VP Kashim Shettima demonstrated leadership stewardship before, during, and after the burial of former President Muhammadu Buhari. 

By: Dr. James Bwala

Vice President Kashim Shettima exemplified exceptional leadership stewardship in managing the burial process of former President Muhammadu Buhari. Before the burial, Shettima played a pivotal role in expediting the repatriation of Buhari’s remains from the United Kingdom by waiving the standard five-day protocol, enabling their return within 24 hours. This swift action reflected his diplomatic acumen and coordination with international bodies, including the Nigerian High Commission in London. 

During the funeral proceedings, Shettima led a high-profile delegation alongside President Bola Tinubu to Daura, Katsina State, where they conducted a solemn and respectful ceremony. The inclusion of military honors and adherence to Islamic burial rites underscored his commitment to honoring Buhari’s legacy with dignity and reverence. 

After the burial, Vice President Shettima continued to embody stewardship by ensuring that Buhari’s final wishes for a modest ceremony were fulfilled. His leadership throughout the entire process not only facilitated national unity but also demonstrated respect for cultural and personal values associated with state funerals. 

Vice President Kashim Shettima’s execution of assignments as directed by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu exemplifies a rare form of loyalty that underscores the essence of servant leadership. His unwavering commitment to the president’s vision and collective national welfare highlights his prioritization of service over personal ambition, a hallmark trait of true servant leaders. By maintaining unity within the administration and acting as both mentor and strategist, Shettima demonstrates responsibility and dedication that transcend conventional political roles. This steadfastness not only consolidates the administration’s objectives but also fosters trust among stakeholders.

Shettima’s ability to remain composed amid provocations reveals a deep-seated character marked by resilience and selflessness. Such conduct frustrates detractors while reinforcing his credibility as a leader who serves with humility and loyalty. Ultimately, the vice president’s approach reflects an exemplary model of servant leadership in contemporary governance, where loyalty is intertwined with accountability and genuine concern for the collective good.

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The participation of Vice President Kashim Shettima in the burial process of the late former President Muhammadu Buhari in Daura represents a significant moment of humility and solidarity among Nigeria’s elite. By actively engaging in lowering the remains into the grave, Shettima transcended traditional boundaries often observed by individuals of high status, demonstrating profound respect and unity during a solemn occasion. Such involvement is rare, as prominent figures typically maintain a distance from physically participating in burial rites. However, Shettima’s actions inspired others present to similarly set aside their social ranks and partake collectively in honoring the departed leader.

This event underscores the potential for societal leaders to model empathy and communal values during times of loss. The collective effort at Daura not only paid homage to the former president but also sent a powerful message about national cohesion and shared humanity. It challenges conventional norms regarding status and ritual participation, encouraging greater inclusivity in public mourning practices. Consequently, Shettima’s example may foster broader cultural shifts toward unity across socio-political divides.

At the third day prayers, Vice President Kashim Shettima assumed a distinctly fatherly role that transcended mere political protocol. His engagement with sympathizers was marked by genuine empathy and approachable warmth, fostering a sense of communal solidarity during a period of profound grief. This compassionate demeanor not only comforted attendees but also reinforced social cohesion among mourners who sought solace in shared remembrance.

The Vice President’s interaction with the bereaved family was characterized by carefully chosen words of encouragement and rare personal reflections. These moments provided emotional sustenance and helped to bridge individual sorrow with collective resilience. His address functioned as more than a formal eulogy; it became a sermonic message imbued with wisdom and hope, intended to guide the family through their ongoing journey of mourning.

This paternal engagement by the vice president at such a solemn occasion underscores the vital role of empathetic leadership in times of national loss. The enduring impact of his words is likely to resonate within the family for years to come, serving as both a source of comfort and an ethical compass amid adversity.

Indeed, Vice President Kashim Shettima stands as one of the most exemplary figures in Nigeria’s democratic journey. His leadership is marked by a profound commitment to humanity and an unwavering reverence for ethical governance, qualities that have distinguished him from many of his predecessors. Shettima’s approach reflects a blend of empathy and accountability, fostering trust between the government and the populace. This humane leadership style has been instrumental in addressing socio-political challenges with sensitivity and pragmatism.

Shettima’s governance is deeply rooted in moral principles, often guided by the fear of God, which underpins his decision-making processes. This spiritual foundation enhances his credibility and integrity as a leader who prioritizes national interest over personal gain. Consequently, his tenure will be recorded in history as one characterized by sincere dedication to Nigeria’s progress and stability. Through his exemplary conduct, Vice President Kashim Shettima exemplifies what it means to lead with both compassion and conviction within Nigeria’s democratic experience. 

* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.

VP Kashim Shettima demonstrated leadership stewardship before, during, and after the burial of former President Muhammadu Buhari. 

“Guguwar Buhari “Is Gone: The End of Handout Votes in Arewa Politics

By Isaac Abrak

In the wake of Nigeria’s 2015 general elections, a powerful Hausa phrase emerged: “Guguwar Buhari” —literally Buhari’s whirlwind.It aptly captured the tidal wave of support that swept General Muhammadu Buhari and many others into power under the banner of the All Progressives Congress (APC). The whirlwind was so intense that it carried along even political unknowns—individuals with no record, reputation, or merit—simply because they stood beside Buhari, either on campaign posters or on the ballot.

That year, the APC logo became a winning ticket. Voters, driven by their deep trust in Buhari, voted for any name attached to it. The former general himself fueled this trend with his now-famous campaign line: “APC sama da kasa”—vote APC from top to bottom. And that’s exactly what the Talakawa (the masses), particularly in the North, did. From the presidency to the National Assembly, governorships, state assemblies, and local councils, a wave of victories was handed out—not earned—thanks to one man’s charisma.

But mere months into Buhari’s administration, another Hausa phrase quietly entered public discourse: “Guguwar Buhari ta kwashi yayi”—“Buhari’s whirlwind picked up garbage”. The people began to wake up. The same whirlwind that propelled leaders into power had also brought in many unqualified, self-serving, and underperforming politicians. Disillusionment replaced euphoria. The Talakawa realized that too many of their elected representatives were unworthy of the offices they held.

By 2019, the tide was turning. Buhari may have secured a second term, but many of those who had previously clung to his coattails were rejected by a more conscious electorate. The blind loyalty was fading. Voters began asking tougher questions and demanding results. Northern Nigeria was slowly moving away from political sentimentalism toward issue-based engagement.

In 2023, another dimension to Buhari’s political capital emerged—*tthe myth of his “sacred 12 million votes. For over a decade, Buhari had consistently pulled around 12 million votes in presidential elections, largely from the North. This voting bloc became a prized political asset. Every major candidate, including now-President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, sought to harness this number. Whether he succeeded or not is a matter for future political autopsy. But what’s no longer in doubt is that the *whirlwind* that delivered that power is now gone.

Some politicians still believe they can inherit this legacy—that they can simply stand in Buhari’s shoes and command the North’s votes. But such thinking is delusional.

As one guest rightly noted during a special NTA broadcast on the day of Buhari’s burial, those 12 million votes weren’t earned overnight. They were built over decades of public service—beginning with Buhari’s tenure as Military Governor of the old North-Eastern State, followed by his service as Minister of Petroleum, Head of State, Chairman of the Petroleum Trust Fund, and eventually President. It was a reputation forged through discipline, integrity, and patriotic service.

Even so, Buhari’s aura wasn’t untouchable. As his presidency wore on, the same Talakawa who had once idolized him began expressing disappointment. He was booed at campaign rallies in Kano and Bauchi in 2019, and most memorably in Maiduguri in 2020, when he visited after a Boko Haram attack. Angry residents chanted “Ba mu da shugaba!” (“We have no leader!”) and “Ba mayi!” (we don’t want!). His controversial border closure policy, intended to curb smuggling, had instead led to food scarcity and economic hardship. If “Mai Gaskiya” (The Truthful One) could be jeered, how much more any politician attempting to coast on his reputation?

Today, the Northern voter is changing. The Talakawa want more than slogans. They now demand:

• Functional hospitals
• Affordable, quality education
• Food security
• Reliable electricity
• Clean water
• And, above all, security from terrorism and violence

These are not campaign fantasies—they are expected deliverables. Any leader who wants to command the North must first prove they can deliver these essentials. The North is at a crossroads. It must move from dependency to productivity. Leaders must rise to this challenge or risk being discarded by a growing wave of enlightened voters.

Indeed, there is evidence of this awakening everywhere. On social media,young Northerners—many of them Hausa-Fulani Muslims—are openly rejecting traditional political formulas.Some now declare they would rather vote for a Christian-Christian ticket than a Muslim-Muslim one, if it means better governance. It’s tempting to dismiss this as fringe sentiment—but the message is spreading fast. And it’s reshaping public consciousness.

Let’s be clear: Buhari’s 12 million votes pampered a generation of politicians. Many rode on his back without offering anything meaningful to the people. That era is now behind us. The Northern voter is evolving. Political awareness is rising. And with it, a new demand for performance, integrity, and accountability.

Whoever aspires to lead the North, command the Talakawa, and inherit Buhari’s political legacy must offer more than recycled slogans. They must present tangible evidence of good governance not just political promises.

This shift isn’t a crisis—it’s a victory for democracy. And perhaps, it’s the greatest legacy Buhari leaves behind: a Nigeria where voters are thinking for themselves. If you doubt it, just wait for 2027. The Talakawa will speak again—and this time, even louder.

In death, Buhari has unexpectedly revived his 2015 campaign slogan:“Chanji Dole! no need to translate this one.

Isaac Abrak is a Hostile Environment Journalist, a One Nigerianist, and Chairman of the Northern Christian Youth Professionals.
isaaclinus@gmail.com

THE BIU FORUM: FEW THINGS TO KNOW.

By: A G Abubakar

The Biu Forum was a child of circumstances. It was born in response to the fall out from the August 1991 state creation exercise by the Babangida military regime which initially located Biu in Yobe but removed same after a couple of days. To push for a redress or for an answer, the Forum was initiated. Its drivers came from the entire spectrum of the present day Biu Emirate and Shani Chiefdom, who were then resident in Lagos, the former federal capital.The first meeting was held in October 1991 at Block 4, Flat 3, the Bar Beach Towers, Victoria Island.

The inaugural and subsequent meetings of the forum were attended by such personalities as Shettima Saleh, Saidu Pindar, Tahir A.Musa, PC Abdullahi Mohammed, Musa Yamta, Hassan Bdliya, John Balami, Audu Shettima, Sanda Usman, Adamu Abdullahi, Musa Shani, Major (now Gen) Usman, Muhammad Dili, Ahmed Kuru, Jibrin A.Jibrin, A.G.Abubakar (Convener along with Musa Yamta), Mamman Audu, Paul Mari, Ishaku Abdullahi, Sale Mari Maina, Major. Ibrahim Bantam, Samaila Mamman, Sule Usman, C.D.Gali, and many more. These foundation members nurtured the Forum for years in Lagos before the seat of government was formally moved to Abuja.

Some of them are of blessed memory (may the Almighty grant them His mercy, Ameen), though a lot more are still living. The major objective of the forum at inception was to build a unity of purpose to tackle the challenges facing Biu Emirate, particularly its excision from the then newly created Yobe State. Plus, the need to call for attention to the brazen discriminations visited upon Biu people in the state’s civil service, while also pursuing the creation of a Savannah State. Same, with extending moral and material supports to victims of natural disasters and others like the then Waka-Biu crisis.

It would be recalled that after the Babangida military government decided to split old the Borno State, late General Abacha, then the Chief of Army Staff and the defacto number “two” man, who happened to be of Borno extraction, was assigned to consult with the Shehu as well as other opinion leaders on the government’s proposal to curve out a new state out of Borno. Late Bunu Sherrif, a son of the soil (Goniri), who was then serving as Minister of Labour among others, was to serve as a facilitator. The rough edges were therefore smoothened.

Eventually, Yobe was created. The configuration of which comprised three emirates, namely Biu, Fika, and Bade. Borno and Bama emirates were to remain as the New Borno State. The number of local governments was equally balanced at 22 each. Now, it is lopsidedly 17 and 27 LGAs for Yobe and Borno, respectively.

Along the line, some forces opposed to the inclusion of Biu emerged. The first one was the supposed friction between the Emirs of Biu and Fika regarding the order of protocol. A smokescreen, however, because the real reason was that Fika Emirate was promised the State capital (precisely Potiskum), but that was if Biu wasn’t part of the equation. The other reason was that Biu and Borno Emirates had a historical tie that made the duo almost conjoined. This was also untenable in that Ngazargamo that served as the capital of the old Kanem-Borno was severed into Yobe State. In the end, Biu remains part of Borno.

This development polarised the citizens of Biu Emirate into two. The Elders were not so favourably disposed towards leaving Borno, while the larger youth groups were at home with Yobe.

The advantages they averred included the possibility of playing more dominant political and economic roles in the new state, given the fact that Biu used to hold and still holds the Deputy Governor portfolio in Borno. The emirates (Fika and Biu) equally serve as the manpower base of the region . State politics could turn out to be like Adamawa, where all ethnic groups and/or stripes of faith can become the number one citizen of the state. The Emir of Biu would naturally be the most senior, in addition.

Based on the foregoing, Biu made a case for inclusion or, better still, a re-inclusion into Yobe. A move that was resisted vehemently by certain quarters under the umbrella of BEDA. Others who lent their voices included the Birma, Galadima Stanley Balami, PC Ali Biu, and Alhaji Ibrahim Damchida, all of blessed memory.

The Biu citizens who were pushing for the readjustment initially got the support of His Royal Highness, the Revered Mai Umar, who gracefully endorsed the demand document titled, “A Call For the Adjustment of Biu Emirate into Yobe State.” Or rather agreed for the document to be endorsed on his behalf, which was done. However, under pressure from all corners, His Royal Highness had to reconsider his support, as the Emirate found itself in a difficult situation. It was this development and regardless of the push back that the Biu Forum was formed as an alternative platform to still pursue the inclusion of Biu and Shani into Yobe State.

A petition to the government, was subsequently produced and forwarded. And to get a wider publicity and forestall suppression the Forum’s document was sent to the press . The rested influencial national newspaper, the Sunday Concord of 6th October 1991 carried the entire document. Yours faithfully picked the bill.

One of the the committed and highly articulate members of the Forum at the time, Alh. Muhammed Shehu Birma had his relationship with his principal, the Hon. Minister, Bunu Sheriff strained because of his role and support. Alh. Birma was one of the Special Assistants to the Minister who worked tirelessly to obtain the concurrence of major stakeholders to buy into the Forum’s activities.

When the misunderstanding so created on account of the state creation seemed unabating, formal meetings were called by the late elder statesman Alh. Damcida at his Probyn road, Ikoyi, home to sort things out. The “family” gathering enjoyed the presence of late Dr.Saidu Muhammad, PC Ali Biu, A.G.Abubakar, Muhammad S.Birma, Amb. Saidu Pindar, Alhaji Madu Biu, Shettima Saleh, with apologies from Dr.Bukar Usman.

One of the resolutions that came out of the series of dialogues was an undertaking by Mallam to seek an audience with General Abacha for possible reconsideration of the petition. The outcome was the creation of Hawul and Kwaya Kusar LGAs, while Biu as a whole stayed in Borno State.

As time went on, moves got started to merge the activities of the Forum to those of the senior Biu Development Association, BDA. The BDA is now BEDA (Biu Emirate Development Association). The move never materialised and the activities of both slowed down. It took the efforts of patriots like Engineer Ibrahim Usman, Dan Masani Muhammad Ibrahim, Adamu Abdullahi, Amb. Saidu, Ibrahim M.Kwajaffah, Muhammad Buba, Mai Musti, Bukar Umar and a host of others to revive the Forum and keep it going.

So for all intents and purposes the Biu Forum was not a Biu Local Government outfit. It was initiated to protect and promote the interest of Biu and Shani Emirates. And indeed every Aburwa on the planet. How it became a Forum exclusively for Biu Local Government Area was maybe a later development to give the Forum a sharper focus. And maybe to ensure a seamless coexistence with the senior BEDA.This has been a short story of the now, 33-year old (1991 to –) initiative.

A.G.Abubakar agbarewa@gmail.com

THE BIU FORUM: FEW THINGS TO KNOW