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How ground pressure, air power are reshaping the war against banditry in Nigeria’s North-West

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How ground pressure, air power are reshaping the war against banditry in Nigeria’s North-West

By Zagazola Makama

The opening days of 2026 have laid bare a defining reality of Nigeria’s North-West security landscape: the war against banditry is no longer episodic or localised, but a fluid, intelligence-driven contest unfolding simultaneously across multiple states, terrains and threat vectors.

From Katsina to Niger, Kano and Zamfara, a chain of interlinked incidents reveals both the growing effectiveness of air power and intelligence-led ground operations, and the stubborn adaptability of armed criminal networks determined to survive under pressure.

At the core of the evolving campaign is the decisive Nigerian Air Force (NAF) offensive under Operation FANSAN YANMA in Katsina State. Sustained Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance (ISR) enabled air assets to track the movement of about 50 motorcycles suspected to be ferrying armed bandits along a known infiltration corridor. When a large cluster converged in the Matazu axis, the convergence point was designated and struck with precision. Zagazola later obtained a video footage of the strike with dozens of bandits scattered and burnt beyond recognition.

The impact went beyond the immediate neutralisation of several bandits. By breaking a massed movement likely intended for an attack, redeployment or logistics transfer, the strike achieved a critical operational effect: fragmentation. In contemporary bandit warfare, where speed, numbers and surprise are force multipliers, denying criminals the ability to assemble is often as decisive as killing them outright.

Post-strike behaviour reinforced this assessment. Surviving elements scattered in disarray, disrupting coordination and degrading momentum. This pattern track, fix, strike, fragment increasingly defines the counter terrorism campaign in the North-West Operation FANSAN YANMA.

Yet the Katsina airstrike cannot be viewed in isolation. While bandit formations were being degraded from the air, armed groups continued probing vulnerabilities across the wider North-West corridor.

In Niger State’s Borgu axis, dozens of armed men on motorcycles attacked and set parts of a security outpost ablaze before fleeing. Although no casualties were recorded and no weapons lost, the incident carried symbolic weight. It illustrated the persistence of bandit and insurgent-linked elements in targeting state authority, particularly in remote, border-adjacent communities where response times are tested.

That same transnational dynamic was evident in the crash of a NAF drone on farmland in Kontagora. The drone, reportedly on an operational mission, pointed to the intensity and geographic spread of aerial surveillance and strike efforts. While no casualties were recorded, the incident illustrated the risks inherent in sustained high-tempo ISR operations across vast and rugged terrain.

On the ground, bandit violence continues to exact a human and economic toll. In Katsina’s Malumfashi axis, suspected bandits attacked Naino village, killing two residents and injuring six others. Joint security deployments, medical evacuation and blocking operations followed, but the incident reinforced a grim truth: even as air power constrains large-scale movements, smaller cells retain the ability to strike villages with lethal effect.

Similarly, in Katsina border communities near the Niger Republic, bandits rustled cattle and injured residents who attempted to resist them. Livestock theft remains central to the bandit economy, a source of funding, food and leverage over rural populations.

Further south in Kano State, attacks in Shanono and Tsanyawa LGAs revealed another layer of the conflict. In Farin-Fuwa village, bandits engaged responding forces in a gun battle that claimed the life of a soldier. In Tsanyawa, cattle rustlers struck and escaped before security teams arrived. These incidents show how bandit groups oscillate between direct confrontation and economic sabotage, depending on opportunity and resistance.

Zamfara State continues to illustrate the most complex end of the spectrum. In Bukuyyum LGA, armed bandits and elements of the outlawed YANSAKAI group carried out fatal attacks, including the killing of a civilian inside a mosque and the murder of local hunters along rural routes.

At the same time, swift intervention by security forces in another incident prevented the abduction of civilians, drawing attention to the difference timely intelligence and rapid response can make. Ongoing operations by the troops of Operation FANSAN YANMA in the Bukuyyum–Mada axis now focus on tracking fleeing elements, dominating forest corridors and recovering looted arms.

Taken together, these incidents reveal a theatre in transition rather than resolution. Bandit groups are increasingly constrained in their ability to move in large, coordinated formations, largely due to ISR-driven air operations. Yet they remain capable of opportunistic attacks, arson, targeted killings and cattle rustling, particularly in rural and border communities.

The response, correspondingly, is becoming more intelligence-centric. ISR now underpins both air interdiction and ground manoeuvre. Blocking operations, area domination and follow-on patrols increasingly complement strikes from the air, creating cumulative pressure that limits regrouping.

What is unfolding in the North-West is not a single decisive battle, but a campaign of attrition. Air power disrupts, dislocates and degrades. Ground actions deny escape, recover weapons and reassure communities.

Yet, the challenge remains far from over. Bandit networks are fluid, opportunistic and deeply embedded in difficult terrain. Sustaining pressure, maintaining ISR superiority and denying escape routes will be critical in preventing regrouping and retaliatory attacks.

The strategic lesson is clear: sustained dominance requires continuity. Tactical victories, no matter how precise, must be followed by relentless monitoring, cross-state coordination and disruption of the economic lifelines that sustain banditry.

As 2026 unfolds, early indicators suggest that when intelligence leads and force follows decisively, criminal networks pay a heavy price. The challenge ahead lies in sustaining this momentum long enough to convert battlefield success into lasting stability for communities across Katsina, Niger, Kano, Zamfara and the wider North-West region.

Zagazola Makama is a Counter Insurgency Expert and Security Analyst in the Lake Chad region.

How ground pressure, air power are reshaping the war against banditry in Nigeria’s North-West

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Troops kill five Falani bandits, including Kingpin “Baban Love” in Zamfara clash

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Troops kill five Falani bandits, including Kingpin “Baban Love” in Zamfara clash

By: Zagazola Makama

Troops of Operation FANSAN YANMA have reportedly killed at least five suspected bandits, including two notorious figures identified as Baban Love and Mai Zamani, during a gun battle in Tsafe Local Government Area of Zamfara State.

Sources said that the bandit kingpin also known as Baban Love, who was reportedly operating with his gang around Gunja, had moved with his fighters when they encountered security personnel, leading to a fierce exchange of gunfire.

According to the information, the security forces eventually overpowered the bandits, killing at least five of them during the encounter.

Mai Zamani was identified as the younger brother of Idi Mai Randa, another suspected bandit who was killed about five months ago.

Residents of Kwarin Ganuwa reportedly celebrated the news of the deaths of Baban Love and Mai Zamani, with their vehicles said to have been recovered and being paraded around the community amid celebrations.

The incident occurred in the western axis of Tsafe Local Government Area, an area that has witnessed repeated attacks by armed groups.

Security sources said efforts were ongoing to establish the identities of the other casualties and assess the weapons and other items recovered from the bandits.

Troops kill five Falani bandits, including Kingpin “Baban Love” in Zamfara clash

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ECOWAS CHAIRMAN FAYE ARRIVES ABUJA, TO ENGAGE COMMUNITY INSTITUTIONS

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ECOWAS CHAIRMAN FAYE ARRIVES ABUJA, TO ENGAGE COMMUNITY INSTITUTIONS

By: Michael Mike

President of Senegal and Chairman of the Authority of Heads of State and Government of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), Bassirou Diomaye Diakhar Faye, has arrived Abuja for an official visit to the regional bloc’s principal institutions and the swearing-in of newly appointed judges of the ECOWAS Court of Justice.

Faye arrived at the Presidential Wing of the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Abuja, on Monday, where he was received by the President of the ECOWAS Commission, General Birame Diop, senior officials of the Commission and representatives of the Senegalese Embassy in Nigeria.

His visit comes as ECOWAS continues efforts to strengthen its institutions and deepen regional cooperation amid challenges confronting the West African integration project.

During the visit, the Senegalese leader is expected to engage with the leadership and officials of the ECOWAS Commission, Parliament and Court of Justice, all based in Abuja.

He is also expected to attend the swearing-in ceremony of the new judges of the ECOWAS Court of Justice, placing the regional judiciary at the centre of his official engagements in the Nigerian capital.

The visit, according to the regional bloc, underscores the importance attached to strengthening unity, solidarity and institutional cooperation among member states as ECOWAS pursues its objectives of peace, stability, regional integration and sustainable development.

Faye’s engagement with the Community’s principal institutions is also expected to reaffirm the commitment of the Authority of Heads of State and Government to improving the effectiveness of ECOWAS institutions and advancing the bloc’s integration agenda.

The ECOWAS Commission, Parliament and Court of Justice constitute key pillars of the regional organisation, with the institutions playing different roles in advancing economic integration, democratic governance, community legislation and justice within the bloc.

The visit therefore provides an opportunity for the ECOWAS chairman to interact directly with the institutions responsible for implementing and supporting the Community’s regional agenda.

Faye assumed the rotating chairmanship of the ECOWAS Authority of Heads of State and Government as President of Senegal, making his engagement with the institutions headquartered in Abuja significant to the bloc’s ongoing efforts to maintain cohesion and strengthen institutional cooperation.

His arrival in Abuja further underscores Nigeria’s continuing importance as host country to the principal institutions of the West African regional organisation.

The President is expected to conclude his engagements with meetings with officials of the various ECOWAS institutions and participation in the judicial swearing-in ceremony.

The official visit was announced in Abuja on October 5, 2026.

ECOWAS CHAIRMAN FAYE ARRIVES ABUJA, TO ENGAGE COMMUNITY INSTITUTIONS

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Plateau government finally admits attack on Fulani traders when suddenly silence is no longer an option

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Plateau government finally admits attack on Fulani traders when suddenly silence is no longer an option

By: Zagazola Makama

Something rather unusual happened in Plateau today. The Plateau State Government actually condemned an attack on Fulani traders.

Yes, Fulani traders, although the official statement carefully introduced them as simply “traders,” perhaps because mentioning the word Fulani might make the incident slightly more uncomfortable for some people.

The attack on traders returning from the Kara Livestock Market in Bukuru left one person dead and seven others injured after their vehicle came under gunfire.

The government’s reaction is welcome. But it also leaves one wondering: Why does the government seem to become more interested in an attack only after it has become impossible to pretend it did not happen?

For years, the public has watched a familiar script unfold. An attack happens. Nobody wants to talk too much about it. Then there is a reprisal. Suddenly, the state becomes extremely concerned, press statements appear. Condolences are issued. The Governor personally visits the scene and tells them, “Nobody can take over your land,” while security agencies are urged to act. And the reprisal becomes the headline.

The government’s statement referred to the victims as “traders.” Nothing wrong with that, technically. But everyone knows who these particular traders were. They were peaceful Fulani pastoralists returning from a livestock market. So why the linguistic gymnastics? Is “Fulani” now one of those dangerous words that must be handled with protective gloves? If the victims had been identified as members of the Berom or Mwaghavul community, would their identity have been equally inconvenient?

And there’s this funny thing about the information ecosystem and propaganda platforms in Plateau. When the incident occurred, many Plateau-based platforms were quick to circulate claims pointing accusing fingers at Fulani militia attacking locals, with some calling for quick intervention. Then the narrative was convenient.

But when subsequent information reportedly pointed in another direction, including allegations involving suspected Berom militia, the same enthusiasm disappeared. The microphones became silent. And, rather mysteriously, the internet developed a severe case of selective mutism. The same platforms that had been shouting suddenly discovered the beauty of silence. The headlines vanished. The outrage suddenly lost its urgency. They pretended not to see the attack again. Why? Because the victims are Fulani.

Apparently, when the suspected attacker is Fulani, everyone becomes an investigative journalist. When the allegation points elsewhere, everyone suddenly remembers the importance of waiting for security agencies to investigate.
It is almost as if somebody is waiting for the second half of the tragedy because it fits the preferred narrative better.

Of course, there is another subject that nobody seems particularly enthusiastic about discussing: “cattle rustling”. And somehow, the subject continues to receive considerably less attention from government of Plateau state. On a daily basis, hundreds of livestock are allegedly stolen from Fulani herders in Plateau by militia groups. Hundreds of others are killed on a daily basis.

And here is the script: “You attack a pastoralist, steal his cattle, destroy his livelihood and then act surprised when the community becomes angry and carries out a reprisal. You then subsequently use the anger generated by that crime as proof that the original victim was the aggressor.” You will even hear some of the youth leaders always saying, “Just because they kill their cows, does that give him the right to attack us?” Let’s simply rearrange the chronology of the crimes in Plateau. If a Fulani person commits a crime today, he must face the law and pay heavy compensation. Infact, the Governor had issued a directive that any herder caught destroying farmland should be nutrialised.

But on the contrary, If a Berom person or any plateau local commits a crime by attacking a Fulani and killing their livestock, the next day, women will protest his arrest and demand that he must be released. In fact, the new name for criminals in Berom communities is “Defenders of the Land.”

At the same time, if a Mwaghavul person commits a crime, he must not face the law. And if any journalist should carry the report like Zagazola, ahh, that one is the spokesperson of the bandits. In this context, who are the bandits?
The innocent people that suffered the initial attack that led to the arrest of the Mwaghavul militia. In many Plateau communities, criminality means patriotism because the criminal belongs to the Berom ethnic group.

The government’s condemnation of the Bukuru attack is therefore welcome. But condemnation alone is not enough. If they really want to end this madness, they must also identify the attackers and take them out. They must expose anyone financing violence through stolen livestock or other criminal proceeds.

Most importantly, the government must resist the temptation to treat justice as a popularity contest. The question should never be, “Which community do we want to defend?”

Because if the state continues to condemn only the violence that fits its preferred narrative, then everybody will eventually become an expert at playing victim while the criminals quietly continue doing business.

Plateau government finally admits attack on Fulani traders when suddenly silence is no longer an option

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