and Ms. Ngozi Chinedu were two hardworking Nigerians with divergent career paths.
Adebayo, a senior administrative officer in the public sector, dedicated his life to the civil service.
By the age of 60 which coincided with his 35 years in service he retired, according to government regulations.
In contrast, Chinedu, a senior marketing executive at a multinational corporation, continued working until the age of 65, benefiting from the stability and perks of her private sector job.
Upon retirement, Adebayo encountered several challenges. His pension, often delayed and not adjusted to inflation, was insufficient for a comfortable post-retirement life.
Losing his employer-sponsored health insurance forced him to rely on the National Health Insurance Scheme, which barely covered his basic healthcare needs.
Not having enough leisure time during his service years, post-retirement financial strain and inadequate healthcare support took a toll on his well-being.
Chinedu’s experience was however markedly different. Working until 65 allowed her to amass a larger pension fund, ensuring financial security on her retirement.
Her private health insurance continued into her retirement years, providing comprehensive coverage.
The extended work period also meant that she enjoyed a better work-life balance and job satisfaction, marked by professional growth and substantial earnings.
In retirement, Adebayo and Chinedu’s lives further diverged.
Adebayo, without a solid post-retirement plan, struggled with social isolation and mental health issues.
Chinedu maintained her professional network and engaged in community activities, finding a sense of purpose and fulfillment.
This narrative reflects the impact of retirement age discrepancies in Nigeria.
It underscores the relentless call by stakeholders on the federal government to accede to the demand for the review and harmonization of the retirement age of all public servants across-the-board.
Many public analysts believe that harmonising Nigeria’s retirement age discrepancies by addressing the variations in retirement ages across all sectors in the country, is long overdue.
According to them, inconsistent policies that culminate in retirement age disparities in the workforce is discriminatory, counter-productive, and a morale killer.
The Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) has, for instance, persistently demanded that the retirement age and length of service in the entire public service be reviewed upward to 65 years of age and 40 years of service, respectively.
Reinforcing this standpoint, NLC President, Joe Ajaero, during the 2023 and 2024 May Day celebrations, reiterated that the organised labour was resolutely committed to its demand for the upward review and harmonization of public servants’ retirement age.
He said that increasing the years of service should be done uniformly across all sectors, instead of being selectively done in favor of just a few sectors of the public service in the country.
“Only a few establishments, including the core civil service, are now left out.
“We are, therefore, demanding that the age of retirement and length of service in the entire public service, including the core civil service, be reviewed upward to 65 years of age and 40 years of service,” Ajaero said.
Concurring with Ajaero, the Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre (PLAC), an NGO that is committed to strengthening democratic governance in Nigeria, also called for the immediate upward review of the retirement age of civil servants.
PLAC argued that this would facilitate an efficient pension administration process for the welfare of core civil servants, be they judicial officers like retired judges or public servants in any sector.
It was against this backdrop that former President Muhammadu Buhari on May 12, 2021, approved the upward review of the retirement age of health sector workers from 60 to 65, and catapulted that of consultants from 65 to 70.
The former President also signed a Law in 2022 increasing the retirement age for primary school teachers to 65, with no fewer than 15 state governments currently implementing it already.
On June 8, 2023, President Bola Tinubu signed a Constitution Alteration Act to amend Section 291 of the Constitution, to ensure uniformity in the retirement age and pension rights of judicial officers of superior courts.
This Act, the Fifth Alteration (No.37) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, eliminates disparity in the retirement age of judicial officers by harmonising it at 70 years.
It also reduces the period of service required to determine a judicial officer’s pension from fifteen to ten years.
Also, the Nigerian Senate recently passed a Bill to increase the retirement age for civil servants working in the National Assembly to 65 years or 40 years of service.
The Bill, which was initiated by the Parliamentary Staff Association of Nigeria (PASAN), has set tongues wagging across socio-political and ethnic divides.
PASAN has argued that increasing the retirement age would help fill the vacuum caused by retiring experienced officers and better utilize their experience while building the capacity of younger employees.
According to Sunday Sabiyi, PASAN chairman, the Bill is expected to be signed into law by President Bola Tinubu soon, and when signed, national and state assembly workers will retire at the age of 65 years and 40 years of service, respectively.
Similarly, the Association of Senior Civil Servants of Nigeria (ASCSN) has been upbeat in its call for an upward review of the retirement age for employees in the core civil service.
Joshua Apebo, ASCSN Secretary-General, while reiterating the association’s position, urged the trade union movement to ensure uniformity in retirement age in the public service.
Apebo argued that since judicial officers, university lecturers, health workers, and primary school teachers now enjoy the new retirement age hike, and with that of the legislature in view, it was only fair that it also benefitted other core civil servants.
Dr Gboyega Daniel, a public affairs analyst, picked holes in the discrepancies in retirement age in Nigeria, and called for immediate policy reforms to harmonise the benchmarks.
Daniel said that these discrepancies create perceptions of inequality, favoritism, and strain the pension system, which affects service morale and productivity, culminating in imbalances and potential sustainability issues.
According to him, varied retirement ages complicate workforce planning and disrupt the systematic transfer of knowledge and experiences.
“The civil service mandates retirement at 60 years or after 35 years of service, while the academia sees professors and other academic staff retiring at 70 years.
“Judges and justices in the judiciary retire at ages ranging from 65 to 70, depending on their positions.
“Ditto for teachers, who have since had their retirement age jacked up by the Buhari administration,” he said.
He, therefore, suggested immediate legislative actions to amend existing laws and implement policy reforms that would establish unified retirement age across all sectors.
Dr Tunde Balogun, a UK-based Nigerian, said the current debate about reviewing the retirement age and length of service was not limited to Nigeria.
“Recently, the UK Government said it was considering raising the retirement age of public servants from the current 60 years to 68 years.
“At the moment, retirement at age 65 years is common in many EU member states. Many countries have already decided to raise the retirement age to 67 years,” he said.
Experts say that reviewing the core civil servants’ retirement age to 65 years and 40 years of service as well as harmonising the discrepancies across the board, is a policy that is long overdue.
Although some critics argue that the policy would be inimical to the career progression of their younger colleagues and affect fresh employments, its proponents say the benefits far outweigh its demerits.
According to them, achieving uniformity in retirement age policy can leverage experience and expertise, enhance fairness, efficiency, and sustainability in workforce management and pension systems.
They believe government should demonstrate sincerity of purpose and apply a holistic approach to the issue.
Harmonising Nigeria’s public service retirement age discrepancies
News
Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions
Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions
By: Zagazola Makama
Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye Faye has dismissed Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko and dissolved the country’s government following months of growing political tensions between the two leaders.
The decision was announced late Friday through a presidential decree broadcast on state television.
According to the decree read by a presidential aide, President Faye “ended the duties of Ousmane Sonko and consequently those of the ministers and secretaries of state who are members of the government.”
No immediate replacement for Sonko was announced as of the time of filing this report.
The dismissal followed a parliamentary session earlier in the week during which Sonko openly criticised President Faye, further exposing divisions within the ruling political establishment.
Political observers said relations between the two leaders had deteriorated in recent months over issues relating to party leadership, governance direction and the management of state affairs.
Analysts noted that the development could introduce fresh political uncertainty in Senegal at a time the country is facing mounting economic pressures, including rising public debt and broader fiscal challenges.
The dissolution of the government is expected to trigger consultations within the ruling coalition ahead of the appointment of a new prime minister and cabinet.
Senegal has long been regarded as one of West Africa’s more stable democracies, but recent political tensions have continued to attract regional and international attention.
Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions
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Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle
Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle
By: Zagazola Makama
The dismissal of Senegalese Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko by President Bassirou Diomaye Faye marks the culmination of a political rupture that many observers had long considered unavoidable.
What once appeared to be one of the strongest political alliances in contemporary Senegalese politics gradually evolved into a tense rivalry shaped less by ideology than by competing ambitions, institutional contradictions and the struggle for control of executive authority.
For months, tensions within the ruling camp had become increasingly visible. Though both men emerged from the same political movement and jointly embodied the rise of the PASTEF coalition against former President Macky Sall, the coexistence between a highly charismatic political mentor and a constitutionally empowered head of state proved difficult to sustain.
The crisis is anchored in a fundamental institutional reality:Senegal’s constitutional system ultimately concentrates executive legitimacy in the presidency.
While the Prime Minister exercises substantial governmental authority, the President remains the central pillar of executive power, deriving legitimacy directly from universal suffrage and serving as the supreme authority of the state.
Sources say that the conflict emerged because Sonko increasingly projected himself not merely as head of government, but as an alternative center of political gravity within the state apparatus.
Public speeches, political positioning and repeated demonstrations of personal influence created the perception that two competing executives were operating simultaneously within the same administration.
In highly presidential systems, such arrangements rarely survive for long.
Political theorists have often observed that leaders who attain supreme office tend to resist the emergence of rival figures whose popularity, influence or visibility may overshadow their own authority. The situation in Senegal increasingly reflected that classic tension between institutional legitimacy and political charisma.
Sonko’s political trajectory has long been built around a populist and confrontational style that resonated strongly with segments of Senegalese youth and anti-establishment voters. His appeal stemmed from a mixture of direct rhetoric, anti-system positioning, nationalist discourse and his ability to embody political resistance during years of confrontation with the former administration.
However, the same qualities that fueled his rise may also have contributed to his political isolation. Sourcds note that charismatic populist figures often struggle to adapt from opposition politics to the discipline and compromise required in governance. A political strategy built around constant confrontation can become difficult to reconcile with the institutional restraints of executive power-sharing.
Over time, Sonko appeared increasingly convinced that he remained the true engine behind the ruling coalition’s legitimacy and electoral success. That perception may have encouraged attempts to expand his political influence beyond the traditional boundaries of the prime ministerial office.
For President Diomaye Faye, allowing such an imbalance to persist carried political risks.
The removal of Sonko ultimately reaffirmed a basic constitutional principle, regardless of personal popularity, a Prime Minister remains subordinate to presidential authority in Senegal’s current institutional framework.
By dismissing his Prime Minister, Diomaye signaled that he intended to fully exercise the powers attached to the presidency rather than govern under the shadow of a more dominant political personality.
The decision may also represent an attempt to consolidate state authority, reassure institutional actors and prevent the emergence of dual centers of power capable of paralysing governance. Yet the move is not without danger.
Sonko still commands significant grassroots support and retains strong influence within sections of PASTEF and among politically mobilized youth constituencies. His removal could deepen divisions inside the ruling coalition and potentially reshape Senegal’s political landscape ahead of future elections.
One of the major questions now facing Senegalese politics is whether PASTEF can survive the split without suffering a major internal fracture. Political history across Africa shows that when alliances forged in opposition reach power, tensions often emerge over authority, succession and control of state institutions.
Some party officials and elected representatives may rally behind the President, who controls the state apparatus and constitutional legitimacy. Others may remain loyal to Sonko due to his personal popularity and historical role in the movement’s rise.
The outcome of that struggle could determine whether Senegal experiences a relatively stable political recomposition or enters a prolonged period of institutional tension.
Another key factor will be public sentiment. During years of opposition politics, confrontation and political mobilisation energized large sections of the electorate. However, governing presents different expectations. Many Senegalese citizens now appear increasingly concerned with economic management, institutional stability, governance reforms and social calm rather than perpetual political conflict.
That shift may strengthen Diomaye’s position if he succeeds in presenting himself as a stabilizing statesman capable of governing above partisan rivalries. At the same time, any perception that Sonko has been politically sidelined or unfairly neutralized could trigger renewed political mobilisation among his supporters.
The crisis illustrates a recurring lesson in political systems across the world. Conquering power together is often easier than sharing it afterward. The Diomaye–Sonko alliance was extraordinarily effective as an opposition force united against a common adversary. But once in office, the unresolved question of who truly embodied executive authority became increasingly difficult to avoid.
What began as political complementarity gradually transformed into institutional competition.
The final outcome remains uncertain. Diomaye may emerge stronger by consolidating presidential authority, or Sonko could retain enough political capital to remain a major force capable of reshaping Senegal’s future political balance.
Either way, the rupture marks a turning point in Senegalese politics and may redefine the future trajectory of one of West Africa’s most closely watched democracies.
Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle
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Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes
Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes
By Comrade Philip Ikodor
KADUNA – When a soldier falls in the line of duty, the echoes of the final salute eventually fade, but for the families left behind, a silent and grueling battle begins. While these brave men defended the nation’s sovereignty with courage, their widows are often left to navigate a minefield of poverty, trauma, and social isolation.
In a decisive move to address these challenges, the Ashlee Momoh Foundation (AMF) held a special outreach event at the Golden Orange Gate Hotel in Kaduna State on Thursday, May 21, 2026. The initiative sought to provide a lifeline to the families of departed heroes, framed not as charity, but as a profound national debt of gratitude.

The Chairperson and CEO of the Foundation, Princess Ashlee Momoh, emphasized that the AMF remains committed to ensuring no widow walks alone. She noted that the sacrifice of a soldier continues in the quiet hallways of homes where wives suddenly become sole providers.
“Many military widows face a daunting reality: sudden loss of income, housing insecurity, and a lack of access to specialized mental health support,” Princess Momoh stated. “Unless intentional interventions are made, these families remain trapped in a cycle of hardship that dishonors the legacy of the departed. Your story does not end in sorrow; it continues in purpose.”

Princess Momoh outlined the Foundation’s three strategic pillars designed to bridge the gap between loss and self-sufficiency:
Economic Independence: Providing small business grants, financial literacy, and vocational skills to restore dignity and autonomy.
Securing the Future: Offering scholarships and tuition assistance so that children do not pay for their fathers’ patriotism with their education. Emotional Fortitude: Establishing counseling and wellness groups to ensure widows are seen, heard, and sustained.

The Chairperson called for a “whole-of-society” approach, urging the government, private sector, and philanthropic organizations to join in collective action. While government intervention is pivotal, she noted that partnerships are essential to scaling the impact of these programs.
The event featured the distribution of empowerment gift items and the announcement of new scholarship awards. Prominent guests, partners and volunteers in attendance included Special Guests of Honor, Air Commodore Chris Dola (Rtd), PhD, and General Brown Yakubu (Rtd), CEO of Golden Orange Gate Hotel, both of whom delivered goodwill messages and also contributed immensely in support of the Foundation’s mission.
Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes
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