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Revisiting the Malian Attacks and Their Implications for Nigeria

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Revisiting the Malian Attacks and Their Implications for Nigeria

By Samuel Aruwan

While traveling between Kaduna, Jos and Kafanchan on Saturday, April 25, 2026, where I spent the night, I followed developments in Mali closely. My keen interest in the unfolding events was shaped by my background as a student of conflict sensitive reporting, which has taught me to pay attention not only to attacks themselves, but also to the statements, signals and patterns that emerge in their aftermath. Reports of coordinated attacks across several locations were troubling enough. As the day progressed, three separate statements emerged, one from ‘Jama’at Nasr al Islam wal Muslimin’, known as JNIM, another from the ‘Azawad Liberation Front’, the FLA, and a third from the Malian Transitional Government.

Taken together, those statements reveal important signals about the changing security landscape in the Sahel and offer lessons Nigeria should not ignore.

The first statement came from JNIM, which openly claimed responsibility for the attacks and publicly acknowledged working with the ‘Azawad Liberation Front’. It said its fighters targeted the Presidency in Koulouba, the Ministry of Defence, Modibo Keita International Airport in Bamako, and military positions in Kati. It also claimed battlefield gains in Mopti, Sevare, Gao and Kidal, describing the Kidal operation as one carried out with the participation of its partners in the ‘Azawad Liberation Front’.

That language deserves close attention. Armed groups do not casually describe one another as partners, especially when they come from different ideological traditions. The choice of words suggests growing cooperation built around shared strategic interests.

The FLA’s own statement removed any uncertainty. It declared that its forces had taken control of Kidal and openly stated that the operation was carried out in partnership with JNIM. It also acknowledged participation in attacks against military positions in Gao under the same coordination.

This was a direct admission of operational cooperation.

The FLA framed its campaign as a struggle for territorial liberation. It accused the Malian military and Russian forces of worsening civilian suffering and called for international political and humanitarian intervention. In doing so, it sought to place its military operations within a wider political contest over the future of Bamako.

Then came the Malian Government’s statement, delivered by Brigadier General Issa Ousmane Coulibaly, Minister of Territorial Administration and Decentralization. The government confirmed that armed terrorist groups carried out complex and coordinated attacks against Kati, Sevare, Gao, Kidal and Bamako, resulting in casualties and injuries, while insisting the attacks were contained and the situation brought under control.

One phrase stands out, complex and coordinated attacks.

That admission points to planning, synchronized movement, communication networks and operational discipline. It suggests armed groups that are learning, adapting and becoming more capable of carrying out simultaneous attacks over wide distances.

The pattern is not entirely unfamiliar. On the night of January 28 into January 29, 2026, armed fighters launched a coordinated assault on Diori Hamani International Airport in Niamey and the adjoining Air Base 101, targeting strategic military assets and critical infrastructure. Similar patterns have also been attempted in Nigeria, including terrorist attacks on military positions in Mallam Fatori.

The difference in Mallam Fatori was the response. Nigerian troops mounted a coordinated and overwhelming counter offensive, neutralised dozens of terrorists, recovered arms and valuable operational enablers, and denied the attackers the momentum they sought. That outcome shows the value of preparedness, sound intelligence, rapid coordination and sustained pressure.

Success in places such as Mallam Fatori must not be treated as an endpoint. It must be consolidated, a point I have consistently made, including in my earlier article, “Nigeria’s Military Victory in Mallam Fatori and the Imperative of Consolidation”.

Recent warnings closer to home make that even more necessary. On April 16, 2026, Premium Times, quoting a leaked internal security memo, reported that terrorist groups were working together and plotting attacks on critical infrastructure between Abuja and neighbouring Niger State. The report drew attention to strategic facilities considered attractive targets because of their symbolic and operational value. I am certain that if there is merit in the leaked memo, Nigeria’s security forces and intelligence agencies will leave nothing to chance.

Read together, events in Mali, Niamey and developments within Nigeria point in one direction. Armed groups across the Sahel are adapting, building links and refining tactics. What is happening across the region is no longer distant from Nigeria’s security reality.

Nigeria has carried a heavy burden in confronting terrorism, and the Armed Forces of Nigeria have made enormous sacrifices in that fight. I speak with conviction on this, having covered conflict as an embedded journalist and later served in public office, accompanying troops to the frontline and witnessing firsthand the courage, discipline and sacrifice that define their service.

That sacrifice must be matched by steady resolve.

Nigeria needs stronger intelligence gathering, tighter border surveillance, closer coordination among security agencies, sustained disruption of illicit arms flows and deeper regional cooperation. Diplomatic differences within West Africa should never weaken collective action against threats that move freely across borders and exploit every gap in coordination.

The warning signs are there. Nigeria must remain vigilant, consolidate recent gains and keep steady pressure on terrorist groups wherever they operate.

Aruwan is a postgraduate student at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria.

Revisiting the Malian Attacks and Their Implications for Nigeria

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Gowon: US, UK Arms Ban Forced Nigeria to Seek Soviet Support During Civil War

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Gowon: US, UK Arms Ban Forced Nigeria to Seek Soviet Support During Civil War

By: Our Reporter

Former Head of State, Yakubu Gowon, has revealed that the refusal of the United States and the United Kingdom to supply arms to Nigeria during the civil war forced his administration to seek military support from the Soviet Union and a Lebanese black market arms dealer.

According to Gowon, the unexpected alliances proved decisive in changing the course of the war, which lasted from July 1967 to January 1970.

The disclosure is contained in Chapter Fifteen of his 859 page autobiography, My Life of Duty and Allegiance, unveiled in Abuja on Tuesday. President Bola Tinubu was represented at the launch by Vice President Kashim Shettima.

In the chapter titled If The Devil’s Ready To Help, Gowon recounted the intense struggle his government faced in sourcing weapons as Nigeria’s ammunition reserves dwindled dangerously by late 1968. He revealed that the country’s stockpile had dropped to about half a million rounds for the entire Army, an amount he considered grossly inadequate for sustained military operations.

He explained that international restrictions on arms sales prevented Nigeria from replenishing its military supplies, despite the escalating demands of the conflict.

“As the weeks of fighting wore on, our stock of ammunition was steadily depleted, and we could not replenish them because international sales restrictions prevented suppliers from selling military hardware to Nigeria,” Gowon wrote.

The former military leader added that the shortage forced him to halt further military advances after the capture of Enugu, restricting federal troops to positions around Okigwe and Umuahia.

“Left with no choice, I ordered the Federal troops to hold their position because I could not, in clear conscience, commit them to further advance knowing that the ammunition to sustain the effort was in short supply,” he stated.

Gowon also expressed disappointment with the stance of Western powers, particularly at a time when the United States was heavily involved militarily in Vietnam and Cambodia.

He recalled holding what he described as one of the most significant meetings of the war with the British and American ambassadors, hoping to secure support for Nigeria’s military efforts.

“If I say I’m not disappointed, it will be an understatement,” he said while recounting the encounter.

Gowon noted that he reminded the diplomats of his responsibility to preserve Nigeria’s unity and protect all citizens and foreign nationals living in the country.

He further recalled telling them before their departure from the State House that he would seek assistance from anywhere necessary to defend the nation.

“I will go to any devil to get what I need to deal with the problem and do my duty to my country,” he said.

According to Gowon, both ambassadors left the meeting without making any commitment, but by then, he had already resolved to pursue alternative sources of military support.

Gowon: US, UK Arms Ban Forced Nigeria to Seek Soviet Support During Civil War

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Community Court of Justice, ECOWAS Holds Second Moot Court Competition in Dakar

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Community Court of Justice, ECOWAS Holds Second Moot Court Competition in Dakar

By: Michael Mike

The Community Court of Justice, ECOWAS is hosting the second edition of its annual Moot Court Competition in Dakar, bringing together law students, academics and legal practitioners from across West Africa in a regional initiative aimed at strengthening legal education and deepening understanding of Community law.

The three-day competition, scheduled for May 20 to 22, 2026, is part of the Court’s broader drive to promote awareness of its jurisdiction and jurisprudence while equipping the next generation of lawyers with practical advocacy, research and analytical skills.

Organised under the theme, “Today’s Students, Tomorrow’s Jurists,” the competition is expected to provide participants with hands-on exposure to simulated legal proceedings, enabling them to bridge the gap between classroom learning and real-world legal practice.

This year’s edition will feature eight universities from francophone ECOWAS member states, including Benin, Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea, Senegal and Togo, while students from a university in Cape Verde will participate as observers. Each institution will field a team made up of two students and a faculty adviser.

The competition is structured in two phases — written and oral. During the written stage, participating teams prepare memorials for both the applicant and respondent based on a hypothetical legal dispute rooted in issues falling within the jurisdiction of the ECOWAS Court. The top-performing teams from the written assessments advance to the oral rounds.

The oral phase in Dakar will feature preliminary and semi-final rounds before designated panels, culminating in a grand finale where the two best teams will argue before a distinguished panel of judges. The event will end with an awards and closing ceremony recognising outstanding teams and participants, while a cultural tour is scheduled for May 23.

The maiden edition of the competition, held in Abuja in 2025, attracted participation from 13 Nigerian universities at the memorial stage, with eight advancing to the oral rounds. Ahmadu Bello University emerged overall winner of the inaugural edition.

Senior government officials from Senegal, members of the Senegalese judiciary and bar association, academics, media representatives, partner organisations and invited guests are expected to attend this year’s competition alongside judges and staff of the ECOWAS Court.

The Court said the initiative reflects its continued commitment to promoting legal excellence, strengthening access to justice and advancing human rights within the West African sub-region.

According to the Court, the programme is also designed to foster stronger institutional ties between the judiciary and academic institutions while nurturing a new generation of lawyers with deeper knowledge of Community law and regional integration mechanisms.

Community Court of Justice, ECOWAS Holds Second Moot Court Competition in Dakar

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Nigeria Unveils Net Zero Investment Plan to Unlock Climate Finance, Drive Green Growth

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Nigeria Unveils Net Zero Investment Plan to Unlock Climate Finance, Drive Green Growth

By: Michael Mike

The Federal Government of Nigeria has launched an ambitious Net Zero Investment Plan (NZIP), a major policy framework designed to mobilise climate finance, accelerate sustainable economic growth, and strengthen the country’s pathway to net zero emissions by 2060.

The plan, unveiled in Abuja by the National Council on Climate Change, represents a significant step in Nigeria’s efforts to translate its climate commitments into concrete investment opportunities capable of attracting both domestic and international financing.

Developed under the NDC Partnership’s “Global Call for NDCs 3.0 and LT-LEDS,” the framework received technical support from Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) GmbH and funding from the German Federal Ministry for the Environment, Climate Action, Nature Conservation and Nuclear Safety through the International Climate Initiative.

The NZIP is expected to serve as a strategic roadmap for implementing Nigeria’s long-term climate agenda by identifying priority sectors for investment, outlining financing needs, and proposing mechanisms to bridge existing climate finance gaps.

Government officials said the initiative aligns with Nigeria’s broader economic transformation agenda and reinforces the country’s aspiration to emerge as a leading climate-responsive economy in Africa in line with the African Union Agenda 2063.

The investment framework builds on key national policies, including the Nigeria Agenda 2050, the Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), and the Long-Term Low-Emission Development Strategy (LT-LEDS), all of which provide the policy backbone for Nigeria’s transition toward sustainable and climate-resilient growth.

Under the LT-LEDS framework, Nigeria targets net zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2060, while the NDCs outline short- and medium-term actions under the Paris Agreement.

Speaking at the launch, Country Director of GIZ, Markus Wagner, described the NZIP as a critical instrument for transforming climate goals into bankable projects capable of attracting large-scale investment.

According to him, the framework goes beyond policy declarations by providing a structured mechanism for mobilising public and private capital toward climate resilience, low-carbon industrialisation, and sustainable economic development.

Wagner noted that achieving net zero emissions would require strong collaboration among government institutions, development partners, financial organisations, and the private sector.

He said the plan demonstrates Nigeria’s determination to align climate action with economic development priorities while creating opportunities for innovation, green jobs, and long-term sustainable growth across strategic sectors of the economy.

Analysts say the launch of the NZIP could improve investor confidence in Nigeria’s green economy ambitions and position the country to access increasing pools of global climate finance targeted at low-carbon and climate-resilient development initiatives.

Nigeria Unveils Net Zero Investment Plan to Unlock Climate Finance, Drive Green Growth

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