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Harmonising Nigeria’s public service retirement age discrepancies

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Harmonising Nigeria’s public service retirement age discrepancies

By: Michael Mike

Mr David Adebayo and Ms. Ngozi Chinedu were two hardworking Nigerians with divergent career paths.

Adebayo, a senior administrative officer in the public sector, dedicated his life to the civil service.

By the age of 60 which coincided with his 35 years in service he retired, according to government regulations.

In contrast, Chinedu, a senior marketing executive at a multinational corporation, continued working until the age of 65, benefiting from the stability and perks of her private sector job.

Upon retirement, Adebayo encountered several challenges. His pension, often delayed and not adjusted to inflation, was insufficient for a comfortable post-retirement life.

Losing his employer-sponsored health insurance forced him to rely on the National Health Insurance Scheme, which barely covered his basic healthcare needs.

Not having enough leisure time during his service years, post-retirement financial strain and inadequate healthcare support took a toll on his well-being.

Chinedu’s experience was however markedly different. Working until 65 allowed her to amass a larger pension fund, ensuring financial security on her retirement.

Her private health insurance continued into her retirement years, providing comprehensive coverage.

The extended work period also meant that she enjoyed a better work-life balance and job satisfaction, marked by professional growth and substantial earnings.

In retirement, Adebayo and Chinedu’s lives further diverged.

Adebayo, without a solid post-retirement plan, struggled with social isolation and mental health issues.

Chinedu maintained her professional network and engaged in community activities, finding a sense of purpose and fulfillment.

This narrative reflects the impact of retirement age discrepancies in Nigeria.

It underscores the relentless call by stakeholders on the federal government to accede to the demand for the review and harmonization of the retirement age of all public servants across-the-board.

Many public analysts believe that harmonising Nigeria’s retirement age discrepancies by addressing the variations in retirement ages across all sectors in the country, is long overdue.

According to them, inconsistent policies that culminate in retirement age disparities in the workforce is discriminatory, counter-productive, and a morale killer.

The Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) has, for instance, persistently demanded that the retirement age and length of service in the entire public service be reviewed upward to 65 years of age and 40 years of service, respectively.

Reinforcing this standpoint, NLC President, Joe Ajaero, during the 2023 and 2024 May Day celebrations, reiterated that the organised labour was resolutely committed to its demand for the upward review and harmonization of public servants’ retirement age.

He said that increasing the years of service should be done uniformly across all sectors, instead of being selectively done in favor of just a few sectors of the public service in the country.

“Only a few establishments, including the core civil service, are now left out.

“We are, therefore, demanding that the age of retirement and length of service in the entire public service, including the core civil service, be reviewed upward to 65 years of age and 40 years of service,” Ajaero said.

Concurring with Ajaero, the Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre (PLAC), an NGO that is committed to strengthening democratic governance in Nigeria, also called for the immediate upward review of the retirement age of civil servants.

PLAC argued that this would facilitate an efficient pension administration process for the welfare of core civil servants, be they judicial officers like retired judges or public servants in any sector.

It was against this backdrop that former President Muhammadu Buhari on May 12, 2021, approved the upward review of the retirement age of health sector workers from 60 to 65, and catapulted that of consultants from 65 to 70.

The former President also signed a Law in 2022 increasing the retirement age for primary school teachers to 65, with no fewer than 15 state governments currently implementing it already.

On June 8, 2023, President Bola Tinubu signed a Constitution Alteration Act to amend Section 291 of the Constitution, to ensure uniformity in the retirement age and pension rights of judicial officers of superior courts.

This Act, the Fifth Alteration (No.37) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, eliminates disparity in the retirement age of judicial officers by harmonising it at 70 years.

It also reduces the period of service required to determine a judicial officer’s pension from fifteen to ten years.

Also, the Nigerian Senate recently passed a Bill to increase the retirement age for civil servants working in the National Assembly to 65 years or 40 years of service.

The Bill, which was initiated by the Parliamentary Staff Association of Nigeria (PASAN), has set tongues wagging across socio-political and ethnic divides.

PASAN has argued that increasing the retirement age would help fill the vacuum caused by retiring experienced officers and better utilize their experience while building the capacity of younger employees.

According to Sunday Sabiyi, PASAN chairman, the Bill is expected to be signed into law by President Bola Tinubu soon, and when signed, national and state assembly workers will retire at the age of 65 years and 40 years of service, respectively.

Similarly, the Association of Senior Civil Servants of Nigeria (ASCSN) has been upbeat in its call for an upward review of the retirement age for employees in the core civil service.

Joshua Apebo, ASCSN Secretary-General, while reiterating the association’s position, urged the trade union movement to ensure uniformity in retirement age in the public service.

Apebo argued that since judicial officers, university lecturers, health workers, and primary school teachers now enjoy the new retirement age hike, and with that of the legislature in view, it was only fair that it also benefitted other core civil servants.

Dr Gboyega Daniel, a public affairs analyst, picked holes in the discrepancies in retirement age in Nigeria, and called for immediate policy reforms to harmonise the benchmarks.

Daniel said that these discrepancies create perceptions of inequality, favoritism, and strain the pension system, which affects service morale and productivity, culminating in imbalances and potential sustainability issues.

According to him, varied retirement ages complicate workforce planning and disrupt the systematic transfer of knowledge and experiences.

“The civil service mandates retirement at 60 years or after 35 years of service, while the academia sees professors and other academic staff retiring at 70 years.

“Judges and justices in the judiciary retire at ages ranging from 65 to 70, depending on their positions.

“Ditto for teachers, who have since had their retirement age jacked up by the Buhari administration,” he said.

He, therefore, suggested immediate legislative actions to amend existing laws and implement policy reforms that would establish unified retirement age across all sectors.

Dr Tunde Balogun, a UK-based Nigerian, said the current debate about reviewing the retirement age and length of service was not limited to Nigeria.

“Recently, the UK Government said it was considering raising the retirement age of public servants from the current 60 years to 68 years.

“At the moment, retirement at age 65 years is common in many EU member states. Many countries have already decided to raise the retirement age to 67 years,” he said.

Experts say that reviewing the core civil servants’ retirement age to 65 years and 40 years of service as well as harmonising the discrepancies across the board, is a policy that is long overdue.

Although some critics argue that the policy would be inimical to the career progression of their younger colleagues and affect fresh employments, its proponents say the benefits far outweigh its demerits.

According to them, achieving uniformity in retirement age policy can leverage experience and expertise, enhance fairness, efficiency, and sustainability in workforce management and pension systems.

They believe government should demonstrate sincerity of purpose and apply a holistic approach to the issue.

Harmonising Nigeria’s public service retirement age discrepancies

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Troops repel bandits’ attack in AgatuBenue

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Troops repel bandits’ attack in Agatu
Benue

By Zagazola Makama

Troops of the Nigerian Army, in collaboration with the police, repelled an attack by suspected armed bandits on a joint patrol team in Agatu Local Government Area of Benue State.

Security sources said the incident occurred at about 9:00 a.m. on April 4, when the troops on routine patrol encountered the armed bandits.

According to the sources, the bandits opened fire on sighting the troops, leading to a gun duel.

“The troops responded decisively, forcing the bandits to retreat after a brief exchange of fire,” the source said.

The attackers reportedly fled through a nearby river, taking advantage of the difficult terrain.

The sources confirmed that no casualty was recorded among the troops during the encounter.

Following the incident, troops have intensified patrols and commenced combing operations in surrounding bushes to track down the fleeing suspects.

The operation is part of ongoing efforts by the military to curb banditry and sustain peace in the area.

Troops repel bandits’ attack in Agatu
Benue

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Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive

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Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive

By Zagazola Makama

Additional details have emerged on the identities of notorious bandit leaders eliminated during the recent military offensive in Tsafe Local Government Area of Zamfara State, where the son of feared kingpin Ado Allero and scores of fighters were neutralised.

At the heart of the operation was the elimination of Kachalla Iliya Sarki, the son of Ado Allero, alongside more than 65 fighters and several high-ranking commanders who had long orchestrated attacks, kidnappings, and cattle rustling across Zamfara and neighbouring states.

For years, the forests of Tsafe, Shinkafi, and Zurmi have served as operational bases for heavily armed groups, with Allero’s network emerging as one of the most feared. The death of his son, widely regarded as a rising figure within the hierarchy, is not just a tactical success, it is a symbolic strike at the core of the group’s command structure.

Security sources confirmed that the offensive, which targeted multiple camps in Munhaye and surrounding forest enclaves, led to the elimination of several key commanders.

Among them was Kachalla Biyabiki, a notorious kidnapping kingpin linked to numerous abductions in the western Tsafe axis. Intelligence indicated he had at least 10 victims in captivity at the time of his death, with ransom negotiations ongoing.

Also killed was Kachalla Dogon Bete, a feared field commander known for leading violent raids on rural communities and coordinating cattle rustling operations.

Other commanders neutralised include Kachalla Dan Bakolo, believed to be responsible for arms supply and logistics; Kachalla Na’Isa, a sub-commander involved in enforcement operations; Kachalla Yellow, linked to reprisal attacks; and Kachalla Mudi, associated with kidnapping activities along rural transit routes.

Together, these figures formed a critical part of the operational backbone of banditry in the Tsafe–Shinkafi corridor.

“These individuals were key actors within the network. Their neutralisation has disrupted command and control structures in the area,” a security source said.

The offensive, which targeted multiple camps in Munhaye and surrounding forest enclaves, also resulted in the destruction of hideouts and recovery of weapons and other logistics.

However, security experts warn that the killing of such high-profile figures—particularly the son of Ado Allero—may provoke retaliatory attacks by fleeing elements seeking revenge.

Troops have consequently intensified clearance operations, aerial surveillance, and aggressive patrols across Tsafe, Shinkafi, and adjoining areas to prevent regrouping and forestall possible reprisals.

Efforts are ongoing to track down remaining loyalists and dismantle residual cells operating within the wider Zamfara-Katsina forest corridor.

In Zamfara’s forests, where power shifts quickly and alliances are fluid, today’s victory can only be secured by tomorrow’s vigilance.

Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive

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Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed

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Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed

By Zagazola Makama

In Plateau State, the sound of gunfire is no longer shocking. It is expected. What follows each incident has also become predictable outrage, media attention, blames and accusations, as well as a rush to frame the tragedy within familiar narratives.

The latest reports of miners lynched by unknown gunmen have once again drawn national and international attention. Youth leaders, clerics, and advocacy groups are already describing the incident in sweeping terms, some branding it as genocide.

But beneath the headlines lies a more complicated and more troubling reality. Plateau is not witnessing isolated acts of violence. It is caught in a deeply entrenched cycle of reprisals, where attacks and counter-attacks have become the norm, and where truth is often buried beneath sentiment and selective narratives.

In the early hours of April 3, troops responded to a distress call from Sabongida village in Jos South Local Government Area. What they found was grim: the lifeless, beheaded body of a 30-year-old herder, identified as Shafiyu, lying in the bush. Security sources indicated that the killing was allegedly carried out by suspected Berom youths. Before the shock of that incident could settle, retaliation came swiftly.

Later that same day, armed men attacked an illegal mining site in Gyel village, Riyom Local Government Area. Three miners, including Samuel Davou, were killed in cold blood, while others fled for safety as troops moved in to secure the area. What might appear as separate incidents are, in reality, part of a continuous chain of violence, one feeding directly into the other.

Across Plateau, recent events reveal a troubling pattern that has defined the conflict for years.
On March 25, the body of Abdullahi Mohammed , a Fulani boy, was discovered in a shallow grave in Mangu Local Government Area, raising suspicions of targeted killing. On the same day in Riyom, irrigation farms belonging to several farmers were destroyed, by Fulani herdsmen, an act capable of provoking immediate retaliation.

Three days later, on March 28, gunmen assassinated Alhaji Bilyaminu Julde, a prominent Fulani community leader and Ardo of Gindiri, in Barkin Ladi. The attack, carried out at his residence, sent ignited tensions through the Fulani community and set off alarm bells across the state.

That same day, another flashpoint emerged in Riyom, where stray cattle destroyed farmlands in Tahoss village an incident that further strained relations between farmers and herders.
By April 2, violence had escalated again. In Bokkos Local Government Area, troops foiled an attack by suspected armed herders following a clash with vigilantes over grazing disputes. One vigilante sustained gunshot injuries.

Then came April 3, a day that encapsulated the crisis. Aside from the killing of the herder in Sabongida and the retaliatory attack on miners in Gyel, more killing were reported in Jos South.
On the same day, troops in Barkin Ladi recovered suspected rustled cattle reportedly taken by the Birom armed militia, while in Riyom, another Fulani youth was allegedly killed in an isolated attack. Each of these incidents is not just an entry in a security log. They are links in a chain, each one strengthening the justification for the next.

The Plateau conflict has increasingly been framed through singular lenses, often ethnic or religious. While these dimensions exist, they do not fully capture the complexity of what is happening on the ground. What emerges from security reports and field accounts is a cycle of reciprocal violence involving armed elements across communities. Fulani herders have been attacked and killed. Berom farmers and miners have also been targeted in deadly reprisals.
Yet, public discourse often pointing fongers only one side of the suffering.

This selective framing creates a dangerous distortion. It fuels anger, deepens divisions, and makes reconciliation even more difficult. More importantly, it prevents a clear understanding of the crisis one that is essential for any meaningful solution.

As observed by Simon Kolawole, the conflict has become a cycle of “attacks and counter-attacks, reprisals and counter-reprisals.”
In such an environment, violence becomes normalized. Communities begin to see retaliation not as a crime, but as justice.
Without accountability, peace remains elusive,”he said in his latest article, titled The Killing fields in plateau State.

In Plateau State, the search for peace has become a long, uncertain journey with no immediate destination in sight. Despite sustained military deployments and repeated calls for calm, deadly attacks continue to rage across communities, reinforcing a grim reality: this is a conflict deeply rooted in cycles of violence, mistrust, and silence.

For many residents, the first instinct after every attack is to look toward the government, Security forces and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Questions are asked why were the troops not there? Why was the intelligence not acted upon? Why are communities left exposed?

These concerns are valid. The primary responsibility of any government is the protection of lives and property. Yet, beneath these criticisms lies a difficult truth that is often left unspoken. In many cases, the same communities that demand protection are unwilling to confront the problem from within.

Across flashpoints in Riyom, Barkin Ladi, Bokkos, and Mangu, patterns have consistent which suggest that perpetrators of violence are not faceless outsiders operating in isolation. They are often known by name, by face, by affiliation. But they are rarely exposed. Instead, a culture of silence prevails. Fear, loyalty, and sometimes complicity prevent communities from identifying or handing over those responsible for attacks.

This silence creates a protective shield around perpetrators, allowing them to strike repeatedly without consequences. The result is a dangerous cycle: attacks occur, blame is assigned externally, and the real actors remain embedded within the communities.

There have been instances where youth leaders publicly blamed Fulani groups for atrocities even in cases where the victims themselves were Fulani. Such claims stretch logic and risk undermining credibility. The argument that a group would attack itself, rustle or poison its own livestock, and transport it into rival territory solely to assign blame raises fundamental questions.

While misinformation is a powerful tool in conflict, it cannot fully explain away patterns that are repeatedly documented by security agencies. These narratives, rather than promoting justice, deepen mistrust and inflame passions, making reconciliation more difficult.

This cycle has blurred the lines between victim and aggressor. Communities that mourn their dead today may be accused of launching attacks tomorrow. In such an environment, truth becomes contested, and justice becomes subjective. A herder is killed, reprisal follows.
Miners are attacked, revenge is planned.
Cattle are rustled, retaliation is inevitable. Each incident becomes both consequence and justification.

Intelligence gathering, the backbone of effective security operations depends heavily on local input. When communities withhold information, protect suspects, or distort facts, security agencies are left to operate in the dark.
This creates gaps that perpetrators exploit.
Blaming the government alone, without acknowledging this dynamic, presents an incomplete picture of the crisis.

Security forces have remained active, responding to distress calls, conducting patrols, and attempting to stabilize volatile areas. Yet, their presence has not been enough to stop the killings. The reality is that no amount of military deployment can fully secure a population that is unwilling to cooperate.

One of the most dangerous drivers of the conflict is impunity. For decades, perpetrators of violence in Plateau have rarely been brought to justice. Killings are recorded, condemned, and eventually forgotten until the next incident occurs.

Community, religious and youths leaders, who should serve as stabilizing forces, are increasingly unable to control armed youth groups. Such interventions are rare and often overshadowed by more powerful forces of anger and revenge. In many cases the leaders are the once directly fueling the crises and encouraging the youths to take up arms to carry out reprisals attacks.

The nature of the Plateau conflict makes it resistant to purely military solutions. This is not a conventional war with clear battle lines. It is a fragmented conflict driven by local grievances, economic competition, and historical mistrust.
Calls for heavy-handed interventions, including suggestions of foreign military involvement, fail to recognize this reality. Force alone cannot resolve a conflict that is rooted in social and communal dynamics.

If Plateau is to break free from this cycle, the first step must be honesty. The violence must be acknowledged for what it is a series of interconnected attacks involving multiple actors, not a one-sided campaign. Only then can meaningful solutions emerge.

This is not just a story of victims and aggressors. It is a story of a society caught in a loop of vengeance, where yesterday’s victim can become today’s perpetrator. Until the truth is confronted in its entirety without bias, without omission peace will remain elusive.

The government must move beyond reactive security measures and take decisive steps to address the root causes of the conflict. This includes ensuring accountability, strengthening intelligence capabilities, and facilitating genuine dialogue among communities.Equally important is the role of local leaders. They must rise above partisan interests and work actively to restrain their followers, promote peace, and reject all forms of violence regardless of who commits them.

Zagazola Makama is a Counter Insurgency Expert and Security Analyst in the Lake Chad Region

Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed

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