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Nigeria: 10 Years after Chibok, Schoolchildren Still at Risk – HRW
Nigeria: 10 Years after Chibok, Schoolchildren Still at Risk – HRW
…Urges Government To Implement Safe Schools Plan to Protect Schools, Children
By: Our Reporter
Ten years after the abduction of over 200 schoolgirls in Chibok, Nigerian authorities have failed to put in place and sustain crucial measures to provide a secure learning environment for every child, Human Rights Watch said today.
Since 2014, according to Save the Children, more than 1,600 children have been abducted or kidnapped across northern Nigeria. In the northeast, the armed conflict between Boko Haram and Nigerian armed forces continues to take its toll and, in the northwest, criminal groups commonly called bandits are terrorizing communities. During February and March 2024 alone, bandits kidnapped over 200 children from their schools in Kaduna and Sokoto states.
“For many children across northern Nigeria, the pursuit of an education means facing the constant threat of abduction or kidnapping,” said Anietie Ewang, Nigeria researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Children should never face the harrowing dilemma of sacrificing their safety for education, but this untenable choice, which echoes the profound insecurity plaguing the country, is thrust upon them daily.”
On April 14, 2014, Boko Haram, an Islamist armed group, abducted 276 girls from their school in Chibok, a town in northeastern Borno state, sparking global outrage. Although some of the girls escaped, or were released or rescued, 96 remain in captivity according to UNICEF, and civil society groups continue to pressure the government to ensure they are rescued. Boko Haram, known for its opposition to education, has carried out other such abductions, including one of 110 girls from a school in Dapchi, a town in Yobe state, in 2018.
In addition to kidnappings by Boko Haram in the northeast, the ongoing banditry crisis in the northwest has in recent years made that area a hub for criminal kidnapping for ransom. The crisis emerged after years of conflict between herders and farmers, giving rise to the criminal groups, which have carried out widespread killings, looting, extortion, and kidnapping for ransom in mostly rural communities.
Between December 2020 and February 2021, a series of high-profile incidents, including the abduction of over 600 schoolchildren across Zamfara, Katsina, and Niger states, thrust the kidnapping issue into the spotlight.
In the aftermath of Chibok, the Nigerian government endorsed the Safe Schools Declaration, an international political commitment to protect education from attack and schools from military use which turns them into targets. The government also adopted a Safe School Initiative for Nigeria with the support of the global community and Nigerian business leaders. The initiative aimed to raise funds with an initial US$10 million pledge to help make schools safer, including by moving them to safer areas and creating a safe school model for schools across Borno, Adamawa, and Yobe, the three states worst hit by the Boko Haram insurgency.
However, the multi-stakeholder initiative faced problems, and there has been a decline in momentum over the years with little or no progress made in fortifying schools, Human Rights Watch said. In 2021, Nigeria’s then-Senate president Ahmad Lawan, following an investigation into the utilization of the funds for the initiative, declared that it was designed to fail without a National Policy and Strategy for the Safe School Initiative and the leadership of the Federal Education Ministry. In the meantime, communities continue to suffer the brunt of bandit attacks and schoolchildren remain vulnerable prey.
A Chibok girl who was in Boko Haram captivity for over two years, and was released with 20 others, told Human Rights Watch that news of school kidnappings brings back memories of her ordeal. “Whenever I hear that more children have been kidnapped, I feel terrible, helpless,” she said. “We are still not safe … It brings back memories of what happened to me. I can never forget being snatched from my parents, my family for so long. I pray this is not the case for those that are kidnapped.” She is now a 28-year-old university student studying natural and environmental sciences.
Kemi Okenyodo, an expert in security and governance and the executive director of the Rule of Law and Empowerment Initiative in Abuja, told Human Rights Watch that the ongoing school kidnappings, resembling those in Chibok a decade ago, highlight a failure to learn from past experiences, as they are taking place without adequate security infrastructure or intervention from authorities to prevent dozens or hundreds of children being snatched away at once.
Amid the heightened threat of attacks on schools, many have been forced to shut down completely, with more than 20 million children out of school in Nigeria, according to UNESCO, among the highest number in any country in the world. According to UNICEF, 66 percent of out-of-school children in Nigeria are from the northeast and northwest, which are among the poorest regions in the country.
For girls especially, the challenges are double edged. They risk rape and other forms of sexual violence if kidnapped, and if kept out of school, they risk child marriage, which is a common practice in these regions.
In 2021, the government adopted the National Policy on Safety, Security and Violence Free Schools aimed at improving school security, strengthening the capabilities of security agents to respond to threats, and ensuring that education continues for children displaced by conflict and crisis, among other reasons.
The authorities committed to investing 144.8 billion naira (about $314.5 million at the time) over a certain period to finance this initiative. In 2023, they announced that 15 billion naira (about $24 million at the time) had been earmarked to pilot the initiative in 18 high-risk states and 48 schools. However, details of the implementation are sparse, and it remains unclear the extent to which this has been done.
Okenyodo told Human Rights Watch that the government needs to involve communities in designing and implementing initiatives to make schools safer to create a sense of ownership and reduce inefficiency and corruption.
“Now more than ever, the Nigerian authorities should step up efforts to make learning safe for children,” Ewang said. “They should work with communities to adopt rights-respecting measures and put in place adequate financing, systems, and structures to ensure quick, effective, and transparent implementation to ensure that children can learn without being exposed to grave harm.”
Nigeria: 10 Years after Chibok, Schoolchildren Still at Risk – HRW
News
Zulum Emerges BusinessDay’s Best Performing Governor SCIRA Award of the Year
Zulum Emerges BusinessDay’s Best Performing Governor SCIRA Award of the Year
By: Our Reporter
Borno State Governor, Professor Babagana Umara Zulum, has emerged as BusinessDay’s 2025 Governor of the Year on Competitiveness and Investment Readiness Awards (SCIRA) under the category of Infrastructure Competitiveness Category Awards.
The award ceremony is scheduled to be held on Thursday, June 18, 2026, at NAF Conference Center & Suites, Jabi, Abuja.
Zulum’s nomination was contained in a letter by the Publisher/CEO of BusinessDay, Frank Aigbogun, addressed to the Governor.
“On behalf of BusinessDay Media Limited, Nigeria’s foremost business and economic intelligence platform, we are honoured to inform you that Borno State has been nominated for ‘Best Performing Governor’ under the Infrastructure Competitiveness Category for the 2025 States Competitiveness/Investment Readiness Awards (SCIRA),” Aigbogun said.
According to him, Governor Zulum’s nomination acknowledges his administration’s extraordinary strides in rebuilding infrastructure, reviving moribund industries, and restoring livelihoods as part of Borno’s long-term post-conflict recovery.
“Your Excellency, few states embody the spirit of renewal as Borno does. Against the backdrop of a decade-long insurgency, your government has delivered one of Nigeria’s most ambitious reconstruction and reintegration programmes, with infrastructure as its anchor,” he added.
Highlights of this transformation include:
Revival of Industrial Assets: The Borno Plastic Industry and Borno Meat Processing Company, once abandoned, have been progressively rehabilitated, signaling a return of productive capacity and investor confidence.
Industrial Hub Redevelopment: Through the Borno State Industrial Park and Enterprise Centre (BIP), over 2,000 SMEs now operate in structured facilities that provide power, workspace, and logistics support.
Infrastructure-led Recovery: Over 10,000 houses have been reconstructed across local government areas, enabling market access and trade linkages among Maiduguri, Biu, Monguno, and Gwoza.
Energy & Industrial Power Supply: The Maiduguri 50MW Gas Plant and collaboration with the Rural Electrification Agency (REA) have significantly enhanced industrial energy reliability.
Mr Aigbogun said these efforts have repositioned Borno as a credible destination for post-conflict
industrial reinvestment that combines human development with economic diversification.
“Borno’s shortlisting was derived from the BusinessDay Research & Intelligence Unit (BRIU) and BudgIT State Competitiveness Model (2025), using a Composite Infrastructure Competitiveness Index (CICI) based on three weighted dimensions,”
“Across these parameters, Borno ranked among the top five northern states, with its infrastructure recovery index improving by over 41% between 2020 and 2024.
“In the education and health sectors, construction of over 100 secondary schools, Kashim Ibrahim University Teaching Hospital and Staff quarters, doctors’ quarters, as well as take-off support for Federal Polytechnic Monguno, Federal College Gwoza, School of Nursing and Midwifery in Gwoza and Monguno, and the Orthopedic Hospital Azare, amongst others,” he remarked.
The Publisher acknowledged that Governor Zulum’s administration has rebuilt confidence, reconstruct
and resettled communities, revived industries, education, and healthcare, noting that today Borno stands as a model of post-conflict competitiveness in Africa.
Zulum Emerges BusinessDay’s Best Performing Governor SCIRA Award of the Year
News
Parliamentarians in Sierra Leone mourn colleague Lucinda Kelly
Parliamentarians in Sierra Leone mourn colleague Lucinda Kelly
By: Bodunrin Kayode
Following the distressing announcement of the sudden death of Lucinda Kelly, representing Kono District, of Sierra Leone proceedings in the Parliament empathically came to a halt last week and was adjourned to this week in memory of the late politician.
During their last sitting, opposition leader Abdul Kargbo moved a motion, seconded by Deputy Opposition Leader Aaron Koroma, that all businesses on the Order Paper be suspended for the House be adjourned thereby allowing members to pay a condolence visit to the family of the bereaved.
“The remains of our colleague are currently at the mortuary, and I do not believe we can continue with the Sittings,” Kargbo said solemnly.
Acting Leader of Government Business, Bashiru Silikie joined the Opposition in extending condolences and requested that Acting Speaker Ibrahim Conteh adjourn Sittings to allow Members to mourn the late parliamentarian Lucinda Kelly.
Silikie noted that Kelly would have been present to form a quorum for last week’s Sittings, but death had sadly snatched her away from legislative businesses.
He proposed that the Parliament adjourns until tomorrow Tuesday for further deliberations pending announcement of her interment rites.
Acting Speaker Ibrahim Tawa Conteh then called on the House to observe a moment of silence in honour of the late Kelly.
Lucinda Kelly was an All People’s Congress (APC) Opposition Member of Parliament representing Kono District of the Republic of Sierra Leone.
She was a vocal and formidable debater who took her parliamentary responsibilities of representation, lawmaking, and oversight very seriously.
Parliamentarians in Sierra Leone mourn colleague Lucinda Kelly
News
Kashim Shettima: Of Betrayal, Power, and Survival.
Kashim Shettima: Of Betrayal, Power, and Survival.
By: Inuwa Bwala.
“March has returned, and with it the Ides. Beware the men who call you brother.”
Julius Caesar was perhaps Rome’s most trusted general. He crossed the Rubicon for Rome, conquered Gaul for Rome, and pardoned enemies for Rome.
Yet it was neither Gaul nor Pompey: his avowed rivals, that killed him. It was Brutus: his friend, and confidant yet his protégé, who was described as “the noblest Roman of them all.”
Julius Caesar did not slump and died because the daggers were too many, rather, bacause he noticed the person he least expected could betray him amongst those stabbing him: Brutus. In utter shock and disbelief, Caesar slumped, but not before he uttered the word,”And you too Brutus?”.
There is no doubt that, Kashim Shettima was Borno’s most tested governor. He walked into boiling areas, when others fled the state. He rebuilt schools bombed by Boko Haram. He chose to stay in Maiduguri when Abuja offered comfort.
As Vice President, he has carried himself as a true statesman abs the face of the Tinubu administration at national and international meets.
He always speaks of “the sanctity of human life” and calked for swifter and total mobilisationagainst terror.
Yet today, whispers from Borno and Abuja suggest the daggers are not in the bush like that of Boko Haram, they are in the hands of his kinsmen, those he hold family meetings and political meetings with.
Those who could read between the line, may be able to tell, when Shettima gave an anecdote at a recent public function, about the visit by his kinsmen to his boss, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, just three months into the life of the administration.
Like Brutus and the conspirators of the Shakespearean fame, who claimed they did not hate Caesar, but loved Rome more, those who visited Tinubu claimed to love Nigeria more and her President, abd not brcause thry hated Shettima.
Brutus in particular played on a so-called republican pride and his fear of tyranny, which he used in convincing himself that betrayal was patriotism. He struck to “save” Rome.
Shettima’s own “Brutuses” use a different script, relying on Shetyima’s perceived ambition and the attendant battle to keep himself in the balance of power as an alibi.
And in the face of contending forces, they recruited people to plsy out the cards, while remaining in the shadows. The charges may appear different with that if Caesar, but the intents are same. And while still smarting from the Muslim-Muslim debacle, Shettima had hradly setyled in office when they began to spread rumours of him, being too Borno, not enough to be a northerner. Too ambitious, fetish, independent minded and growing too popular. One thing they could not take away from him though us the fact that Shettima is intelligent, shrewd and a master schemer, which his boss knows too well.
I had cause to warn of this years ago seeing Shettima’s passive refusal to pick between kinsmen in place of statesmen to work with him.
I could see through the plots to denigrate a fine emergent nationalist by linking him with Boko Haram, painting him as fetish, portraying him as a religious and ethinic checkbox, all in a bud to undo him. The weapon when he was govetnor was insurgency, but the weapon now is political naivity and stereotyping . The tactic includes convincing his Kanuri kinsmen to fight him, so that “when Kanuri fights Kanuri, others will win. But beyond that, even his Kanuri brothers seem to have an axe to grind with him.
The painful truth remains, that, Caesar’s killers were senators in the Capitol, but Shettima’s challengers may be his own kinsmen: some of whom, he nentored snd no one can ever convince him that, they could ever work against him. In both cases, the dagger is dipped in familiarity.
It cuts deeper because the hands holding it, are either those he mentored or once broke bread with him.
Caesar died because he ignored omens. Not even Calpurnia, his wife’s dream could deter him. He ignored the soothsayer, and shunned the Senate’s mood, thinking goodwill was a good sheild and armor.
Shettima’s March 2027 is loaded with omens too, arising from fresh attacks by vested interests, intrigues amongst political players, betrayal by kinsmen, espionage by aides and attachees, dissertion by hitherto close allies, manipulations in the media, ethnic or religious profiling, clandestine meetings that without communiqués, but with lethal intents, contending forces in the party who whisper that 2027 needs a “new pairing.” indeed, the ides are here, because a second term is near, and second terms birth daggers.
As governor, perhaps Shettima survived by moving rather faster than conspiracy. He outrun, those who want to either even scores or shake off his dominace, and those people have remained at daggers drawn with him
How Shettima Survives, will definitely be a refrence point in power struggles in Nigeria.
But unlike Caesar who never learnt, Shettima is a good student of Robert Greens 48 Laws of Power, and must have drawn lessons from the falls of others before him.
To survive, Shettima must learn to trust, but audit the Praetorians. Caesar trusted Brutus with his life. Shettima cannot afford blind trust. The INEC database compromise and probe shows how insider access kills. Shettima must do what he did as governor: forensic audits, no sacred cows. As I earlier said, he must have his own policy, which must not be changed simply because some people want to determine its content.
He must learnt to keep the people, his own trusted people, and must not loose, as Caesar lost Rome due to his belief in his personal prowess and capacity. Shettima still owns Borno’s streets and still conttols the larger and more lethal political forces in the North.
He should be able to name the Brutus, but should not become an Antony, whom at Caesar’s funeral sparked civil unrest. Shettima cannot afford chaos. He should have a machinery on ground that will expose the plot, without burning the Forum. He should expedite action in uniting the North, and rally the support of kinsmen, even as a counterforce, or risks allowing the real enemies to win.
Importantly, he should bear in mind, that, the parabolical March is not the end, the ides pass. For Caesar, it ended at Pompey’s statue, but for Shettima, March can end with a stronger alliance. He must do what he told the nation: “We choose light over shadow, and hope over despair”.
The Verdict of History, had
Brutus dying on his own sword, muttering, “Caesar, now be still.” Betrayal did not save the Republic, rather it buried it.
Shettima’s kinsmen face the same choice. They can strike and wait for the verdict of history, or they can sheathe the dagger and remember: the real enemy still sleeps someehere else.
Twelve years ago, I wrote that Shettima’s ides would test Borno. In 2026, I state without fear of contradiction, that, they will test Nigeria.
Caesar ignored the soothsayer because he was in so much hurry. Shettima, as always, may not be in a hurry, but should he decide to, that hurry may yet save him.
Kashim Shettima: Of Betrayal, Power, and Survival.
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