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Nigeria: 10 Years after Chibok, Schoolchildren Still at Risk – HRW

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Nigeria: 10 Years after Chibok, Schoolchildren Still at Risk – HRW

…Urges Government To Implement Safe Schools Plan to Protect Schools, Children

By: Our Reporter

Ten years after the abduction of over 200 schoolgirls in Chibok, Nigerian authorities have failed to put in place and sustain crucial measures to provide a secure learning environment for every child, Human Rights Watch said today.

Since 2014, according to Save the Children, more than 1,600 children have been abducted or kidnapped across northern Nigeria. In the northeast, the armed conflict between Boko Haram and Nigerian armed forces continues to take its toll and, in the northwest, criminal groups commonly called bandits are terrorizing communities. During February and March 2024 alone, bandits kidnapped over 200 children from their schools in Kaduna and Sokoto states.

“For many children across northern Nigeria, the pursuit of an education means facing the constant threat of abduction or kidnapping,” said Anietie Ewang, Nigeria researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Children should never face the harrowing dilemma of sacrificing their safety for education, but this untenable choice, which echoes the profound insecurity plaguing the country, is thrust upon them daily.”

On April 14, 2014, Boko Haram, an Islamist armed group, abducted 276 girls from their school in Chibok, a town in northeastern Borno state, sparking global outrage. Although some of the girls escaped, or were released or rescued, 96 remain in captivity according to UNICEF, and civil society groups continue to pressure the government to ensure they are rescued. Boko Haram, known for its opposition to education, has carried out other such abductions, including one of 110 girls from a school in Dapchi, a town in Yobe state, in 2018.

In addition to kidnappings by Boko Haram in the northeast, the ongoing banditry crisis in the northwest has in recent years made that area a hub for criminal kidnapping for ransom. The crisis emerged after years of conflict between herders and farmers, giving rise to the criminal groups, which have carried out widespread killings, looting, extortion, and kidnapping for ransom in mostly rural communities.

Between December 2020 and February 2021, a series of high-profile incidents, including the abduction of over 600 schoolchildren across Zamfara, Katsina, and Niger states, thrust the kidnapping issue into the spotlight.

In the aftermath of Chibok, the Nigerian government endorsed the Safe Schools Declaration, an international political commitment to protect education from attack and schools from military use which turns them into targets. The government also adopted a Safe School Initiative for Nigeria with the support of the global community and Nigerian business leaders. The initiative aimed to raise funds with an initial US$10 million pledge to help make schools safer, including by moving them to safer areas and creating a safe school model for schools across Borno, Adamawa, and Yobe, the three states worst hit by the Boko Haram insurgency.

However, the multi-stakeholder initiative faced problems, and there has been a decline in momentum over the years with little or no progress made in fortifying schools, Human Rights Watch said. In 2021, Nigeria’s then-Senate president Ahmad Lawan, following an investigation into the utilization of the funds for the initiative, declared that it was designed to fail without a National Policy and Strategy for the Safe School Initiative and the leadership of the Federal Education Ministry. In the meantime, communities continue to suffer the brunt of bandit attacks and schoolchildren remain vulnerable prey.

A Chibok girl who was in Boko Haram captivity for over two years, and was released with 20 others, told Human Rights Watch that news of school kidnappings brings back memories of her ordeal. “Whenever I hear that more children have been kidnapped, I feel terrible, helpless,” she said. “We are still not safe … It brings back memories of what happened to me. I can never forget being snatched from my parents, my family for so long. I pray this is not the case for those that are kidnapped.” She is now a 28-year-old university student studying natural and environmental sciences.

Kemi Okenyodo, an expert in security and governance and the executive director of the Rule of Law and Empowerment Initiative in Abuja, told Human Rights Watch that the ongoing school kidnappings, resembling those in Chibok a decade ago, highlight a failure to learn from past experiences, as they are taking place without adequate security infrastructure or intervention from authorities to prevent dozens or hundreds of children being snatched away at once.

Amid the heightened threat of attacks on schools, many have been forced to shut down completely, with more than 20 million children out of school in Nigeria, according to UNESCO, among the highest number in any country in the world. According to UNICEF, 66 percent of out-of-school children in Nigeria are from the northeast and northwest, which are among the poorest regions in the country.

For girls especially, the challenges are double edged. They risk rape and other forms of sexual violence if kidnapped, and if kept out of school, they risk child marriage, which is a common practice in these regions.

In 2021, the government adopted the National Policy on Safety, Security and Violence Free Schools aimed at improving school security, strengthening the capabilities of security agents to respond to threats, and ensuring that education continues for children displaced by conflict and crisis, among other reasons.

The authorities committed to investing 144.8 billion naira (about $314.5 million at the time) over a certain period to finance this initiative. In 2023, they announced that 15 billion naira (about $24 million at the time) had been earmarked to pilot the initiative in 18 high-risk states and 48 schools. However, details of the implementation are sparse, and it remains unclear the extent to which this has been done.

Okenyodo told Human Rights Watch that the government needs to involve communities in designing and implementing initiatives to make schools safer to create a sense of ownership and reduce inefficiency and corruption.

“Now more than ever, the Nigerian authorities should step up efforts to make learning safe for children,” Ewang said. “They should work with communities to adopt rights-respecting measures and put in place adequate financing, systems, and structures to ensure quick, effective, and transparent implementation to ensure that children can learn without being exposed to grave harm.”

Nigeria: 10 Years after Chibok, Schoolchildren Still at Risk – HRW

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ISWAP’s acknowledgement of commander’s death highlights gains by troops, cracks within insurgent ranks

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ISWAP’s acknowledgement of commander’s death highlights gains by troops, cracks within insurgent ranks

By: Zagazola Makama

Fresh intelligence indicating that the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) has internally acknowledged the death of one of its senior commanders killed by Nigerian troops has provided a rare insight into the impact of recent military operations in the North-East.

The insurgent commander, identified as Modu Kundiri, served as the Qa’id (camp commander) of ISWAP’s Pulka axis in Gwoza Local Government Area of Borno State, a strategic location close to the border with Adamawa State and the Sambisa Forest corridor.

Intelligence sources told Zagazola Makama that Kundiri was neutralised during recent military operation along the Madagali–Gwoza axis, an area that has remained a critical operational corridor for insurgent movements between Borno and Adamawa.

What makes the development particularly significant is that the confirmation of his death did not come through official propaganda channels of the insurgent group but through intercepted communications among ISWAP members themselves.

According to intelligence obtained on March 11, a conversation between an insurgent identified as Abubakar, who was using Kundiri’s GSM line from a location opposite Pulka Market, and an associate named Fatima in Gonidamgari area of Maiduguri, revealed that the commander had been killed by military troops during the operation. Such internal acknowledgements often provide a clearer picture of battlefield realities than propaganda statements, which insurgent groups frequently manipulate to project strength.

Before his death, Kundiri was reportedly involved in coordinating or participating in several attacks across multiple local government areas in Borno and Adamawa states. These included operations in Gwoza, Askira/Uba, Bama and Konduga LGAs in Borno State, as well as Madagali LGA in Adamawa State.

Security sources say his operational reach across several LGAs reflected his familiarity with the terrain and his ability to coordinate movements along the rugged border areas linking Sambisa Forest to northern Adamawa.

His influence within the insurgent hierarchy had recently increased after he was reportedly elevated to senior command by Mallam Ba’ana Chingori, a prominent ISWAP figure believed to be operating within the Sambisa Forest enclave and Timbuktu Triangle.

The appointment placed Kundiri in charge of coordinating insurgent activities in the Pulka axis, an area frequently targeted by troops because of its strategic importance to insurgent logistics and movement.

The loss of such a commander could temporarily disrupt ISWAP’s operational coordination in the southern Borno corridor.
Field commanders like Kundiri typically serve as the link between strategic leadership in forest enclaves and operational cells responsible for attacks, recruitment and logistics.

“When such commanders are eliminated, it often creates a short-term vacuum in the command structure,” a counter-insurgency analyst said. However, insurgent organisations often attempt to quickly fill these gaps to maintain continuity.

Evidence of such attempts may already be emerging. Intelligence sources noted that the GSM line previously used by Kundiri is now being operated by another ISWAP member. This could be an attempt by the group to conceal the commander’s death temporarily or maintain communication channels within the network to avoid operational disruption.

Such tactics are common among insurgent groups trying to prevent panic or confusion among fighters following the loss of key leaders.

ISWAP’s acknowledgement of commander’s death highlights gains by troops, cracks within insurgent ranks

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Operation Hadin Kai debunks Fake news on ISWAP enclave in Tuba, Jere in Borno

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Operation Hadin Kai debunks Fake news on ISWAP enclave in Tuba, Jere in Borno

By: Zagazola Makama

Reports circulating online claiming that Boko Haram and ISWAP insurgents have established a new enclave in Tuba, Jere Local Government Area, have been strongly condemned by military sources in Operation HADIN KAI, describing the claims as false, misleading, and deliberately designed to spread fear.

According to the sources, recent operations conducted by troops of 212 Battalion, Operation HADIN KAI, across Tuba and surrounding areas including Dusuman, Jabarmari, Gongulong, Ngom, and along the Maiduguri-Monguno and Maiduguri-Mafa highways, found no evidence of any terrorist enclave, concentration, or movement as claimed in the reports.

The military sources expressed outrage over the circulation of such unverified stories, noting that some media platforms appear to be serving interests contrary to national security and public safety. “These claims are false, sensational, and do not reflect the reality on the ground,” the sources said.

They pointed to previous instances of deliberate exaggeration, where some outlets reported that 40 or even 100 soldiers were killed during attacks in Konduga figures that were never corroborated by even the insurgents themselves. Another example cited involved reports claiming Boko Haram had taken over Ngoshe, only for videos of troops firmly securing the area to emerge, exposing the lies. Despite this, some media still went ahead to report that Army has recaptured Ngoshe without providing further details of how the Operation tool place.

“Who are these media outlets serving?” the military sources demanded. “Are they advancing national or public interest, or are they actively trying to support the terrorists to disintegrate the country through fake narratives?”

While acknowledging operational challenges in the theatre, the military sources emphasized that troops continue to maintain operational dominance, safeguard residents, and protect highways and strategic installations across the North East region.

In other countries, citizens rally around their military to support them in countering violent extremism. Hardly will you find active citizens working as though they are tool of terrorists propaganda. They warned that unverified reports undermine troop morale, endanger civilians, and distort public perception of ongoing security efforts in the country.

Journalists and media platforms were urged to exercise professionalism, verify facts before publication, and avoid being used as instruments of destabilisation. Residents were advised to rely only on credible sources and report suspicious activities to security agencies.

The military remains committed to defeating terrorism, ensuring stability in Borno State and the broader North-East, and will not be distracted or demoralized by falsehoods masquerading as news.

Operation Hadin Kai debunks Fake news on ISWAP enclave in Tuba, Jere in Borno

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Fresh tension in ISWAP camps as top commander Modu Kunduli neutralised by troops in Borno

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Fresh tension in ISWAP camps as top commander Modu Kunduli neutralised by troops in Borno

By: Zagazola Makama

Fresh tension and anxiety have gripped Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) camps following the neutralisation of one of its top commanders, Modu Kunduli, by troops of Operation HADIN KAI during a failed assault on the Army Forward Operation Base in Mayanti village, Bama Local Government Area of Borno State.

Sources say the late commander met his end during a last week’s failed mission targeting the Army Forward Operation Base at Mayanti village. His death is expected to create a significant leadership vacuum within ISWAP, particularly in Sambisa Forest, given his mastery of local terrain and fluency in Fulfulde, Kanuri, and Marghi.

Zagazola report that Kunduli, a high-profile ISWAP commander, had been orchestrating attacks across Borno and Adamawa states for the past ten years, dating back to the era of Boko Haram founder Abubakar Shekau. He joined ISWAP shortly after the death of Shekau in 2021z

He was notorious for terrorising communities in Askira Uba Local Government Area, including Lassa, Multaku, Uvu, Wamdeo, and Ruimirgo villages. Reports also indicate his involvement in attacks on Vita, Yamtage, Izge, Pulka, Warabe, Limankara, and Ubawa villages in Gwoza Local Government Area.

Beyond Borno, Kunduli held operational control over Galta, a border community linking Adamawa and Borno states, overseeing large swathes of territory in Madagali and Michika Local Government Areas of Adamawa. His deep knowledge of the Sambisa Forest terrain, coupled with his leadership capabilities, earned him the command of several ISWAP branches across the region.

Zagazola note that Kunduli’s elimination represents a major blow to ISWAP’s operational capabilities in the north-east, disrupting the group’s command structure and its ability to coordinate attacks across Borno and Adamawa states.

Troops of Operation HADIN KAI continue to exploit the area and maintain aggressive patrols to prevent remaining insurgents from regrouping.

Military sources have assured residents that the offensive will continue until the remnants of the terrorist group are decisively neutralised.

Fresh tension in ISWAP camps as top commander Modu Kunduli neutralised by troops in Borno

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