Opinions

JOS, JOURNALISM AND THE PRIMACY OF A BEFITTING PRESS CENTRE

Published

4 years ago

October 28, 2021

News Net Global

Jos Main Market: Another Giant Leap for Lalong

JOS, JOURNALISM AND THE PRIMACY OF A BEFITTING PRESS CENTRE

BY CHRIS GYANG

When the final chronicles of Nigerian journalism are written, Jos, the Plateau State capital, will certainly occupy a key position – especially regarding the Middle Belt and Northern Nigeria. This is because, just as anywhere else in the world, the history of its media is also tied to the rich and sometimes tempestuous socio-political tapestry of the Middle Belt and Nigeria as a whole.

The AM arm of today’s Plateau Radio Television Corporation (PRTVC) started transmission in 1935 as a booster station of Radio Nigeria, Lagos – which was itself a relay station of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), London.

When Benue State was carved out of the then Benue-Plateau State in 1978, the AM radio station was re-named Plateau Broadcasting Corporation (PBC) that same year. It was also allocated frequencies as a full-fledged broadcasting house and subsequently taken over by the state government through Edict No. 4 of 1978 (see MEDIA, A Passion for Peace, A Commitment to Serve, THE PRTV PERSPECTIVE, 2005).

The legendary Joseph Dechi Gomwalk, of blessed memory, the first Military Governor of the then Benue-Plateau State (1967 – July 1975), would later build on this legacy by establishing The Nigeria Standard newspaper in June 1972 and later a television station – Benue Plateau Television (BPTV) – on February 25, 1975. This visionary leader was inspired by the urgent need to give the minority ethnic nationalities of the Middle Belt a voice of their own in the emerging Nigerian nation state.

Work on the television station had begun in the second half of 1973 with the construction of the studios while test transmission kicked-off in the middle of June 1974.

“But soon, the new television station would make a landmark breakthrough that would sign-post a major turning point in the history of television in Nigeria and the entire African continent. About five months after it was commissioned, BPTV became the first station in Africa to begin transmission in colour. This was later extended to its Mangun and Makurdi sub-stations.

However, in 1977, the Federal Military Government took over all state-owned television stations in the country through Decree No. 24 which established the Nigeria Television Authority (NTA). These are the antecedents of NTA Jos. Notwithstanding, that take-over, the late Professor Girgis Salama, an internationally renowned television expert and administrator who had been the catalyst for these innovative breakthroughs as the first General Manager of the illustrious BPTV, was undaunted, even upbeat.

In 1980, a planning committee was set up for the establishment of a state television station headed by Nde Gideon Barde, a seasoned journalist who had served meritoriously as the Chief Press Secretary to Joseph Gomwalk. On November 18, 1982, the Plateau Television (PTV) was commissioned by the late nationalist and leading politician, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe. He had come to Jos to also attend that year’s Nigeria People’s Party (NPP) national convention which was held at the Jos Township Stadium.

Late Chief Solomon Daushep Lar, the first Executive Governor of Plateau State (popularly known as ‘The Emancipator’), had initiated this project, following in the footsteps of Joseph Gomwalk. In 1985, the then Military Governor of Plateau State, Navy Captain Samuel Atukum, merged PTV and the state-owned AM radio station, Plateau Radio Corporation, to form the current Plateau Radio Television Corporation (PRTVC).

During the inaugural board meeting of The Nigeria Standard newspapers on October 31, 1972, Gomwalk had stated: “I believe that it is in the interest of good government and healthy society that a variety of organs are available for the effective enlightenment of our people on matters affecting their lives locally, nationally, and internationally.” He charged the new publication’s journalists to “join resolutely in the fight to eradicate the ills of corruption, greed, sectionalism and ignorance that are causing so much harm and wastefulness in our society, while at the same time emphasizing the positive and integrative aspects of our national efforts” (see J.D. Gomwalk, A Man of Vision, by Chief Anthony Goyol). These words continued to serve as the beacons for not only that flagship newspaper but the broadcast stations as well.

The Nigeria Standard newspapers and PRTVC would become training grounds and launch-pads for journalists and other media professionals from other parts of the country. This is more so when it is realised that the former Benue-Plateau State is present-day Adamawa, Benue, Kogi, Taraba, Nasarawa and Plateau states. The measure of the influence and reach of these media organisations was the running battles the valiant journalists in The Nigeria Standard would later have with military juntas bent on silencing the media from defending the rights of Nigerians against the injustices of jack-boot tyranny.

In this respect, the travails of my mentor and boss in the profession, Mr. Jonathan Ishaku, are very intriguing and dramatic. In 1986, the then Colonel Onojah, who had just been posted to Plateau State as Military Administrator, immediately proceeded to sack Mr. Ishaku, who was Editor of The Nigeria Standard, and the General Manager of its parent publishing company, Mallam Rufai Ibrahim. Apparently, the outgoing state executive council had been having a long running battle with the duo whom they had accused of turning the newspapers in the stable into a ‘Communist Manifesto’.

Col. Onoja had been persuaded during his first state EXCO meeting to sack the two journalists. Later, the military governor realised that his decision did not go down well with most Plateau and Nigerian citizens. Mr. Ishaku was reinstated in January 1987.

But he would once more be relieved of his position in August of that same year! The tabloid had penned an editorial criticizing the General Babangida junta for unilaterally sacking the CEOs of some banks. This had infuriated Babangida who personally drew the attention of the Plateau State military administrator to the offensive piece during a meeting with other governors. Interestingly, Mr. Ishaku got to know about his dismissal on the Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria’s 4.00 PM network news bulletin.

I also recall how a record number of six senior editors/members of the Editorial Board of The Nigeria Standard resigned to protest the annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election widely believed to have been won by the late Chief Moshood Abiola. They had written an editorial condemning that decision. The Babangida administration applied all manner of arm-twisting methods to make them retract the publication but they stuck to their guns. But they would be vindicated some years later when all of them are unconditionally reinstated.

For Gomwalk, launching the then Benue-Plateau State into the media industry in the early 1970s was an act of profound defiance against entrenched interests deliberating working to confine his people to the sidelines of history and stunt their overall human development. These fearless journalists were doing no less. They were defying and confronting a more vicious and despotic order that had virtually succeeded in cowing the majority of Nigerians into submission.

Clearly, the media had put Plateau State, especially Jos, in the national spotlight and turned this part of Central Nigeria into the mecca of journalism in Northern Nigeria. Its centrality in the Middle Belt, the relatively high educational standards and hospitable nature of the people, the cosmopolitan mix of Jos and its salubrious weather combined to make journalism practice very conducive and flourishing for journalists and media practitioners from within and outside the country.

As a matter of fact, there was a time in the history of Nigeria when you could hardly find a journalist, media practitioner, politician, technocrat, bureaucrat, academic, human rights activist, etc, in the country who had not had a stint in (or indirectly influenced by) one of Jos’ media houses or the academic and other institutions they had attracted to the state.

THE PLACE OF THE PRESS CENTRE

Because of the unique nature of the work of journalists, the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) Press Centre (referred to variously in different parts of the world) has become a major fixture and embodiment of journalism practice.

The NUJ Press Centre is not only a place for the convergence, work and relaxation of journalists and other media practitioners, it’s also an open space for citizens to freely express and disseminate ideas, views and their democratic and civil rights – be it in a democratic or despotic dispensation.

It is also a source of revenue for the NUJ. Aside offices for NUJ officials and a hall for hosting press conferences and other public/union functions, also located at press centres are shops and offices which are rented out to individuals for the purposes of restaurants, business centres, bookshops, grocery stores, boutiques, etc.

This is one of the main sources of revenue for journalists. It allows them a level of financial autonomy and saves them from the shame of perpetually going cap in hand begging governments and individuals for funds to pay staff salaries, carry out maintenance of the Centre, fund their activities (such as workshops and advocacy) and attend meetings at the zonal and national levels, among others.

A leader imbued with uncommon foresight, the late Solomon Lar had anticipated all of these needs and obligations when he graciously donated the current Press Centre building to Plateau State journalists in 1982. Its strategic location at the iconic Hill Station Roundabout confers on it the added advantage of a prospective commercial and tourist monument.

THE GOVERNOR LALONG INTERVENTION

Over the years, successive NUJ leaderships in the state have struggled to upgrade this property, which was built in the 1960s, so as to fully tap its huge commercial and other potentials but to no avail.

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However, in December 2019, the Governor Simon Lalong administration decided to step into this long-standing gap. It launched into a major re-modeling of the Press Centre which has transformed it into an architectural masterpiece. The official NUJ offices, shops, commercial spaces and restaurant are now more spacious and tastefully laid out to enhance the comfort and pleasure of both journalists and other citizens that would converge therein for various purposes.

No doubt, the Plateau State NUJ Press Centre is on the cusps of becoming a major attraction that would become the envy of journalists all over the country. This would, in effect, redound to that illustrious history of journalism in the state painted above.

However, only a little more work needs to be done to render it whole. Our findings show that what is outstanding – painting, installation of fittings, landscaping and furnishing – would cost about N30 million. Having completed 90% of the work, Plateau journalists believe that this bit of it would be completed within the shortest time possible. As they hopefully look forward to its completion, they are optimistic that this would finally release to them those major revenue streams which had dried up since the commencement of the project in 2019.

The completion of this project will no doubt unleash the huge potentials of this Press Centre which had laid untapped in the past decades. And the credit for this would go, in great measure, to Governor Simon Bako Lalong.

In a democracy, the press is referred to, and serves as, the Fourth Estate of the Realm, after the other three arms of government – executive, legislature and judiciary. This underscores the critical role journalists play not only in governance but in the overall development of societies and countries. Also known as the watchdog of society, the media ensures that governments live to the terms of their social contract with the governed.

Viewed from the above perspective, these gigantic steps of the Governor Lalong administration towards giving journalists a befitting press centre is a worthy venture that will further nurture and sustain Nigeria’s democracy and promote the values that underpin it.

(GYANG is the Chairman of the N.G.O, Journalists Coalition for Citizens’ Rights Initiative – JCCRI. Email: info@jccri-online.org)

JOS, JOURNALISM AND THE PRIMACY OF A BEFITTING PRESS CENTRE

Opinions

Opinion Editorial: Nigeria’s Reserved/Special Seats Bill: A Human Rights Imperative for Gender-Inclusive Democracy

Published

2 weeks ago

December 2, 2025

Ochuwa Ibrahim

Opinion Editorial
Nigeria’s Reserved/Special Seats Bill: A Human Rights Imperative for Gender-Inclusive Democracy

By: Oluwafisayo Aransiola Fakayode (Human Rights Lawyer & Gender Justice Advocate)
fisayoaransiola@gmail.com

Nigeria stands at a critical juncture in its democratic evolution. In few days, the National Assembly will cast a decisive vote on the Reserved/Special Seats Bill -a landmark bill that could reshape the country’s democratic landscape. The bill proposes creating temporary additional legislative seats that would be contested exclusively by women in Nigeria’s National and State Assemblies to address the country’s low rate of female political representation. At its core, this bill is not merely about increasing the number of women in legislative chambers, it is about affirming democracy’s most fundamental promise: equity.

For decades, Nigerian women have remained underrepresented in governance, their voices muffled in spaces where laws and policies are made and futures are decided. Women make up nearly half of Nigeria’s population, yet they hold less than 5% of seats in the National Assembly. This stark underrepresentation is not just a statistical anomaly; it is a democratic deficit. The bill seeks to correct this imbalance by guaranteeing women a minimum presence in parliament, thereby dismantling systemic barriers that have long excluded half of the nation’s population from meaningful political participation.

The bill is more than a political goal, it is a constitutional and human rights obligation hinged on the principles of substantive equality and affirmative action. This human rights obligation stems from Nigeria’s ratification of several relevant international and regional human rights treaties including the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (Maputo Protocol). These instruments place obligation on the country to eliminate barriers to women’s participation in political and public life.

Article 7 of CEDAW obligates States including Nigeria to take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women in the political and public life of the country, ensure women on equal terms with men have the right to vote in all elections, are eligible for election to all publicly elected bodies, participate in the formulation and implementation of government policy and are able to hold public office and perform all public functions at all levels of government. Similarly, Article 9 of the Maputo Protocol places obligation on States Parties to take specific positive actions to promote participative governance and the equal participation of women in the political life of their countries through affirmative action, enabling national legislation and other measures to ensure that women participate without any discrimination in all elections, women are represented equally at all levels with men in all electoral processes and women are equal partners with men at all levels of development and implementation of State policies. States shall also ensure increased and effective representation and participation of women at all levels of decision-making.

Critics of the Reserved/Special Seats Bill often argue that it undermines meritocracy. However, this critique confuses formal equality with substantive equality. While formal equality insists that men and women should be treated the same, substantive equality recognizes that identical treatment does not always produce fair outcomes when historical and structural disadvantages exist. In a society where patriarchal norms, economic disparities, systemic bias and discrimination within political structures hinder women’s access to political participation, substantive equality demands proactive measures. By adopting the bill, Nigeria would be practicing substantive equality: ensuring that women are not only formally entitled to participate but are actually empowered and equipped with a level playing ground to do so. This approach transforms equality from a theoretical promise into a lived reality, creating a legislature that reflects the diversity of the nation.

The bill is not about giving women an unfair advantage, it is about dismantling the barriers that have marginalized them for decades. It is a corrective measure to restore balance in a system that has historically excluded half of the population from political life. The temporary nature of the bill through including provision for a review to take place after four general election cycles (16 years) ensures that it serves as a transitional mechanism, not a permanent measure. It allows women to build political capital, networks, and experience that will enable them to compete on equal terms in the future. Article 4 of CEDAW explicitly permits temporary special measures to accelerate equality, acknowledging that without corrective action, women will remain marginalized.

The forthcoming National Assembly vote on the Reserved/Special Seats Bill is a defining test of Nigeria’s democratic conscience. Lawmakers must recognize that passing this bill is not an act of charity toward women, but a constitutional duty and a human rights obligation to uphold equity and women’s rights. By enshrining guaranteed representation, the National Assembly would be sending a powerful message that Nigeria is ready to build a democracy that reflects the full breadth of its people’s voices. The bill is more than legislation, it is a moral compass pointing toward a fairer, stronger, and more inclusive Nigeria. A democracy that sidelines women cannot claim to be inclusive, just, or truly representative.

As the National Assembly prepares to vote, the question before Nigeria is not whether women deserve a seat at the table, but whether the nation is ready to honor its democratic ideals by ensuring that everyone, regardless of gender, has the power to shape the country’s destiny. This is a litmus test for Nigeria’s commitment to women’s rights, equity, and democratic integrity. To oppose this bill is to endorse the status quo of gender imbalance. To support it is to affirm that democracy must reflect the diversity of its people. Nigeria cannot claim to be a true democracy while half its population remains politically invisible.

It is time to pass the Reserved/Special Seats Bill not as a favor to women, but as fulfillment of Nigeria’s human rights obligations.

Opinion Editorial:
Nigeria’s Reserved/Special Seats Bill: A Human Rights Imperative for Gender-Inclusive Democracy

Opinions

Voices Unbroken: Ending Digital Violence Against Women and Girls

Published

3 weeks ago

November 25, 2025

Ochuwa Ibrahim

Voices Unbroken: Ending Digital Violence Against Women and Girls

By Mohamed M. Fall,

United Nations Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator in Nigeria
Women face walls every day. Walls built by history, culture, and fear. They face them in schools, offices, homes, streets, and now, in the digital world. Globally, women are still denied full access to power, education, and safety. They are underrepresented in political spaces, earn less, speak less, and lead less.
Nigeria has made strides. More women are entering politics, business, and leadership.

Opportunities are growing. Yet barriers remain. Only a small fraction of elected positions are held by women. There is work to do. The path to equality is not yet complete.
Violence is still part of many women’s lives. In Nigeria, the 2024 Demographic and Health Survey shows that 21 percent of women aged 15–49 have experienced physical or sexual violence. That is one in five women. But there is progress. Physical violence has dropped from 31 to 19 percent, sexual violence from 9 to 5 percent. Numbers alone cannot measure the pain or fear. But they do show that change is possible.

While physical violence may be slowly declining, a new threat rises. Technology-facilitated gender-based violence hides behind screens, strikes in private messages, spreads on social media, and silences women online. It blocks voices in politics. It interrupts education. It threatens livelihoods. It can even trigger harm offline.

Across Nigeria, women journalists are attacked online for asking questions. Politicians face threats for standing up. Students are shamed and humiliated. Activists are trolled and impersonated. Women at home are stalked and coerced. Cyberstalking, image-based sexual abuse, sextortion, impersonation, hate speech—all have become weapons. These are not just stories in the news. They are daily realities. Behind every number is a woman whose rights are being challenged.

Globally, 16 to 58 percent of women report experiencing digital abuse. Emerging technologies make it worse. Artificial intelligence can create deepfake pornography, identity theft, and coordinated harassment. Studies show that 90 to 95 percent of deepfake content targets women. Technology should connect us, empower us, and innovate. Instead, it is sometimes misused to deepen inequality and fear.

Even as Nigeria embraces technology, gaps remain. Cyberlaws need stronger enforcement. Digital literacy can improve. Gender biases persist. Survivors often find little recourse. Stigma, impunity, and limited justice remain challenges. Yet, positive steps exist. The Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act of 2015 is a foundation. Advocacy flourishes. Nigeria is building systems that protect women.

We cannot wait. Ending digital violence requires every hand, every voice, every mind.
The government must continue its leadership. Strengthen the Cybercrimes Act. Address the borderless reach of online gender-based violence. Train law enforcement to respond to digital harm. Adopt a national framework on online safety. Invest in prevention. Teach digital literacy. Include healthy online behavior in life skills education. Support community action. These measures can protect and empower women and girls.

Technology companies must also act. Make online spaces safer. Improve moderation. Be transparent. Support local languages. Adopt Safety-by-Design. Collaborate with governments and civil society. Online platforms must empower, not oppress.
Civil society, media, traditional and religious leaders, parents, and teachers all have roles.

Advocate. Raise awareness. Support survivors. Challenge harmful norms. Promote respect, consent, and digital responsibility. Young people can lead by example, modeling safe and respectful online behavior.

Every one of us can make a difference. Pause before you share. Challenge online hate. Stand up for the targeted. Speak for the silenced. Together, we can transform Nigeria’s digital spaces into places where women and girls can speak, learn, lead, and thrive.

This year’s 16 Days of Activism theme—“UNiTE! End Digital Violence against All Women and Girls”—demands action. It reminds us that online abuse is not a private problem. It is a societal challenge. Ending it is a shared responsibility. Technology must lift us, not harm us. Rights must be protected. Voices must be heard.

We know the challenges are real. Gender inequality persists. Women are underrepresented in politics. Cyberviolence is rising. But hope is real. Change is possible. Courage exists in every girl who logs on to learn. Strength exists in every woman who speaks her mind online. Resilience exists in every survivor who refuses to be silenced.

Now is the time to act. Build policies that protect. Build systems that empower. Build a society where women and girls are safe online and offline. Where technology amplifies voices instead of hiding them. Where every woman can dream, aspire, and lead without fear.

We can create that future. A future where every woman and girl is free to speak, lead, and thrive. A future where voices are unbroken.

Voices Unbroken: Ending Digital Violence Against Women and Girls

Opinions

My Public Servant Journey

Published

2 months ago

October 22, 2025

Ochuwa Ibrahim

My Public Servant Journey

By Alhaji Abubakar Alhaji-Abba

Every journey begins with a single step, and mine into public service began on 22nd October 1990, when I took up an appointment at the University of Maiduguri Teaching Hospital (UMTH). At that time, I was a young man—full of ambition and determination—eager to contribute my quota to the growth of my community and my country. What I did not realize then was that this path would not only shape my career, but also mold my character, values, and outlook on life.

The Early Days

The early days were not easy. I started from the basics—handling routine administrative tasks, learning the intricacies of record-keeping, and adapting to the demanding environment of public service. It was a period that taught me patience, discipline, and humility. I quickly learned that in public service, dedication and accountability are not optional—they are the very foundation upon which trust is built.
I recall working long hours to ensure that essential records were accurate and supplies were properly managed. It wasn’t glamorous work, but it was crucial. Hospitals rely heavily on efficiency behind the scenes. Every file I handled and every item I documented could impact the quality of care delivered to patients in need.

As the years passed, I rose through the ranks. Promotions came not just as recognition, but as greater calls to commitment. Moving into supervisory and later managerial roles meant I was no longer responsible only for myself, but also for the performance and welfare of others.

Becoming Head of Department (Stores) was a defining milestone in my journey. I was entrusted with ensuring the availability and proper management of critical medical supplies. This role demanded a careful balance—ensuring accountability, minimizing wastage, and making decisions guided by both policy and ethics. It was during this phase that I fully grasped the weight of stewardship. Public service is about managing resources as if they were your own—because in truth, they belong to the people.

No journey is without its trials. The public sector in UMTH is not without its share of bureaucratic bottlenecks, resource constraints, and slow-moving systems. There were moments of frustration—delayed approvals, limited resources, or a lack of recognition.
But I learned to see these challenges as opportunities for personal and professional growth. They built in me a sense of resilience, resourcefulness, and purpose. Most importantly, they reminded me that true service is not about personal comfort, but about the collective good.

Looking back, I carry with me timeless lessons that have guided every stage of my career:

Integrity is priceless. In public service, honesty and transparency are the strongest currencies.
Service is sacrifice. It means putting the needs of others above personal convenience.
Leadership is responsibility. Being in charge is not about authority, but about accountability and inspiration.
Impact is not always visible. The value of one’s work lies in the quiet difference it makes in people’s lives, even when unrecognized.

Now, with 35 years of service behind me, I see this journey as more than just a career—it has been a life of service. A life defined by quiet but meaningful contributions to healthcare delivery, administrative efficiency, and community impact.
It is indeed a remarkable coincidence that on this very date, 22nd October 1990, I began my career in the service of UMTH—and today, 22nd October 2025, I formally retire. Exactly thirty-five (35) years of committed and honorable service.
This symbolic alignment of dates signifies not only the completion of a full circle but also a journey of unwavering dedication, growth, and fulfillment. I am deeply grateful to Almighty Allah (SWT) for His guidance and protection throughout this journey, and for granting me the grace to retire peacefully and honorably.

I am honored and fulfilled by the efforts I made and the contributions I offered—even in the face of challenges. My heartfelt prayers go to those still in service: May Allah (SWT) grant you wisdom, ease, and peace to complete your own journey with honor.
To the Management of UMTH, I offer this parting counsel:

Treat every member of staff with justice, fairness, and dignity.
Appointments and promotions should be based on merit and seniority—not favoritism, influence, or eye service.
Keep your promises and let honesty and transparency guide your decisions.
Let every staff member feel valued and motivated, and let patients feel the true presence of government through ethical, heartfelt service. Revive the ethical conduct and professionalism that once defined UMTH—a place where patients receive the best care and staff are proud to serve.

In Conclusion

Public service gave me a sense of purpose, pride, and legacy. Service does not end with retirement—it is a lifelong calling. And if I were to begin all over again, I would still choose this noble path.
Because in serving others, we find the truest meaning of life. Thank you.

Comrade Abubakar a distinguished and Meritorious Retiree of the UMTH lives in Maiduguri. He is an Administrative Veteran with Accomplished and legendary Pace setting records.

My Public Servant Journey