Features/Analysis
My Binoculars: Of the ten-day protests, the health sector, malnutrition, and the failure of the government to care for the ordinary and vulnerable in Nigeria
My Binoculars: Of the ten-day protests, the health sector, malnutrition, and the failure of the government to care for the ordinary and vulnerable in Nigeria
By: Bodunrin Kayode
A recent critical debate within a platform of journalists of like minds prompted me to peep into my binoculars after a long absence. I usually enjoy such healthy debates, especially when we are trying to set an intricate agenda for ourselves to get the government at all levels to work harder for the people to whom we have sworn allegiance. work for and make comfortable. My attention was drawn to the fact that the Borno state government had to rush to take care of a vulnerable family whose breadwinner had virtually lost financial control and was unable to feed his family, leading to acute malnutrition affecting his kids. It was a pitiable sight if those grim pictures of Kwashiorkor I saw were the exact impression of what happened to the family. It was a clear indicator that food itself is medicine, and hunger can threaten and destroy the very health sector in Borno State and Nigeria if caution is thrown to the wind. Food is spiritual to Africans, so do not use it as a political weapon. get people to submit to you. They will surely fight back in due time.
Such sights are really not new in Borno within the last decade of my reporting of insurgencies and the health of the people. This is because the Boko Haram scourge actually gave rise to many of these ugly sights, which I have seen myself while hobnobbing with the health emergency. sector at the World Health Organization (WHO) center by the eye clinic on Damboa Road, Maiduguri. But this sight I saw, which led to our debate, was likely driven by the recent economic policies of the federal government against the masses of the country. One of the policies
which I have nothing against except for bad implementation, is the removal of subsidies on petroleum products, especially premium motor spirit (PMS). I believe the removal was done in the interest of the masses to torpedo the ruthless power of the petrodollar cabal, which has been feeding fat on the Commonwealth of the people. As much as the intention of removing it was good, the government’s fatal mistake, however, was that it was too sudden. It could have been done in a planned in a staccato manner so that the common man and the poorest of the poor will not have to be so devastated as to lose their economic powers to feed their families. Many pensioners who could not buy drugs for terminal illnesses have gone to the great beyond in Northern Nigeria because of the sudden hike in drugs. A retired teacher and widow I knew directed her grown-up kids to take her home when the doctors told her of the failure of both kidneys and that she would have to undergo dialysis to stay alive. She has since been buried. because the traditional herbs she resorted to to fix her kidneys could not help her advanced case of failure. Such cases should have been funded by the federal government without batting an eyelid.
The second unnecessary slap on the ordinary resident and the poorest of the poor is the weakening of the naira by a shark-like fiscal policy called flotation induced by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, who feel that development economists in Nigeria advising previous governments to resist it were so naive not to know that our naira is overvalued. One wonders how much these foreign “economy killers” know of Nigeria that they will need to guide our fiscal engineers on such a devilish policy that is virtually killing people, which is why there was a need for a ten-day protest to send a message to the federal government to reverse some of these corrupt-laden policies they have unleashed on our common purchasing power. Within the fiscal rhetoric of development economists in the All Progressive Congress (APC)-controlled government, the constant importation of petrol into an oil-rich country like Nigeria itself
cripples the naira. Swap deals of crude oil with powerful cartels, which have been estimated to be beyond three billion dollars, are a major clog in the wheels of economic progress. It is one of the reasons why the Dangote refinery is not receiving enough crude to pump. into the system and bring down the price of premium motor spirit (PMS). The argument of some of the big players in the industry is that Dangote is a newcomer, and he must wait for his turn to be lined up in the queue like every other person. I find such arguments myopic and insulting the common man whose relatives died in the cause of the last protest. Sadly, so many questions have been bugging the minds of helpless, right-thinking people in the country concerning the myriad mistakes of the federal government. Questions like, Why go further to float an already weak currency due to fiscal mistakes to achieve a target that aims to destroy the foundation of the country? Who are those angry with Nigeria for having one of the cheapest pump prices within the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) block? Are we sure some people somewhere have not sat down to plot to torpedo the biggest economy in By pulling the rug under the economic intelligence agencies, who should give contemporary Intel on blue-chip companies like NNPC to the government? And why are the young people so angry with this government?
which campaigned to be better than that of its predecessor? What is the role of too much party politics and the alleged insulating of the leaders from the economic reality on the ground?
Contribution of the partisan politicians and their party mechanisms to the impoverishment of their people
Since 1999, the political party machinery has always been the spoiler and hater of the middle and lower classes of people everywhere. They make so much free money from the weak institutions in the system that only those who can sing “dangerous songs” while looking into the eyes of
The political powers that be may be allowed to save the situation. That is, if they are not punished for daring them like they did to Senator Ali Ndume, a teacher turned politician, for speaking the truth to power. Most watchers of the polity were bewildered by the decision of the APC recently, who never saw anything right in a fearless politician making a fair comment against perceived wrongs of his party in sorting salient issues in the polity, including hunger. It is my opinion that
He only wanted his president to free himself from the “Lagos paddy paddy” cage they locked him in and come out to see the litany of economic woes that even his own people suffer from. That is my perception of what happened, surely not the mundane way they perceived it. It was an anti-party outburst in his criticism of wrongs in the “Arise” interview. The presidency should not start and end on the desk of the chief of staff, Oga Femi, who is a Lagos man like President Tinubu. Nigeria is far bigger than Lagos and the paddy’s of Lagos put together.
Let’s ponder some unfortunate credibility issues affecting the APC, which is why former President Obasanjo posited recently that, left to him, some of the leaders walking inside the corridors of power should
be in jail by now. By the way, who is the head of the ruling party, and what are his antecedents now? They cannot claim to be saints far different from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) after the maladministration of the last eight years, in which corruption was celebrated in another big way. They have now decided to unleash a chairman. of their party, who had suffered from well-reported grievous credibility issues himself when he was a governor of Kano State known to polity watchers in the country. Now we hear that the hoodlums who infiltrated the ten-day protest in Kano have stolen the record of evidence of corruption against the former governor turned party chair. President Obasanjo indeed cannot be extricated completely from the wrongs of some of these leaders who have held sway in power, like former President Goodluck Jonathan, whom he single-handedly chose to be deputy to President Yaradua but who was too weak to stop the open stealing practiced under his watch. The litany of woes orchestrated by corruption continued and stank heavily under President Mumamadu Buhari, while Betta Edu announced it under President Tinubu and received a suspension. Obasanjo is well aware that neocolonialism is real and may not be the only solution to a system that has been completely destroyed by the self-aggrandizement of the commonwealth of the nation by a few hawks who have now formed a shark-like petro-cabal already strangling over 200 million Nigerians to death with sudden lack and increased poverty through Petro politics.
Open stealing of palliatives by some ruling party stalwarts in Borno
I have a neighbor of mine who is regarded as the “woman leader” of the APC in Maiduguri and who gets several bags of palliatives each time they are declared by President Bola Tinubu or Governor Babagana Zulum to ease hunger. I would withhold her name for now because, even though she’s half-illiterate, it’s her wrongdoing that one is bothered about. She often sells some of the grains and keeps some in her home for consumption. Mark, food sharing in Maiduguri started long ago as a result of insurgencies, surely not due to economic reasons. And that is
Why, when sharing This middle-aged woman gives only those in her area loyalty, regardless of which party you belong to. Especially those who can lick her dirty boots. A generation of people in this area on the outskirts of Maiduguri who have nothing to do but wait only for Palliatives from the party and non-governmental organizations rely on her support, which she gets from prominent party leaders like Kakina, who is the mother of all women in the party. Sadly, this Chibok-born woman got her connections from stalwarts she grew up with and still
interacts with making it look like it’s her personal efforts that are feeding the vulnerable. She even named one of her sons after one of the party buffs to cement her loyalty within the corridors of the Borno APC power space. These kinds of perverse people also wait for non-governmental organizations (NGOs) who come around sharing food.
tickets through their Bulama, who residents say is as dangerous as a fox, having sold most of the lands and houses in the area with the support of one of the influential sons of the powers that be in the land. That is how far some people in party politics can go in the enslavement of their fellow residents using food that should be shared freely to assist rather than to entrench the scourge of hunger.
Party stalwarts like Senator Kaka Shehu, who used to fight for the poor through these kinds of people, would be shocked at the number of people that have been stripped bare of their livelihood by the current economic policies, yet they can’t get palliatives of seeds to even farm. during the rains if they are not related to the party. We are talking of the same party that brought the full weight of the dangerous conditionalities of the IMF to Nigerians. Sometimes one wonders who told them that our naira is so overvalued that it must be floated to reach their target of at least 5000 naira to a dollar or more. The floating of the naira by the central bank may have had its good and bad sides against residents. But I believe the bad side is higher because even the hard drug sellers destroying the young people of their party on Baga Road now complain of a bad market due to the naira devaluation. Party Tugs now ration the rate at which they buy weeds in the open market.
Why was there increased violence in some areas of the Borno capital?
It was quite clear that Borno had its fair share of violence during the protests, and sadly, eighty percent of those who jumped into the streets were kids who may not know even the reasons for the protests in the country. It was unfortunate that some people had to die considering the fact that Borno is battling with insurgency, which is
yet to come to an end. I don’t live in Bulunkutu, but I can tell you that one of the reasons why the recent protest against the government in Bulunkutu was so intense was because some stalwarts allege that the same party has not been fair to most residents there. As a matter of fact, even up to Ngomari since the death of an APC woman leader in June 2023 who died after a crash inside a Keke napep. Of course, she died while seeking medical treatment at Umaru Shehu Hospital under under the watch of Dr. Emmanuel Philibus, the Gwoza-born, strong man who the governor vowed would be sanctioned but is still there with no public explanation for his misdemeanor.
Intel sources stated that 90 percent of the palliatives meant for people in the hinterlands of Bulunkutu never got to them, and the people have been very bitter with the APC ward and local leaders out there. Even some party leaders beyond the old railway areas inside Bulunkutu were livid with rage when the party suggested that the very first palliative sharing for them last year should be done at the Bakasi idp camp, very far from “yan nounou” or the deep hinterlands, where 200 naira for the “Akara” snack is no longer enough for breakfast like before. That was why, at the instigation of the young people, the governor It was easy to start from there. When other wards in the metropolis saw this, hell was let loose even after the governor had called them into the multipurpose hall in the government house to beg for peace to reign and then the 24-hour curfew. And this window dressing was done by renting a home for the Kwashiorkor kids and their parents in Shuari. But are they the only ones suffering from malnutrition? The answer is no. The truth is that the party leaders are the very ones who unleashed this frightening malnutrition on their own. It’s a garbage-in and-out situation. You cannot vote for an ex-convict like
The Americans are trying to do it simply because he has a party card and expect him to behave in the right way when he gets into office. You don’t expect known thieves, based on the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission’s (EFCC) record, to behave any differently from what they know how to do, which is to steal. Which is why I agreed with one of the debaters that the stalwarts and party leaders should take the blame for any wrong done to the people at the bottom. If they don’t, they should be seen as insensitive to the plight of their people. Now
The party wants to window dress just one family for the world to see instead of doing the right thing and refusing to scapegoat anyone who does the right thing. The way to help the vulnerable is to cut the party system out of these palliative tasks and allow religious
organizations like the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) and (JNI) and the civil society to do the job of sharing raw food stuffs when it is necessary. It is obvious Governor Babagana Zulum may not fully trust his own party machinery when it comes to sharing food stuff, which is why he does most of the sharing himself instead of allowing what should go to the common man to pass through the depraved minds of some party tugs who are regarded as leaders in the 27 council areas of the state.
Pre-empting the next protest with solutions, not tough talking speeches
As for the ten-day protest, I would say its aims were partially achieved in the sense that those who were not telling President Tinubu the untruths of the flotation of the naira and what it had done to the country were silenced. The president and his wife, Remi, would have I watched these protests live from their living room inside Aso Rock, and I can imagine Aunty Remi telling him to do something different from what the fiscal engineers like Wale Edun packaged by the West are saying. I don’t believe President Tinubu can be caged because he is an old businessman who understands all the intrigues behind the controversial oil industry. He is also coming from the home of a market woman and a wife who understood the price of gari before 2014, and now that it is about N1500 and more for a small paint cup in some states. Above all, he does not have a docile woman in his life as a housewife. Remi was and still is a senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. She only stepped aside to assist in the supervision of his life in the State House, considering the critical nature of his health. She is a Senator of the Federal Republic on leave who would dare get to the market for herself to buy stuff, but for the overprotection of some indolent security details who would remind her of her kitchen staff. But I believe she knows how much a cup of gari is in Saki, Abeokuta, Dutse, Okigwe, or even in the Okumagba area of Warri. She
should be telling his excellency the truth about the anger of Nigerians over the high cost of food or drugs to patch their health as a result of the devaluation of the naira. She should be advising him on how to avoid offending the young people so that they will not shut down the country for a second time. That will not be.
pleasant at all.
One is happy, however, that one of the aftermaths of the protests was the announcement by the government that very soon, all graduates of tertiary institutions would be given a stipend until they got a job. That is an exciting development that should have started long ago. In fact, it should have gone side by side with the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC), but it is not too late. We would also suggest that the health insurance scheme be adjusted to cover free of charge all seniors from the age of 70 and above. As a matter of fact, a special fund should be created to take care of the healthcare of seniors over the age of 65. There is no need for any contribution; just show up at the hospital with your national ID card, and you are registered. As long as one is a senior, treatment should be free and on the account of the government in all 36 states. That would extend the life expectancy.
of residents in the country.
Obvious solutions to hunger and homelessness in the land
As for food security, nobody should be allowed to go to bed hungry if they possess a national ID card. Billionaires in the country should be called upon to urgently contribute to building “soup kitchens” all over the country. We can start with 500 of them for a start in the
country, but we need at least a thousand kitchens scattered in the 36 states of the federation to kill hunger and malnutrition. That is an average of about 27 outlets per state, regardless of the council areas and the population. Rich states like Lagos can have more, depending on the council areas. The intention is to make sure that every child of vulnerable age can branch, stay in line, eat a good meal, and go home. Soup kitchens should be open till midnight daily and by 5 a.m. for breakfast, so they eat before going to school. As a matter of fact, the building of soup kitchens for the vulnerable to go eat daily till the end of the first tenure of the government would be a welcome development. At least that has always been the advocacy of Senator Ali. Ndume for a long time before now. Hunger doesn’t know shame, race, tribe, or creed. The founders of the United States knew this long ago, which is why they now have support for any form of vulnerability or disability. With the help of more than 61,000 food pantries and soup
kitchens, food banks provide some 46 million people with free food each year in the US. Tens of millions of volunteers regularly support the system by donating time and money. Our population is over 200 million now. If we don’t have food kitchens, pantries, or banks to supply people with food, then we will be damned in the near future. This is a path Nigeria must follow to avoid young people feeling cheated and deprived of their common wealth by a few criminal minds stealing billions annually yet flaunting the same ostentatiously to their faces. This was the same issue that affected Kenya before the last straw fell to the ground. From what happened in Kenya, our political class should know by now that these young people know exactly where their treasuries and hearts are stored. When the food
kitchens are cooking the meals, the idea of homelessness can easily be assessed, and special hostels can be built where young people will begin to squat until they can get a decent job and rent their own
houses.
My Binoculars: Of the ten-day protests, the health sector, malnutrition, and the failure of the government to care for the ordinary and vulnerable in Nigeria
Features/Analysis
PCC Commissioner Applauds Buba’s Leadership, Commends UMTH’s Positive Transformation
PCC Commissioner Applauds Buba’s Leadership, Commends UMTH’s Positive Transformation
By: Dr. James Bwala
The Federal Commissioner, Public Complaints Commission (PCC), Hon. Yusuf Adamu, has commended the Chief Medical Director of the University of Maiduguri Teaching Hospital (UMTH), Professor Faruk Buba, for demonstrating dedication, commitment, and responsible leadership since assuming office. According to the commissioner, the CMD’s performance has produced a positive impact on hospital administration, staff welfare, patient care, and the experience of patients’ relations.
Hon. Yusuf Adamu made the information known while explaining the reasons behind the commission’s decision to confer on Professor Faruk Buba the title of PCC Ambassador for Administrative Justice. The recognition, he noted, was not merely ceremonial. Instead, it was based on the commission’s evaluation of the hospital’s services and public feedback.
The commendation is significant because the administration of a teaching hospital involves responsibilities that extend far beyond the provision of medical treatment. A teaching hospital is at once a healthcare institution, a center for professional training, a research facility, and a critical public service organization. Its leadership must therefore balance the needs of patients, medical professionals, support staff, students, researchers, regulatory agencies, and the wider community. Professor Buba’s ability to make a positive impression across these different areas demonstrates the importance of effective and people-centered leadership in the health sector.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/umth-pcc-strengthen-ties-to-improve-service-delivery-and-protect-public-rights/
Administrative justice is particularly important in a hospital environment. Patients and their relatives often approach hospitals at moments of fear, pain, uncertainty, and emotional distress. They expect not only competent medical care but also respect, transparency, fairness, and timely attention. When administrative procedures are unnecessarily difficult, when complaints are ignored, or when patients feel neglected, their suffering may be compounded. Conversely, a transparent and responsive system can strengthen public confidence even in difficult circumstances.

This is why the role of the Public Complaints Commission is essential. The commission serves as an important avenue through which citizens can seek redress when they believe they have been unfairly treated by public institutions. Its monitoring activities help to promote accountability, improve service delivery, and encourage public institutions to respond constructively to complaints. By reviewing different areas of hospital service and considering reports from the public, the PCC contributes to ensuring that administrative standards are maintained.
The positive reports received by the commission concerning UMTH suggest that the hospital’s current administration is paying attention to the human dimension of healthcare delivery. Although no institution is without challenges, a leadership that is willing to listen, evaluate its processes, and address concerns is more likely to achieve sustainable improvement. Professor Faruk Buba’s recognition indicates that the hospital is moving in this direction.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/umth-pcc-strengthen-ties-to-improve-service-delivery-and-protect-public-rights/
One of the most important measures of leadership in a hospital is its effect on members of staff. Doctors, nurses, pharmacists, laboratory scientists, administrative officers, cleaners, security personnel, and other employees all play essential roles in the operation of a teaching hospital. Their morale, sense of belonging, and commitment directly influence the quality of service patients receive. Where staff members feel disregarded or unfairly treated, productivity and cooperation may decline. However, where they experience responsible leadership, open communication, and institutional support, they are more likely to perform their duties with professionalism and dedication.
The reported positive impact of Professor Buba’s leadership on hospital staff is therefore worthy of commendation. Effective hospital administration should create an environment in which employees understand their responsibilities, receive appropriate guidance, and are encouraged to contribute to institutional development. Leadership should also promote discipline without undermining dignity and accountability without creating fear. A balanced approach enables staff to remain committed to their duties while understanding that public service demands integrity and responsibility.

The well-being of patients and their relations is another important area in which the CMD’s influence should be assessed. Healthcare is not limited to diagnosis and treatment. It also involves communication, empathy, confidentiality, safety, and respect for individual rights. Patients need clear information about their conditions and treatment options. Their relatives need appropriate guidance, especially when they are required to make decisions or provide support. Administrative systems must therefore be designed to reduce confusion and ensure that individuals can access the services to which they are entitled.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/umth-pcc-strengthen-ties-to-improve-service-delivery-and-protect-public-rights/
A hospital that treats patients and their relations with dignity earns public trust. This trust is essential because patients who have confidence in a healthcare institution are more likely to follow medical advice, return for necessary follow-up, and recommend the institution to others. On the other hand, negative experiences can spread quickly and damage the reputation of an institution. The PCC’s positive assessment of UMTH suggests that the current administration understands the importance of treating patients not as numbers, but as human beings whose concerns deserve attention.
The conferment of the title “PCC Ambassador for Administrative Justice” on Professor Faruk Buba is therefore a recognition of leadership values that should be encouraged throughout the public sector. An ambassador for administrative justice should represent fairness, accountability, responsiveness, transparency, and respect for the rights of citizens. Such an ambassador should also encourage institutions to establish effective complaint-resolution mechanisms and ensure that complaints are treated as opportunities for improvement rather than as threats.
The title carries both honor and responsibility. It recognizes Professor Buba’s achievements, but it also places a greater obligation on him to sustain and deepen the reforms that have attracted the commission’s commendation. Recognition should not be viewed as the conclusion of an effort. Instead, it should serve as motivation to continue improving hospital services and addressing areas that still require attention.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/umth-pcc-strengthen-ties-to-improve-service-delivery-and-protect-public-rights/
For the recognition to have lasting value, it should be linked to practical improvements. The hospital administration should continue to strengthen channels through which patients and staff can submit complaints or suggestions. These channels should be accessible, confidential, and responsive. Complaints should be documented, investigated fairly, and resolved within reasonable timelines. Patients should also be informed about their rights and the procedures available to them when they encounter difficulties.

In addition, the hospital should encourage regular engagement between management, staff representatives, patients, and community stakeholders. Such engagement can help identify problems before they become major disputes. It can also promote mutual understanding. Management may become more aware of the difficulties faced by patients, while patients and their relations may better understand the operational limitations of the institution. Constructive dialogue is often more effective than confrontation in resolving administrative challenges.
The PCC’s commendation also highlights the importance of collaboration between oversight bodies and public institutions. The relationship between a hospital and the commission should not be defined solely by investigations or complaints. It should also include guidance, monitoring, education, and cooperation. When oversight is carried out professionally and institutions respond positively, the result can be improved service delivery. This approach strengthens public accountability while supporting the institution’s ability to fulfill its mandate.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/umth-pcc-strengthen-ties-to-improve-service-delivery-and-protect-public-rights/
UMTH occupies an important position in the healthcare system of northeastern Nigeria. It is a major teaching hospital that treats patients from many different communities and helps train healthcare workers who will work with future generations. Its performance therefore has implications beyond its immediate location. Improvements in its administration can influence the quality of care, medical education, research, and public confidence throughout the region.

Professor Faruk Buba’s leadership should consequently be judged not only by short-term achievements but also by the extent to which it builds durable systems. Sustainable leadership requires strong policies, competent personnel, accurate records, efficient communication, and continuous evaluation. It requires the institution to remain functional even when individual officeholders change. By strengthening systems rather than relying solely on personal influence, the CMD can ensure that the progress recognized by the PCC continues into the future.
It is also important to acknowledge that hospital administration is often carried out under difficult conditions. Teaching hospitals may face pressure from high patient numbers, limited resources, infrastructure challenges, staffing shortages, and complex emergency situations. These challenges make responsible leadership even more essential. While commendation does not remove the difficulties confronting the institution, it confirms that progress is possible when leadership is committed, accessible, and focused on the public interest.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/umth-pcc-strengthen-ties-to-improve-service-delivery-and-protect-public-rights/
The commendation from Hon. Yusuf Adamu should inspire other public institutions to examine their own administrative practices. Many public complaints arise not only from a lack of resources but also from poor communication, delays, indifference, and inadequate attention to citizens’ concerns. Leaders in public institutions can learn from UMTH by placing service users at the center of decision-making and by recognizing that accountability is a professional duty rather than an administrative burden.

Ultimately, the recognition of Professor Faruk Buba as a PCC Ambassador for Administrative Justice represents a commendable partnership between institutional leadership and public oversight. It affirms that responsible administration can make a meaningful difference in the lives of workers, patients, and families. It also demonstrates that public institutions can earn trust when they are managed with fairness, dedication, and a clear sense of duty.
Hon. Yusuf Adamu’s commendation is therefore justified and timely. Faruk Buba’s commitment since assuming office deserves recognition because it reflects the kind of leadership required to improve public healthcare. However, the greatest value of the honor will be realized if it encourages continued progress. The CMD should use the recognition as a platform for strengthening complaint resolution, improving staff welfare, enhancing patient-centered care, and promoting transparency throughout UMTH.
* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Maiduguri.
PCC Commissioner Applauds Buba’s Leadership, Commends UMTH’s Positive Transformation
Features/Analysis
UMTH, PCC Strengthen Ties to Improve Service Delivery and Protect Public Rights
UMTH, PCC Strengthen Ties to Improve Service Delivery and Protect Public Rights
By: Dr James Bwala
The administration of a large teaching hospital is a complex responsibility. Beyond providing medical treatment, a hospital must coordinate hundreds of employees, respond to patients and their relatives, manage public resources, and ensure that its decisions are fair, transparent, and accountable. In such an environment, complaints and disagreements are unavoidable. However, when complaints are ignored, delayed, or handled unfairly, they can damage public confidence and weaken the quality of healthcare delivery. For this reason, the proposed partnership between the University of Maiduguri Teaching Hospital (UMTH) and the Public Complaints Commission (PCC), Borno State, is both timely and necessary.
The Chief Medical Director of UMTH, Professor Faruk Buba, has expressed the hospital’s willingness to partner with the PCC in promoting positive administrative justice. His position reflects an important understanding that effective healthcare administration is not limited to medical excellence. It also depends on fairness, responsible leadership, respect for rights, and the availability of reliable mechanisms through which staff and patients can seek redress. As an institution established by the Federal Government to address administrative injustice, the PCC occupies a strategic position in helping organisations improve their systems and resolve complaints constructively.

Professor Faruk said, “At UMTH, our mandate goes beyond providing tertiary healthcare, medical training, and cutting-edge research. As a premier referral centre serving millions of citizens—including vulnerable populations and communities recovering from years of humanitarian challenges—we view patient satisfaction, fairness, and respect for human dignity as the cornerstones of our clinical and administrative operations.
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“We recognise the vital statutory role of the Public Complaints Commission as Nigeria’s Ombudsman. Your mandate to investigate administrative injustices, mediate grievances, and ensure that public institutions remain responsive to the citizens they serve aligns directly with our internal quality assurance goals. Rather than viewing oversight bodies with apprehension, UMTH sees the Commission as a strategic partner in helping us identify blind spots, improve service delivery, and strengthen public trust.”
UMTH is one of the most important healthcare institutions in northeastern Nigeria. With 1,605 beds and more than 12 centres of excellence, it provides a wide range of specialised services to the people of Borno State, Nigeria, and neighbouring communities. Its size and importance make the need for sound administration even more urgent. A partnership with the PCC would help the hospital strengthen its internal processes, build public trust, and create a more responsive system for resolving grievances.

“To ensure that grievances from both patients and staff are addressed promptly before they escalate, UMTH maintains an active SERVICOM and Complaints/Grievance Mechanism, alongside dedicated Patient Relations Officers and clinical audit committees. However, in a high-volume tertiary hospital environment, operational pressures and communication gaps can occasionally arise. Where concerns are brought to the attention of your Commission, I assure you of Management’s full cooperation, transparency, and readiness to work with your office toward fair, objective, and timely resolutions.
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“Honourable Commissioner, as we continue to expand our specialised clinical services and modernise our healthcare infrastructure, we welcome continuous engagement with the Public Complaints Commission. We are open to establishing a dedicated focal desk or liaison channel between UMTH and your office to fast-track the review of public enquiries, staff welfare matters, and patient feedback. “Professor Faruk explained.
Administrative justice means that decisions affecting individuals are made fairly, lawfully, transparently, and without discrimination. It requires institutions to provide people with an opportunity to be heard, to explain decisions, and to correct mistakes when they occur. In a hospital, administrative justice may concern issues such as staff welfare, promotion, discipline, deployment, salary matters, patient billing, access to treatment, professional conduct, or the handling of complaints by relatives.

Healthcare institutions are particularly sensitive environments because patients often approach them at moments of fear, pain, uncertainty, and emotional vulnerability. A patient who experiences delay, poor communication, discrimination, or an unexplained charge may feel powerless. Similarly, a member of staff who believes that a disciplinary action or promotion decision was unfair may lose morale and confidence in the institution. If there is no accessible and impartial process for addressing such concerns, dissatisfaction can escalate into conflict, litigation, industrial action, or negative public perception.
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The PCC was established to provide an avenue through which members of the public can seek redress for administrative injustice. Its role is especially important because many citizens may not have the financial means, legal knowledge, or confidence to pursue formal court proceedings. By receiving complaints, investigating them, and recommending appropriate solutions, the Commission can help resolve disputes more efficiently and peacefully. It also assists public institutions in identifying weaknesses in their administrative procedures.
Professor Faruk Buba’s description of the PCC as an integral body established by the Federal Government is significant. It indicates that the Commission should not be viewed as an opponent or a threat to institutional authority. Rather, it should be regarded as a partner in good governance. An organisation that welcomes constructive external review demonstrates confidence in its commitment to fairness and accountability. Such openness can improve decision-making and prevent small administrative problems from becoming major crises.
The proposed partnership offers several advantages to UMTH. First, it can improve the hospital’s complaint-handling system. A clear and coordinated process would enable patients, relatives, and staff to know where and how to submit complaints. It would also ensure that complaints are properly documented, acknowledged, investigated, and resolved within reasonable time limits. Many disputes become more serious because complainants feel ignored. A system that provides timely communication can prevent frustration and restore confidence, even where the final decision does not fully favour the complainant.
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Second, the partnership can strengthen the capacity of hospital administrators. The PCC can provide training on administrative justice, conflict resolution, human rights, ethical conduct, record keeping, and public service procedures. Such training would equip managers and staff with the knowledge required to make fair decisions and communicate effectively. It would also encourage administrators to distinguish between legitimate complaints, misunderstandings, professional disagreements, and cases requiring disciplinary action or referral to another authority.

Third, collaboration with the PCC can promote fairness for hospital employees. UMTH depends on doctors, nurses, pharmacists, laboratory scientists, technologists, administrators, cleaners, security personnel, and many other workers. Their responsibilities differ, but each deserves to be treated with dignity and impartiality. A fair administrative structure can improve staff morale by ensuring that promotions, transfers, disciplinary measures, and welfare decisions are based on clear rules rather than favouritism or arbitrary judgement. When workers trust the system, they are more likely to be committed to their duties and cooperate with management.
Fourth, the partnership can protect the rights and interests of patients. A patient-centred hospital must do more than offer treatment; it must also ensure respectful communication, confidentiality, non-discrimination, and reasonable access to services. Patients should be able to report poor treatment, unexplained delays, billing disputes, or other administrative difficulties without fear of retaliation. An effective complaint mechanism can reveal recurring problems and help management improve the patient experience.
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The partnership would also support institutional learning. Complaints should not be treated only as accusations to be defended against. They can provide valuable information about weaknesses in policies, communication, infrastructure, or staff behaviour. If several patients complain about delays in a particular unit, management can investigate the cause and make improvements. If staff repeatedly raise concerns about a procedure, administrators can review whether the policy is clear, practical, and consistently applied. In this way, complaint resolution becomes a tool for continuous improvement.
Given UMTH’s size, as explained by Professor Faruk, a well-designed partnership should involve more than occasional meetings. The hospital and the PCC could establish a formal framework outlining their respective responsibilities. This framework might include a liaison office or designated focal persons, regular consultations, referral procedures, staff training, public awareness programmes, and periodic reviews of unresolved complaints. The hospital could also strengthen its internal complaints and patient-relations units while ensuring that serious or unresolved matters are referred appropriately to the PCC.

Accessibility should be a central principle. Complaint channels should be available to individuals with different levels of education, language ability, physical capacity, and technological access. Patients and staff should be able to submit complaints in person, in writing, by telephone, or through approved digital platforms. Information about these channels should be displayed clearly throughout the hospital. Where necessary, assistance should be provided to individuals who cannot write or who have difficulty understanding the process.
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Confidentiality and protection from retaliation are equally important. People will not report administrative injustice if they fear punishment, victimisation, or poor treatment. The hospital and the PCC should therefore develop safeguards for complainants and witnesses. Personal information must be handled responsibly, and investigations should be conducted with fairness to all parties. Protecting complainants does not mean automatically accepting every allegation; it means ensuring that people can raise genuine concerns without intimidation.
The success of the partnership will also depend on timely action. A complaints system that merely receives petitions without resolving them will not achieve its purpose. Clear timelines should be established for acknowledging complaints, conducting investigations, communicating decisions, and implementing recommendations. Where a matter requires additional time, the complainant should be informed of the reason for the delay. Transparency in the process is essential for maintaining trust.
It is also necessary to clarify that administrative justice is not intended to weaken the authority of hospital management. On the contrary, it strengthens legitimate authority. Administrators who make decisions according to fair procedures are more likely to earn respect and cooperation. Accountability does not prevent leadership; it makes leadership more credible. A partnership with the PCC would therefore help UMTH balance institutional discipline with the rights of individuals.
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There may be challenges. Some officials may resist external review because they misunderstand it as interference. Others may fear that acknowledging complaints will damage the reputation of the hospital. These concerns should be addressed through education and a clear understanding of the partnership’s purpose. The goal is not to embarrass UMTH but to help it prevent injustice, correct mistakes, and improve its services. In fact, an institution that responds openly to complaints may enjoy a stronger reputation than one that attempts to conceal problems.

Resource limitations may also affect the implementation of the partnership. Complaint offices require trained personnel, communication tools, record systems, and adequate funding. However, the cost of preventing and resolving administrative disputes is generally lower than the cost of prolonged conflict, litigation, industrial unrest, or loss of public trust. The partnership can be developed gradually, beginning with practical measures such as focal persons, training programmes, standard complaint forms, and regular coordination meetings.
The proposed collaboration is particularly important at a time when public institutions are expected to demonstrate accountability and responsiveness. Citizens increasingly demand explanations for decisions that affect their welfare. Hospitals, as institutions that serve the public directly, must respond to this expectation. UMTH’s willingness to work with the PCC presents an opportunity to set an example for other hospitals and public institutions in Borno State.
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The partnership may also contribute to the hospital’s goal of becoming a new and better-administered institution. Administrative reform is not achieved only through new buildings, equipment, or medical technology. It also requires systems that respect people, resolve problems, and promote ethical conduct. The quality of administration influences every aspect of hospital performance, including staff productivity, patient satisfaction, resource management, and public confidence. Therefore, the proposed partnership between the University of Maiduguri Teaching Hospital and the Public Complaints Commission, Borno State, deserves strong support.
* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Maiduguri.
UMTH, PCC Strengthen Ties to Improve Service Delivery and Protect Public Rights
Features/Analysis
Caught Between Terrorists and the State: How Insider Mediators Face the Greatest Risks in the Sahel and Lake Chad Basin
Caught Between Terrorists and the State: How Insider Mediators Face the Greatest Risks in the Sahel and Lake Chad Basin
By: Hon Aliyu Gebi
In every conflict, there are soldiers who fight, governments that formulate policy, and humanitarian agencies that provide relief. Yet hidden between these visible actors exists another category of individuals whose contribution is rarely acknowledged but whose absence could make many humanitarian breakthroughs impossible. They are the insider mediators.
Across the Sahel and the Lake Chad Basin, where insurgencies by Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), Boko Haram, and the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) continue to challenge state authority, these mediators quietly occupy one of the most dangerous positions in modern conflict.
Unlike diplomats protected by embassies or international organisations operating under diplomatic privileges, insider mediators are ordinary members of the communities engulfed by violence. They include respected Islamic scholars, traditional rulers, village elders, women leaders, businessmen and community influencers whose greatest qualification is not political office but trust.
It is that trust that allows them to speak to men carrying assault rifles in the forests while retaining enough credibility for governments and security agencies to listen. Yet it is the same trust that places them permanently between fire and ice.
Officially, most governments in the Sahel reject negotiations with designated terrorist organisations. Nigeria, Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger have all adopted counter-terrorism policies centred on military pressure, intelligence operations and criminal prosecution.
Publicly, there is little room for political dialogue with organisations responsible for mass killings, kidnappings and attacks on civilians. Yet conflict realities are rarely as absolute as official policy suggests. When humanitarian workers require safe passage into besieged communities. When hundreds of women and children are trapped in insurgent-controlled territory. When local ceasefires become necessary to allow farmers cultivate their land.
When abducted civilians require negotiation before release. Formal diplomacy often gives way to quiet engagement. That engagement is rarely conducted by ambassadors. Instead, governments frequently rely directly or indirectly on trusted intermediaries capable of reaching actors that official representatives cannot approach. These mediators become the invisible bridge connecting two parties who publicly deny any relationship.
Why outsiders often fail
It was argued that foreign diplomats and international organisations rarely possess the cultural legitimacy required to engage violent extremist groups operating in deeply localised environments. For groups such as JNIM or Boko Haram, international actors are frequently viewed through ideological lenses.
Western governments may be seen as enemies.
United Nations personnel may be viewed as extensions of foreign influence. International NGOs may become intelligence suspects or lucrative kidnapping targets. Local mediators enter the same environment with entirely different credentials. Many speak the same dialect. Some belong to the same ethnic group.
Others share religious traditions or ancestral relationships with insurgent commanders.
In central Mali, traditional Fulani values such as Pulaaku often provide a social framework through which dialogue becomes possible. In the Lake Chad Basin, respected Islamic scholars frequently possess a deeper understanding of the ideological and theological arguments influencing Boko Haram factions than external negotiators. More importantly, insider mediators understand local grievances. They know which disputes are ideological. Which is economic.
Which stem from historical land conflicts. Which fighters joined voluntarily. Which joined because of poverty, coercion or revenge. Such nuanced understanding is often beyond the reach of external actors.
Unlike foreign mediators who return to secure compounds after negotiations, insider mediators remain inside the conflict. Their homes remain exposed. Their families remain exposed.
Every of their secrete remain exposed. Every negotiation they undertake carries consequences that follow them back into their villages. One Negotiator who undertook series of engagement with some Nigerian non state actors to secure the release of captured victims, said they came under ambush more than five times in separate encounter. In one instance, a gun was pointed at his head.
If negotiations collapse. It is not an embassy that is attacked. It is often the negotiators, their own home. If insurgents suspect betrayal. Their wives and children or any of their relatives may become legitimate targets. If security agencies question their motives. They themselves risk detention or prolonged investigation. Few occupations carry such immediate personal consequences.
Perhaps the greatest burden insider mediators carry is that neither side fully trusts them. Security agencies frequently question why a civilian should maintain contact with terrorists.
Some mediators have reportedly faced accusations of collaboration simply because they delivered humanitarian messages or attempted to negotiate community access. From the insurgents’ perspective, however, the suspicion is equally intense. A mediator carrying government proposals may easily be branded an intelligence asset or a mile. If military operations occur shortly after meetings, insurgents may assume information was leaked. The consequences can be fatal.
This creates “double suspicion” a condition in which mediators are simultaneously viewed as potential traitors by both the state and the armed groups they seek to engage.
The legal grey zone
Another challenge identified by the report lies in counter-terrorism legislation. International sanctions and domestic anti-terrorism laws understandably prohibit providing material support to designated terrorist organisations.
However, conflict mediation often operates in ambiguous spaces. Suppose a mediator delivers medicine to secure the release of kidnapped civilians. Or transports communication equipment required to arrange humanitarian access. Or facilitates financial arrangements connected to hostage negotiations. Do such actions constitute humanitarian engagement? Or do they amount to material support under anti-terrorism laws? The report argues that many insider mediators now operate without clear legal protections despite performing functions that governments quietly acknowledge are sometimes necessary. The absence of legal clarity increases both operational and personal risk.
Lessons from JNIM
The report draws heavily from developments in Mali and Burkina Faso. In several communities, local mediators successfully negotiated temporary arrangements allowing farmers to cultivate their fields under agreed conditions.
Some agreements reduced attacks. Others facilitated humanitarian access. Yet these agreements often proved fragile. Military offensives sometimes resumed without warning.
Insurgent commanders interpreted such developments as betrayal. The mediator rather than the state often bore the consequences.
Even more challenging has been the inconsistency of government policy.
During one administration, dialogue may receive quiet encouragement. A subsequent administration may criminalise similar contacts.
Several mediators reportedly found themselves under investigation for activities previously tolerated.
Lessons from Boko Haram: Two Different Negotiation Landscapes
The report notes that mediation efforts in Nigeria’s Lake Chad Basin are further complicated by the internal fragmentation of Boko Haram. Although often viewed as a single insurgent movement, Boko Haram today comprises two principal factions with markedly different organisational structures and negotiation dynamics: Jama’atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda’awati wal-Jihad (JAS) and the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP).
JAS presents perhaps the most perilous environment for insider mediators. Unlike more structured insurgent organisations, JAS has historically operated through highly decentralised command structures, where individual field commanders exercise considerable autonomy. This lack of central authority often makes negotiations unpredictable, with agreements depending largely on the disposition of local commanders rather than institutional policy. For mediators attempting to secure the release of abducted civilians or establish safe exit routes for fighters seeking to surrender, every mission carries extraordinary personal risk.
Many are required to travel into remote forest enclaves controlled by commanders whose interpretation of Islamic law, tribal customs and military discipline varies widely. Traditional norms that ordinarily protect emissaries or peace envoys are frequently ignored, leaving mediators vulnerable to detention, execution or prolonged captivity if they are suspected of deception or espionage. The report argues that engaging JAS is therefore less a process of structured negotiation than an exercise in navigating constantly shifting personal relationships, ideological rigidity and battlefield uncertainty.
Engaging ISWAP: Structure Without Flexibility
Negotiating with ISWAP presents a different, though equally demanding, set of challenges.
Unlike JAS, ISWAP maintains a comparatively organised governance system overseen by a Shura Council, with clearer chains of command and administrative procedures. This institutional framework can provide mediators with more predictable points of engagement and a greater likelihood that agreements reached with senior figures will be respected across the organisation.
The group’s strict ideological doctrine therefore leaves very limited room for compromise, and mediators often face intense pressure to produce humanitarian outcomes without violating either the insurgents’ religious expectations or the legal and ethical obligations imposed by the state. This delicate balancing act requires exceptional credibility, deep religious understanding and an ability to maintain the confidence of both sides while making no promises that cannot be fulfilled.
The Quiet Architects of Mass Defections
Despite operating under these extraordinary pressures, insider mediators played a pivotal role during one of the most significant developments in Nigeria’s counter-insurgency campaign. Following the death of Boko Haram leader Abubakar Shekau in 2021, tens of thousands of fighters, women and children began surrendering to Nigerian authorities.
While military pressure created the conditions for this unprecedented wave of defections, the report argues that it was trusted local intermediaries who transformed opportunity into reality. Many insurgents seeking to abandon the conflict distrusted formal government institutions and feared immediate execution or imprisonment. Insider mediators became the first point of contact.
They reassured frightened fighters that surrender pathways existed, explained rehabilitation programmes, communicated with military authorities and community leaders, and helped facilitate safe movement from insurgent-controlled territories to designated reception centres. Without these trusted intermediaries, the report suggests, many potential defectors might never have taken the first step toward disengagement. In this sense, insider mediators became the human bridge between years of violent insurgency and emerging opportunities for rehabilitation and reintegration.
Protecting the Bridge-Builders
The report concludes that if governments across West Africa hope to move beyond perpetual military confrontation toward sustainable peace, they must provide greater institutional support for insider mediators.
Foremost among its recommendations is the establishment of clear legal frameworks that recognise verified mediators operating for humanitarian purposes. Such protections, the author argue, would reduce the risk of arbitrary arrest or prosecution under counter-terrorism legislation while preserving accountability.
The study also calls on regional organisations and international peacebuilding partners to establish dedicated duty-of-care mechanisms, including emergency security assistance, psychosocial support and evacuation arrangements for mediators facing credible threats. Given the psychological burden associated with prolonged engagement in conflict environments, the report argues that mental health support should become an integral component of mediation programmes rather than an afterthought.
The report ultimately presents insider mediators as one of the least visible yet most indispensable pillars of conflict resolution in the Sahel and the Lake Chad Basin. They receive little public recognition, enjoy few institutional protections and often operate without formal legal safeguards. Yet they continue to facilitate hostage releases, humanitarian access, civilian evacuations, local ceasefires and pathways for surrender in places where official diplomacy cannot reach. Their work demonstrates that while military operations remain essential in degrading terrorist capabilities, lasting peace is seldom achieved through force alone. It also depends on trusted local relationships, cultural legitimacy and the courage of individuals willing to engage where others cannot.
As governments refine their counter-insurgency strategies across the region, the report argues that protecting these “bridge-builders” is not merely a humanitarian obligation but a strategic necessity. Without them, opportunities for dialogue, disengagement and civilian protection may diminish, leaving military victories without the social foundations needed to secure enduring peace.
Caught Between Terrorists and the State: How Insider Mediators Face the Greatest Risks in the Sahel and Lake Chad Basin
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