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Nigeria: 10 Years after Chibok, Schoolchildren Still at Risk – HRW

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Nigeria: 10 Years after Chibok, Schoolchildren Still at Risk – HRW

…Urges Government To Implement Safe Schools Plan to Protect Schools, Children

By: Our Reporter

Ten years after the abduction of over 200 schoolgirls in Chibok, Nigerian authorities have failed to put in place and sustain crucial measures to provide a secure learning environment for every child, Human Rights Watch said today.

Since 2014, according to Save the Children, more than 1,600 children have been abducted or kidnapped across northern Nigeria. In the northeast, the armed conflict between Boko Haram and Nigerian armed forces continues to take its toll and, in the northwest, criminal groups commonly called bandits are terrorizing communities. During February and March 2024 alone, bandits kidnapped over 200 children from their schools in Kaduna and Sokoto states.

“For many children across northern Nigeria, the pursuit of an education means facing the constant threat of abduction or kidnapping,” said Anietie Ewang, Nigeria researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Children should never face the harrowing dilemma of sacrificing their safety for education, but this untenable choice, which echoes the profound insecurity plaguing the country, is thrust upon them daily.”

On April 14, 2014, Boko Haram, an Islamist armed group, abducted 276 girls from their school in Chibok, a town in northeastern Borno state, sparking global outrage. Although some of the girls escaped, or were released or rescued, 96 remain in captivity according to UNICEF, and civil society groups continue to pressure the government to ensure they are rescued. Boko Haram, known for its opposition to education, has carried out other such abductions, including one of 110 girls from a school in Dapchi, a town in Yobe state, in 2018.

In addition to kidnappings by Boko Haram in the northeast, the ongoing banditry crisis in the northwest has in recent years made that area a hub for criminal kidnapping for ransom. The crisis emerged after years of conflict between herders and farmers, giving rise to the criminal groups, which have carried out widespread killings, looting, extortion, and kidnapping for ransom in mostly rural communities.

Between December 2020 and February 2021, a series of high-profile incidents, including the abduction of over 600 schoolchildren across Zamfara, Katsina, and Niger states, thrust the kidnapping issue into the spotlight.

In the aftermath of Chibok, the Nigerian government endorsed the Safe Schools Declaration, an international political commitment to protect education from attack and schools from military use which turns them into targets. The government also adopted a Safe School Initiative for Nigeria with the support of the global community and Nigerian business leaders. The initiative aimed to raise funds with an initial US$10 million pledge to help make schools safer, including by moving them to safer areas and creating a safe school model for schools across Borno, Adamawa, and Yobe, the three states worst hit by the Boko Haram insurgency.

However, the multi-stakeholder initiative faced problems, and there has been a decline in momentum over the years with little or no progress made in fortifying schools, Human Rights Watch said. In 2021, Nigeria’s then-Senate president Ahmad Lawan, following an investigation into the utilization of the funds for the initiative, declared that it was designed to fail without a National Policy and Strategy for the Safe School Initiative and the leadership of the Federal Education Ministry. In the meantime, communities continue to suffer the brunt of bandit attacks and schoolchildren remain vulnerable prey.

A Chibok girl who was in Boko Haram captivity for over two years, and was released with 20 others, told Human Rights Watch that news of school kidnappings brings back memories of her ordeal. “Whenever I hear that more children have been kidnapped, I feel terrible, helpless,” she said. “We are still not safe … It brings back memories of what happened to me. I can never forget being snatched from my parents, my family for so long. I pray this is not the case for those that are kidnapped.” She is now a 28-year-old university student studying natural and environmental sciences.

Kemi Okenyodo, an expert in security and governance and the executive director of the Rule of Law and Empowerment Initiative in Abuja, told Human Rights Watch that the ongoing school kidnappings, resembling those in Chibok a decade ago, highlight a failure to learn from past experiences, as they are taking place without adequate security infrastructure or intervention from authorities to prevent dozens or hundreds of children being snatched away at once.

Amid the heightened threat of attacks on schools, many have been forced to shut down completely, with more than 20 million children out of school in Nigeria, according to UNESCO, among the highest number in any country in the world. According to UNICEF, 66 percent of out-of-school children in Nigeria are from the northeast and northwest, which are among the poorest regions in the country.

For girls especially, the challenges are double edged. They risk rape and other forms of sexual violence if kidnapped, and if kept out of school, they risk child marriage, which is a common practice in these regions.

In 2021, the government adopted the National Policy on Safety, Security and Violence Free Schools aimed at improving school security, strengthening the capabilities of security agents to respond to threats, and ensuring that education continues for children displaced by conflict and crisis, among other reasons.

The authorities committed to investing 144.8 billion naira (about $314.5 million at the time) over a certain period to finance this initiative. In 2023, they announced that 15 billion naira (about $24 million at the time) had been earmarked to pilot the initiative in 18 high-risk states and 48 schools. However, details of the implementation are sparse, and it remains unclear the extent to which this has been done.

Okenyodo told Human Rights Watch that the government needs to involve communities in designing and implementing initiatives to make schools safer to create a sense of ownership and reduce inefficiency and corruption.

“Now more than ever, the Nigerian authorities should step up efforts to make learning safe for children,” Ewang said. “They should work with communities to adopt rights-respecting measures and put in place adequate financing, systems, and structures to ensure quick, effective, and transparent implementation to ensure that children can learn without being exposed to grave harm.”

Nigeria: 10 Years after Chibok, Schoolchildren Still at Risk – HRW

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Is Russia Afraid of a Free Press in Africa?

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Is Russia Afraid of a Free Press in Africa?

By Oumarou Sanou

The recent reaction by the Russian Embassy in Abuja to opinion articles published in various media, even though it singled out THISDAY and The Sun, raises a question that should concern every African and especially Nigerians who value democracy: when confronted with uncomfortable facts and legitimate scrutiny, does Russia engage with evidence, or does it attack the messenger?

Rather than addressing the substance of the arguments raised about insecurity in the Sahel and the conduct of Russian-linked mercenaries, the Embassy chose a familiar authoritarian playbook: dismiss the writers as “paid,” question their legitimacy, and attempt to intimidate independent media platforms for publishing alternative views. This response says far more about Russia’s discomfort with free media than it does about the articles themselves.

Let us be clear. The articles in question were not an attack on Russia as a nation or its people. They were a critical examination of documented events in Mali and the wider Sahel—events reported not only by African journalists but also by international organisations, people, conflict monitors, and, ironically, by the mercenaries themselves on their own digital channels. To conflate scrutiny of actions with hostility toward a state is a tactic often used by regimes that fear accountability.

If Russia believes the facts are wrong, the burden is simple: present counter-evidence. Journalism is not theology; it is not immune to correction. Any responsible journalist, academic or analyst will acknowledge an error when credible proof is provided. What is unacceptable is to replace evidence with insults, or to imply that African media, researchers and intellectuals must seek approval before publishing views that do not flatter foreign powers.

The Embassy’s statement also raises an uncomfortable implication: is Russia now openly assuming ownership or responsibility for mercenary operations in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger? If not, why rush to defend them so aggressively? Mercenaries—by definition—are not instruments of sustainable security anywhere in Africa. From Sierra Leone in the 1990s to Libya and now the Sahel, the record is consistent: they deepen violence, weaken national forces, and leave societies more fractured than they found them.

The Embassy insists that reports of abuses are “fake news.” Yet many of the most disturbing confirmations of violence have come from the fighters themselves, shared on verified Telegram channels long before journalists or rights groups referenced them. Are those messages also Western fabrications? Or are we now expected to believe that mercenaries boasting online suddenly become victims of misinformation when their actions attract scrutiny?

More troubling is the attempt to recast legitimate African criticism as foreign manipulation. This is intellectually dishonest. Africans do not need Western scripts to recognise insecurity, repression, or failure when they see it. The worsening security situation in the Sahel is not a theory; it is a lived reality measured in displaced communities, expanding extremist influence, and shrinking civic space. These outcomes deserve examination, not denial.

Nigeria, in particular, must resist any attempt to import external geopolitical quarrels into its public space. This country is sovereign. The media, I must attest, is independent. Nigeria and independent African media: journalists, academics, researchers, and other activists do not exist to please Moscow today or London tomorrow. Their duty is to inform the Nigerian public—especially when developments in neighbouring countries pose security implications. What happens in Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso does not stay confined to those countries. Arms flows, extremist movements, and displacement cross borders. Silence would be irresponsible.

Equally important is the question of civic space. In countries now governed by military juntas aligned with Moscow, opposition voices are muted, journalists are harassed, and civil society operates under threat. It secretly disseminates some of these articles that irk Moscow. Independent debate is treated as subversion. It is therefore ironic—if not revealing—that Russian officials appear unsettled that Nigerian media still allows dissenting views to be published. That is not a flaw of our democracy; it is its strength.

The Embassy argues that Russia offers partnerships “without lectures on democracy.” That line may sound appealing to embattled regimes, but Africans should ask a harder question: does rejecting democratic “lectures” also mean rejecting accountability, transparency, and citizens’ rights? History shows that security built on repression is fragile, and sovereignty traded for silence is hollow.

This episode should serve as a reminder of why press freedom matters. Today, it is Russia taking offence. Tomorrow, it could be any other power—Western or otherwise—unhappy with scrutiny. If we allow foreign embassies to police opinion columns in Nigerian newspapers, we will have surrendered something far more valuable than diplomatic goodwill.

Let me be unequivocal: Nigeria, from my experience, welcomes partnerships, not patronage. They welcome dialogue, not intimidation. They welcome facts, not propaganda. The media will continue to ensure that journalists and analysts ask hard questions—about Russia, the West, and our own leaders in the Sahel and across Africa. That is what free societies do.

If Russia has evidence that contradicts the documented realities in the Sahel, it should present it openly, calmly, and transparently. If not, it should respect the intelligence of Africans and the independence of African media.

The real issue here is not wounded pride. It is fear of scrutiny. And history teaches us that those who fear free media usually have something to hide.

Nigeria and Africa must not look away. A free press is not a Western import; it is a democratic necessity. Anyone uncomfortable with that truth is free to respond—but not to silence it.

Oumarou Sanou is a social critic, Pan-African observer and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, regional stability, and the evolving dynamics of African leadership. Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com

Is Russia Afraid of a Free Press in Africa?

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KACRAN Commends NEDC for Critical Water Projects, Strategic Leadership in North East Nigeria

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KACRAN Commends NEDC for Critical Water Projects, Strategic Leadership in North East Nigeria

By: Michael Mike

The Kulen Allah Cattle Rearers Association of Nigeria (KACRAN) formally commends the North East Development Commission (NEDC) for its responsiveness and commitment to improving the welfare of pastoralists across the region.

The KACRAN National President, Hon. Khalil Moh’d Bello, in a statement on Thursday said: “We express our profound gratitude to the NEDC for the installation of solar-powered boreholes in Dangel Lantaiwa Ward (Tarmuwa LGA, Yobe State) and Siddikiyo Jauro Gambo Ribadu Ward (Funakaye LGA, Gombe State). These projects provide a vital lifeline to thousands of pastoralists and their livestock, addressing the critical challenge of water scarcity in these Pastoralists concentration centers.

“KACRAN acknowledges that the NEDC stands out as a model of responsive governance. The Commission has demonstrated a genuine determination to alleviate suffering and enhance social services beyond standard expectations.”

Bello noted that: “Recently, KACRAN advocated for more inclusion of livestock development in the NEDC’s 2026 policies to ensure pastoralists benefit equitably alongside other residents of the region.

“We are pleased to note the Commission’s positive reaction to this appeal. This willingness to listen to complaints and adjust programs reflects the sterling leadership qualities of the current management.

“We applaud the consistency of the NEDC in prioritizing projects that foster peace and unity.

“The synergy between the NEDC, North East Governors, Local Government Chairmen, security agencies, and traditional rulers has been instrumental in stabilizing the region.

“The North East is no longer defined by devastation, but by its rapid reconstruction and rehabilitation.”

Bello added that: “As direct beneficiaries of these people-oriented policies, KACRAN passionately appeals to His Excellency, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, to ensure the timely release of adequate funds to the NEDC. This support is essential for the Commission to sustain its impactful work under the Renewed Hope Agenda.

“Furthermore, we call upon the newly established development commissions in the North West and North Central regions to emulate the NEDC’s inclusive approach to foster development and peace across Nigeria.”

KACRAN also expressed its full confidence in the leadership of NEDC Managing Director, Alhaji Mohammed Alkali, and the Director of Administration and Finance, Dr. Garba Iliya., noting that: “Their administration has proven to the Presidency and the Nigerian people that they are capable, reliable partners in the quest for permanent peace and sustainable development in the North East.”

KACRAN Commends NEDC for Critical Water Projects, Strategic Leadership in North East Nigeria

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Troops rescue abducted Biu Councillor, religious cleric in Borno as hunt continues for five others

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Troops rescue abducted Biu Councillor, religious cleric in Borno as hunt continues for five others

By: Zagazola Makama

Troops of the Nigerian Army under Operation Hadin Kai have rescued two civilians abducted by terrorists along the Buni Gari–Buratai road in Borno, following a swift search-and-rescue operation.

Sources told Zagazola Makama that the rescue was carried out by troops of 27 Task Force Brigade in conjunction with 135 Special Forces Battalion and members of the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF).

The sources said the operation was launched at about 7:35 a.m. on Wednesday after the kidnapping of seven civilians at about 5:00 p.m. on Tuesday along the Buni Gari–Buratai axis.

“Consequently, at about 11:35 a.m. on Wednesday, troops discovered two of the kidnapped victims who were abandoned by the terrorists upon hearing the movement of troops towards their location ahead of Mangari village,” the source said.

The rescued victims were identified as Alhaji Mohammed Ali Maiakachi, a serving councillor representing Zera/Wuyep Ward in Biu Local Government Area, and Mallam Aliyu Yusuf, an Islamic scholar and Chairman of Shuaaraul Islam, Borno State.

The troops, according to the source, immediately secured the release of the victims and pursued the fleeing terrorists for about 5.4 kilometres, but no contact was made.

The rescued victims reportedly informed troops that five other civilians were still being held captive, including the past and current Vice Chairmen of Biu Local Government Area, as well as three women.

“The effort to rescue the remaining five civilians is ongoing,” the source added.

The victims were initially taken to medical reception station for medical attention before being moved to Biu, where they were reunited with their families.

Troops rescue abducted Biu Councillor, religious cleric in Borno as hunt continues for five others

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