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Mali, Russia, and the Collapse of a Dangerous Illusion

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Mali, Russia, and the Collapse of a Dangerous Illusion

By: Michael Mike

The coordinated jihadist assault of 25 to 26 April did not merely expose the limits of the AES and Mali’s military junta. It shattered the strategic illusion that has guided the country since its rupture with ECOWAS and the wider international community.
By Oumarou Sanou

The events that unfolded across Mali last weekend are not merely another chapter in the Sahel’s long-running crisis. They represent something deeper: the unravelling of a strategic gamble that replaced cooperation with isolation, institutions with propaganda, and diversified partnerships with dependence on a single, unreliable and overstretched ally.

On 25 April, coordinated attacks struck Bamako, Kati, Gao, Kidal, and Sévaré simultaneously. These were not isolated incidents but a synchronised offensive that exposed both the operational reach of jihadist groups and the fragility of the Malian state’s security architecture. Within hours, official claims of control began to crumble. By Sunday morning, Kidal had fallen. The Russian flag that had flown there as a provocation to France, ECOWAS, and the UN was gone. In its place stood silence, and a column of Africa Corps mercenaries negotiating a quiet, ignominious exit with the very armed groups they were contracted to defeat. This was not a tactical setback. It was the collapse of a narrative.
For pan-African observers who foresaw and warned of precisely this outcome, the moment calls not for satisfaction but for grief, reckoning, and an honest accounting of how Mali arrived here.
In November 2023, the Malian junta celebrated the recapture of Kidal as vindication: expel the West, distance from ECOWAS, embrace Moscow, and sovereignty would be restored. The claim was always hollow. Kidal was never pacified. It was occupied. No roads were built, no schools reopened, no trust rebuilt with local communities. Russian mercenaries committed documented atrocities in surrounding villages: summary executions, sexual violence, and burning of homes. They did not win hearts. They produced hatred. And hatred, given time and weapons, produces exactly what we witnessed last weekend.

Reports indicate that African Corps forces engaged briefly before negotiating their withdrawal, leaving Malian troops exposed nearly 1,500 kilometres from the capital. A senior Malian official told RFI that Russian forces had been warned of the impending attack three days in advance but took no action. Their eventual withdrawal, he suggested, appeared pre-arranged. That is not a security partnership. That is abandonment.
The human cost was grave. Defence Minister General Sadio Camara was confirmed dead. Intelligence chief General Modibo Koné and Chief of Defence Staff General Oumar Diarra were wounded. These are not routine battlefield losses. They are indicators of systemic failure at the highest levels of the state.
The Africa Corps responded with a press statement claiming sweeping success: 10,000 to 12,000 Western-backed attackers repelled, over 1,000 enemy casualties inflicted, and the presidential palace secured. One would almost admire the audacity, were the stakes not so human.
The documented facts tell a different story. Kidal fell. The Azawad Liberation Front escorted at least 400 Russian soldiers out of the city as evacuees, northward to Tessalit, 300 kilometres away. Fighters subsequently appeared at the Intahaka gold mine, suggesting further positions had been abandoned. Armoured vehicles were destroyed in Gao. Barracks in Sévaré fell to rebel control. Helicopters burned on the ground. The United States Embassy told its citizens to stay indoors. Even reliably pro-junta social media accounts quietly changed their tone by Sunday morning. This is not propaganda written with ink. It is propaganda written with Malian blood.
None of this should surprise serious observers. Moscow’s track record as a security guarantor is, at best, inconsistent. It disengaged from Assad in Syria when the strategic calculus shifted. It left Maduro to manage Venezuela largely alone. It proved of limited use to Armenia when it mattered most. In every theatre, the pattern is the same: arrive with noise, project influence cheaply, and withdraw when the cost rises. Moscow is too economically constrained to underwrite African development and too strategically transactional to sustain durable commitments. It seeks presence, resources, and optics. The safety of ordinary Africans is, at best, incidental.
The Alliance of Sahel States has fared no better. Faced with Mali’s gravest crisis in years, neither Burkina Faso nor Niger mobilised meaningful support. The alliance exists more in declarations than in collective action. Its members now watch events in Bamako with undisguised anxiety: if Russia cannot hold Kidal, what assurance remains for their own positions?
Before the junta expelled MINUSMA, African peacekeepers, including Nigerian troops, helped stabilise Kidal under difficult conditions. They shed blood in pursuit of regional security and were removed without transition or acknowledgement. The vacuum that followed is now plainly visible.
The events of last weekend are not a victory to be welcomed. The expansion of jihadist territory is a catastrophe for every Malian, and a direct threat to Nigeria and the broader region. A movement emboldened by military success does not respect borders. A fragmented regional posture only widens the openings that extremist networks exploit.
The lesson is not about choosing between external patrons. It is about recognising that no external actor, from the East or the West, can substitute for a coherent national strategy, accountable governance, and genuine regional cooperation. Sovereignty is not measured in flags or slogans. It is measured by a state’s capacity to protect its citizens, hold its territory, and create conditions for stability and growth.
On these counts, the current model in Mali has failed. The verdict is written not in policy papers but in burning helicopters and abandoned positions. Africa deserves partners, not patrons: relationships grounded in mutual respect and genuine commitment, not in the fantasy of an ally who negotiates its own withdrawal before the dust has settled.
The twilight of the Russian illusion in Africa is here. What happens next in the Sahel depends, in large part, on whether its leaders and their neighbours dare to learn the lesson.
Oumarou Sanou is a social critic, pan-African observer and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, regional stability, and African leadership dynamics.

Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com

Mali, Russia, and the Collapse of a Dangerous Illusion

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Senate to Enact Stronger Laws to Tackle Rising Drug Abuse

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Senate to Enact Stronger Laws to Tackle Rising Drug Abuse

By: Michael Mike

The Senate Committee on Drugs and Narcotics has thrown its weight behind the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), pledging stronger legislative backing and tougher laws to support the country’s escalating battle against substance abuse and illicit drug trafficking.

The commitment came on Monday during a courtesy visit by the newly appointed Chairman of the Senate Committee on Drugs and Narcotics, Senator Joseph Ikpea, to the Chairman/Chief Executive Officer of NDLEA, Brigadier General Mohamed Buba Marwa (rtd), at the agency’s national headquarters in Abuja.

In a move that signals renewed collaboration between the National Assembly and the anti-narcotics agency, Ikpea assured Marwa that the Senate would provide the legal and policy support needed to strengthen drug control efforts, expand rehabilitation programmes and intensify preventive campaigns among Nigerian youths.

The senator, who represents Edo Central Senatorial District, said his visit was aimed at fostering a closer partnership with NDLEA and learning from Marwa’s experience in public service.

“I am here to learn and partner with you so that our children who have gone into drug abuse can be rehabilitated, while others are prevented from falling into the drug trap through massive awareness creation and sensitisation programmes,” Ikpea said.

He praised Marwa’s record as former Military Governor of old Borno State, former Military Administrator of Lagos State and his leadership of NDLEA, describing him as a committed and result-oriented public servant.

According to him, the Senate is ready to support the agency through legislative interventions and reforms capable of addressing the growing drug menace in the country.

“We are happy to work with you and support you in all of these because we know you are already doing a great job but not getting as much as you need to do the work. We will partner with you through legislative support and necessary laws to subdue the drug problem in our country,” he stated.

Responding, Marwa described drug abuse and trafficking as a major threat driving several social and security challenges in Nigeria and across the world.

He, however, said NDLEA had recorded significant successes in recent years, including dismantling major transnational drug cartels, arresting high-profile drug barons and weakening criminal networks through the seizure and forfeiture of assets linked to illicit drug operations.

Marwa attributed the agency’s achievements to the support of President Bola Tinubu, the National Assembly and the judiciary.

“The drug problem is a major challenge that is at the root of some other social issues, not only in Nigeria but globally. However, we are doing our level best to curb the scourge and we are getting impressive results,” he said.

The NDLEA boss assured the committee chairman of the agency’s readiness to deepen collaboration with the Senate in advancing both drug supply reduction and drug demand reduction strategies nationwide.

He expressed confidence that Ikpea’s leadership of the Senate committee would further strengthen the national response to drug abuse and trafficking.

The meeting comes amid growing concerns over rising substance abuse among young Nigerians and increasing efforts by authorities to dismantle organised drug trafficking networks operating within and outside the country.

Senate to Enact Stronger Laws to Tackle Rising Drug Abuse

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How dialogue, military intervention prevented fresh bloodshed in Benue communities

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How dialogue, military intervention prevented fresh bloodshed in Benue communities

By: Zagazola Makama

For years, communities across Guma Local Government Area of Benue lived under the constant fear of attacks, reprisals and counter-reprisals that often turned minor disputes into deadly cycles of violence.

But according to the Commanding Officer of the Chief of Army Staff (COAS) Special Intervention Battalion 11, Lt.-Col. Donatus Otobo, a combination of military presence, community engagement and conflict mediation is gradually changing the narrative.

Speaking during a tour of his area of responsibility by defence correspondents on Tuesday, Otobo recounted several incidents that underscored the fragility of peace in the area and the delicate task facing troops deployed to maintain stability.

The commander described a disturbing incident involving an 11-year-old herder whose ordeal nearly triggered another round of communal violence.

According to him, the young boy was tending cattle around November when he was attacked by some locals who severed one of his hands.

“The boy was only 11 years old. We had to intervene quickly, rescue him and evacuate him to a military hospital for treatment.

“He spent about a month receiving medical care before he was reunited with his family,” Otoogu said.

However, what followed reinforced the battalion’s concerns about the dangerous cycle of revenge that has fuelled many conflicts in the area.

The commander said that barely two days after the boy returned home, another attack occurred in which two victims suffered similar injuries.

“From what we observed, it appeared to be a reprisal attack.

“That is the reality we face here. One incident triggers another, and before long, communities become trapped in a cycle of revenge,” he said.

Otobo noted that while public attention often focuses on attacks by armed groups, there are also numerous cases where unarmed herders become targets of violence.

According to him, troops have repeatedly intervened to prevent such incidents from escalating into wider communal conflicts.

“There are situations where herders who are not carrying weapons are attacked alongside their livestock.

“Sometimes their cattle are rustled, killed or butchered. We have responded to cases where dozens of cattle were either stolen or slaughtered.

“In one particular case, herders reported losing about 130 cattle. When we arrived, we could only physically account for about 60.

“The scene was disturbing. There were carcasses, blood stains, horns and evidence of widespread destruction,” he said.

The commander explained that such incidents often create fertile ground for retaliatory violence.

He said one cattle-rustling incident in particular had all the ingredients of a major crisis similar to previous large-scale attacks experienced in parts of Benue.

“That situation was a ticking time bomb.

“It could easily have degenerated into another major communal crisis if we had not intervened promptly,” he said.

Otobo said troops immediately engaged traditional rulers, community leaders, herder representatives and other stakeholders to calm tensions and prevent reprisals.

According to him, the sustained dialogue paid off, as the incident did not trigger further violence despite widespread anger among those affected.

“We brought together community leaders, elders and Fulani representatives.

“We listened to grievances from all sides and encouraged restraint.

“That incident happened more than seven months ago, and thankfully it did not escalate into a broader conflict,” he said.

The commander also offered insights into the factors that may have contributed to the deadly Yelwata attack that shocked the state.

He said findings from military investigations suggested that tensions had been building months before the incident.

“From our own investigation, the chain of events started around April when some criminals attacked herders, killed some of them and rustled about 100 cattle.

“The affected individuals apparently went away, regrouped and later returned.

“By June, the situation had escalated into the Yelwata attack,” he said.

Otobo stressed that the lesson from such incidents is that unresolved grievances, if ignored, can eventually snowball into major security crises.

He noted that Yelwata, which now falls under the battalion’s area of responsibility, has remained peaceful due to proactive security measures and constant engagement with residents.

According to him, community leaders specifically requested the deployment of troops from the COAS Special Intervention Battalion to maintain security in the area.

“Today, Yelwata is peaceful, and that is one of the achievements we are proud of.

“The people themselves requested that our troops remain there because of the confidence they have in our operations,” he said.

Otobo further disclosed that the security situation had improved significantly, particularly regarding the presence of armed herders.

He said reports of herders openly carrying assault rifles, which were once common, had virtually disappeared within the battalion’s area of responsibility.

“As I speak to you, since December last year, there has not been a single reported sighting of armed herders within our area of responsibility.

“Previously, farmers would regularly report seeing herders carrying AK-47 rifles.

“Today, those reports have stopped completely,” he said.

The commander attributed the improvement to sustained military operations and continuous engagement with both farming and herding communities.

He said troops regularly hold meetings with residents to educate them on the consequences of cattle rustling, reprisals and other actions capable of reigniting tensions.

“We constantly engage the communities and explain the dangers of taking the law into their own hands.

“We encourage them to report grievances through established channels rather than resorting to violence.

“I believe that has contributed significantly to the peace we are witnessing today,” he said.

The return of Guma and surrounding communities, the return of calm has translated into something they had almost forgotten, the ability to farm, trade and move freely without fear.

Yet Otobo believes the greatest achievement is not the absence of attacks, but the gradual rebuilding of trust among communities long divided by conflict.

“The military can provide security, but lasting peace comes when communities learn to coexist and resolve disputes peacefully.

“That is the direction we are working towards, and we will continue to support every effort that promotes peace and stability in this area,” he said.

How dialogue, military intervention prevented fresh bloodshed in Benue communities

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Alleged Cybercrime: Court Revokes Sowore’s Bail, Issues Bench Warrant Over Failure To Appear In Court

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Alleged Cybercrime: Court Revokes Sowore’s Bail, Issues Bench Warrant Over Failure To Appear In Court

The Federal High Court in Abuja, on Tuesday, issued a bench warrant for the arrest of online publisher and African Action Congress (AAC) presidential candidate, Omoyele Sowore, following his failure to appear in court as a defendant in the ongoing alleged criminal defamation suit brought against him by the Department of State Services (DSS).

Justice Mohammed Garba Umar ordered that Sowore be remanded at the Kuje Correctional Centre and brought before him on the next adjourned date being June 22, 2026 for ruling on the application he filed for recusal.

The judge had last December granted the politician bail based on self-recognition. He had at the time declined a request by counsel to the DSS, Akinlolu Kehinde, SAN, to issue an arrest warrant after Sowore and his lawyer failed to appear in court for trial.

However, at the resumption of trial on Tuesday, neither Sowore nor his lawyer was present in court. This prompted counsel to the prosecution to apply to the court for a revocation of the bail and the issuance of a bench warrant. The prosecution described Sowore’s absence as “delay tactics”.

The DSS had filed a five-count charge against Sowore over social media posts in which he referred to President Bola Tinubu as a “criminal”. Efforts by the secret police to make him pull down the post were rebuffed by the politician, who insisted that it was within his fundamental human right to freedom of speech to post as he liked. This prompted the DSS to file charges of criminal defamation against him.
Last month, the trial judge rejected Sowore’s “no-case submission,” ruling that the prosecution had established a prima facie case against him. In response, Sowore and his legal team accused the judge of bias and requested that he recuse himself.

Alleged Cybercrime: Court Revokes Sowore’s Bail, Issues Bench Warrant Over Failure To Appear In Court

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