News
Mali, Russia, and the Collapse of a Dangerous Illusion
Mali, Russia, and the Collapse of a Dangerous Illusion
By: Michael Mike
The coordinated jihadist assault of 25 to 26 April did not merely expose the limits of the AES and Mali’s military junta. It shattered the strategic illusion that has guided the country since its rupture with ECOWAS and the wider international community.
By Oumarou Sanou
The events that unfolded across Mali last weekend are not merely another chapter in the Sahel’s long-running crisis. They represent something deeper: the unravelling of a strategic gamble that replaced cooperation with isolation, institutions with propaganda, and diversified partnerships with dependence on a single, unreliable and overstretched ally.

On 25 April, coordinated attacks struck Bamako, Kati, Gao, Kidal, and Sévaré simultaneously. These were not isolated incidents but a synchronised offensive that exposed both the operational reach of jihadist groups and the fragility of the Malian state’s security architecture. Within hours, official claims of control began to crumble. By Sunday morning, Kidal had fallen. The Russian flag that had flown there as a provocation to France, ECOWAS, and the UN was gone. In its place stood silence, and a column of Africa Corps mercenaries negotiating a quiet, ignominious exit with the very armed groups they were contracted to defeat. This was not a tactical setback. It was the collapse of a narrative.
For pan-African observers who foresaw and warned of precisely this outcome, the moment calls not for satisfaction but for grief, reckoning, and an honest accounting of how Mali arrived here.
In November 2023, the Malian junta celebrated the recapture of Kidal as vindication: expel the West, distance from ECOWAS, embrace Moscow, and sovereignty would be restored. The claim was always hollow. Kidal was never pacified. It was occupied. No roads were built, no schools reopened, no trust rebuilt with local communities. Russian mercenaries committed documented atrocities in surrounding villages: summary executions, sexual violence, and burning of homes. They did not win hearts. They produced hatred. And hatred, given time and weapons, produces exactly what we witnessed last weekend.

Reports indicate that African Corps forces engaged briefly before negotiating their withdrawal, leaving Malian troops exposed nearly 1,500 kilometres from the capital. A senior Malian official told RFI that Russian forces had been warned of the impending attack three days in advance but took no action. Their eventual withdrawal, he suggested, appeared pre-arranged. That is not a security partnership. That is abandonment.
The human cost was grave. Defence Minister General Sadio Camara was confirmed dead. Intelligence chief General Modibo Koné and Chief of Defence Staff General Oumar Diarra were wounded. These are not routine battlefield losses. They are indicators of systemic failure at the highest levels of the state.
The Africa Corps responded with a press statement claiming sweeping success: 10,000 to 12,000 Western-backed attackers repelled, over 1,000 enemy casualties inflicted, and the presidential palace secured. One would almost admire the audacity, were the stakes not so human.
The documented facts tell a different story. Kidal fell. The Azawad Liberation Front escorted at least 400 Russian soldiers out of the city as evacuees, northward to Tessalit, 300 kilometres away. Fighters subsequently appeared at the Intahaka gold mine, suggesting further positions had been abandoned. Armoured vehicles were destroyed in Gao. Barracks in Sévaré fell to rebel control. Helicopters burned on the ground. The United States Embassy told its citizens to stay indoors. Even reliably pro-junta social media accounts quietly changed their tone by Sunday morning. This is not propaganda written with ink. It is propaganda written with Malian blood.
None of this should surprise serious observers. Moscow’s track record as a security guarantor is, at best, inconsistent. It disengaged from Assad in Syria when the strategic calculus shifted. It left Maduro to manage Venezuela largely alone. It proved of limited use to Armenia when it mattered most. In every theatre, the pattern is the same: arrive with noise, project influence cheaply, and withdraw when the cost rises. Moscow is too economically constrained to underwrite African development and too strategically transactional to sustain durable commitments. It seeks presence, resources, and optics. The safety of ordinary Africans is, at best, incidental.
The Alliance of Sahel States has fared no better. Faced with Mali’s gravest crisis in years, neither Burkina Faso nor Niger mobilised meaningful support. The alliance exists more in declarations than in collective action. Its members now watch events in Bamako with undisguised anxiety: if Russia cannot hold Kidal, what assurance remains for their own positions?
Before the junta expelled MINUSMA, African peacekeepers, including Nigerian troops, helped stabilise Kidal under difficult conditions. They shed blood in pursuit of regional security and were removed without transition or acknowledgement. The vacuum that followed is now plainly visible.
The events of last weekend are not a victory to be welcomed. The expansion of jihadist territory is a catastrophe for every Malian, and a direct threat to Nigeria and the broader region. A movement emboldened by military success does not respect borders. A fragmented regional posture only widens the openings that extremist networks exploit.
The lesson is not about choosing between external patrons. It is about recognising that no external actor, from the East or the West, can substitute for a coherent national strategy, accountable governance, and genuine regional cooperation. Sovereignty is not measured in flags or slogans. It is measured by a state’s capacity to protect its citizens, hold its territory, and create conditions for stability and growth.
On these counts, the current model in Mali has failed. The verdict is written not in policy papers but in burning helicopters and abandoned positions. Africa deserves partners, not patrons: relationships grounded in mutual respect and genuine commitment, not in the fantasy of an ally who negotiates its own withdrawal before the dust has settled.
The twilight of the Russian illusion in Africa is here. What happens next in the Sahel depends, in large part, on whether its leaders and their neighbours dare to learn the lesson.
Oumarou Sanou is a social critic, pan-African observer and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, regional stability, and African leadership dynamics.
Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com
Mali, Russia, and the Collapse of a Dangerous Illusion
News
Gowon: US, UK Arms Ban Forced Nigeria to Seek Soviet Support During Civil War
Gowon: US, UK Arms Ban Forced Nigeria to Seek Soviet Support During Civil War
By: Our Reporter
Former Head of State, Yakubu Gowon, has revealed that the refusal of the United States and the United Kingdom to supply arms to Nigeria during the civil war forced his administration to seek military support from the Soviet Union and a Lebanese black market arms dealer.
According to Gowon, the unexpected alliances proved decisive in changing the course of the war, which lasted from July 1967 to January 1970.
The disclosure is contained in Chapter Fifteen of his 859 page autobiography, My Life of Duty and Allegiance, unveiled in Abuja on Tuesday. President Bola Tinubu was represented at the launch by Vice President Kashim Shettima.
In the chapter titled If The Devil’s Ready To Help, Gowon recounted the intense struggle his government faced in sourcing weapons as Nigeria’s ammunition reserves dwindled dangerously by late 1968. He revealed that the country’s stockpile had dropped to about half a million rounds for the entire Army, an amount he considered grossly inadequate for sustained military operations.
He explained that international restrictions on arms sales prevented Nigeria from replenishing its military supplies, despite the escalating demands of the conflict.
“As the weeks of fighting wore on, our stock of ammunition was steadily depleted, and we could not replenish them because international sales restrictions prevented suppliers from selling military hardware to Nigeria,” Gowon wrote.
The former military leader added that the shortage forced him to halt further military advances after the capture of Enugu, restricting federal troops to positions around Okigwe and Umuahia.
“Left with no choice, I ordered the Federal troops to hold their position because I could not, in clear conscience, commit them to further advance knowing that the ammunition to sustain the effort was in short supply,” he stated.
Gowon also expressed disappointment with the stance of Western powers, particularly at a time when the United States was heavily involved militarily in Vietnam and Cambodia.
He recalled holding what he described as one of the most significant meetings of the war with the British and American ambassadors, hoping to secure support for Nigeria’s military efforts.
“If I say I’m not disappointed, it will be an understatement,” he said while recounting the encounter.
Gowon noted that he reminded the diplomats of his responsibility to preserve Nigeria’s unity and protect all citizens and foreign nationals living in the country.
He further recalled telling them before their departure from the State House that he would seek assistance from anywhere necessary to defend the nation.
“I will go to any devil to get what I need to deal with the problem and do my duty to my country,” he said.
According to Gowon, both ambassadors left the meeting without making any commitment, but by then, he had already resolved to pursue alternative sources of military support.
Gowon: US, UK Arms Ban Forced Nigeria to Seek Soviet Support During Civil War
News
Community Court of Justice, ECOWAS Holds Second Moot Court Competition in Dakar
Community Court of Justice, ECOWAS Holds Second Moot Court Competition in Dakar
By: Michael Mike
The Community Court of Justice, ECOWAS is hosting the second edition of its annual Moot Court Competition in Dakar, bringing together law students, academics and legal practitioners from across West Africa in a regional initiative aimed at strengthening legal education and deepening understanding of Community law.
The three-day competition, scheduled for May 20 to 22, 2026, is part of the Court’s broader drive to promote awareness of its jurisdiction and jurisprudence while equipping the next generation of lawyers with practical advocacy, research and analytical skills.
Organised under the theme, “Today’s Students, Tomorrow’s Jurists,” the competition is expected to provide participants with hands-on exposure to simulated legal proceedings, enabling them to bridge the gap between classroom learning and real-world legal practice.
This year’s edition will feature eight universities from francophone ECOWAS member states, including Benin, Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea, Senegal and Togo, while students from a university in Cape Verde will participate as observers. Each institution will field a team made up of two students and a faculty adviser.
The competition is structured in two phases — written and oral. During the written stage, participating teams prepare memorials for both the applicant and respondent based on a hypothetical legal dispute rooted in issues falling within the jurisdiction of the ECOWAS Court. The top-performing teams from the written assessments advance to the oral rounds.
The oral phase in Dakar will feature preliminary and semi-final rounds before designated panels, culminating in a grand finale where the two best teams will argue before a distinguished panel of judges. The event will end with an awards and closing ceremony recognising outstanding teams and participants, while a cultural tour is scheduled for May 23.
The maiden edition of the competition, held in Abuja in 2025, attracted participation from 13 Nigerian universities at the memorial stage, with eight advancing to the oral rounds. Ahmadu Bello University emerged overall winner of the inaugural edition.
Senior government officials from Senegal, members of the Senegalese judiciary and bar association, academics, media representatives, partner organisations and invited guests are expected to attend this year’s competition alongside judges and staff of the ECOWAS Court.
The Court said the initiative reflects its continued commitment to promoting legal excellence, strengthening access to justice and advancing human rights within the West African sub-region.
According to the Court, the programme is also designed to foster stronger institutional ties between the judiciary and academic institutions while nurturing a new generation of lawyers with deeper knowledge of Community law and regional integration mechanisms.
Community Court of Justice, ECOWAS Holds Second Moot Court Competition in Dakar
News
Nigeria Unveils Net Zero Investment Plan to Unlock Climate Finance, Drive Green Growth
Nigeria Unveils Net Zero Investment Plan to Unlock Climate Finance, Drive Green Growth
By: Michael Mike
The Federal Government of Nigeria has launched an ambitious Net Zero Investment Plan (NZIP), a major policy framework designed to mobilise climate finance, accelerate sustainable economic growth, and strengthen the country’s pathway to net zero emissions by 2060.
The plan, unveiled in Abuja by the National Council on Climate Change, represents a significant step in Nigeria’s efforts to translate its climate commitments into concrete investment opportunities capable of attracting both domestic and international financing.
Developed under the NDC Partnership’s “Global Call for NDCs 3.0 and LT-LEDS,” the framework received technical support from Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) GmbH and funding from the German Federal Ministry for the Environment, Climate Action, Nature Conservation and Nuclear Safety through the International Climate Initiative.
The NZIP is expected to serve as a strategic roadmap for implementing Nigeria’s long-term climate agenda by identifying priority sectors for investment, outlining financing needs, and proposing mechanisms to bridge existing climate finance gaps.
Government officials said the initiative aligns with Nigeria’s broader economic transformation agenda and reinforces the country’s aspiration to emerge as a leading climate-responsive economy in Africa in line with the African Union Agenda 2063.
The investment framework builds on key national policies, including the Nigeria Agenda 2050, the Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), and the Long-Term Low-Emission Development Strategy (LT-LEDS), all of which provide the policy backbone for Nigeria’s transition toward sustainable and climate-resilient growth.
Under the LT-LEDS framework, Nigeria targets net zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2060, while the NDCs outline short- and medium-term actions under the Paris Agreement.
Speaking at the launch, Country Director of GIZ, Markus Wagner, described the NZIP as a critical instrument for transforming climate goals into bankable projects capable of attracting large-scale investment.
According to him, the framework goes beyond policy declarations by providing a structured mechanism for mobilising public and private capital toward climate resilience, low-carbon industrialisation, and sustainable economic development.
Wagner noted that achieving net zero emissions would require strong collaboration among government institutions, development partners, financial organisations, and the private sector.
He said the plan demonstrates Nigeria’s determination to align climate action with economic development priorities while creating opportunities for innovation, green jobs, and long-term sustainable growth across strategic sectors of the economy.
Analysts say the launch of the NZIP could improve investor confidence in Nigeria’s green economy ambitions and position the country to access increasing pools of global climate finance targeted at low-carbon and climate-resilient development initiatives.
Nigeria Unveils Net Zero Investment Plan to Unlock Climate Finance, Drive Green Growth
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