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Report Indicates ongoing attempts at distorting outcome of elections

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Report Indicates ongoing attempts at distorting outcome of elections

… Classifies 22 states as having high risk of manipulation

By: Michael Mike

The Election Manipulation Risk Index (EMRI) report released on Friday has showed that there are ongoing attempts to distort the outcomes of next month’s general elections.

The report was complied by the International Press Centre, Institute for Media and Society, Partners for Electoral Reform, The Albino Foundation, The Nigerian Women Trust Fund, The Kukah Centre, Enough is Enough Nigeria, Center for Journalism Innovation and Development, SBM Intelligence, Dataphye and Yiaga Africa.

Releasing the report in Abuja, the group alleged that “attempts to distort election outcomes using manipulation strategies are on the rise. Key actors are devising strategies to punctuate electoral preparations and neutralize the impact of laudable reforms aimed at enhancing the integrity of the electoral process.

“The political interference with INEC operations, tampering with the voter register, frivolous litigations and resistance against electoral technology like BVAS and IReV, and administrative lapses are electoral risks that may potentially impugn the integrity of the 2023 elections.”

According to the report, “in response to these risks, civil society organisations designed the Election Manipulation Risk Index (EMRI) to facilitate systematic and coherent monitoring of the insidious nature of election manipulation in the build-up to Nigeria’s 2023 general elections. The central focus of the EMRI is election administration, and it seeks to provide citizens with a clear understanding of what constitutes election manipulation and the role of citizens in risk mitigation. It should be seen as a rapid scanning tool rather than an in-depth solution for threats of election manipulation.”

The report added that: “While other forms of manipulation can take place, the EMRI focuses on six variables for tracking election manipulation. They include; INEC capture, manipulation of the voter register, voter suppression, resistance to the election technology, especially BVAS and IReV, history of election manipulation, and election litigation. Several empirical indicators are then identified for each variable to unravel election manipulation. Election security may compound the analysis and shift the focus from the election administration process, hence its exclusion from the EMRI variables and indicators.”

The report classified 22 states as high-risk states due to the presence of more than three EMRI variables, Imo, Anambra, Enugu, Ebonyi, Abia, Rivers, Akwa Ibom, Lagos, Oyo, Osun, Ekiti, Kwara, Niger, Plateau, Taraba, Kaduna, Bauchi, Adamawa, Kano, Katsina, Sokoto and Jigawa.

Twelve states were classified as having medium election manipulation risks. The states include Borno, Yobe, Nasarawa, Benue, Kogi, Zamfara, Kebbi, Ogun, Edo, Delta, Bayelsa and Cross River.

Three states were classified as low risk. They include Gombe, Ondo, and Federal Capital Territory.

According to the report, the EMRI is a qualitative tool of analysis that relies heavily on observation, content analysis, and expert interviews. Data collected through these methods are triangulated to reflect how they result in election manipulation.

The EMRI highlighted states where election manipulation occurred and introduced a ranking of states based on the prevalence of election manipulation indicators.

The risk indicator ranking is divided into three categories: High Risk (states with three variables and above), Medium Risk (states with two variables), and Low Risk (states with 1 or 0 variables).

The report claimed that most evidence for EMRI were sourced from INEC reports and statements and publications, pre- and post-election observation reports from domestic and international observers, and reports from trusted unbiased media institutions.

While reading the report, the Director of International Press Centre (IPC), Lanre Arogundade, promised that three EMRI iteration reports will be released on the 2023 general election, noting that it is expected that the EMRI will curb election manipulation, facilitate strategic election planning and promote citizens’ oversight of the electoral process.

The report, however advised that to mitigate against the risk, measures should be taken: INEC should deploy trusted, incorruptible, and experienced Administrative Secretaries, Heads of ICT, and Operations to high risks states; Intense scrutiny of applications for ad-hoc personnel recruitment; Applicants should undergo competency tests, and names of successful applicants should be published for public scrutiny; INEC should create a system for submitting objections against partisan and compromised ad-hoc officials.

INEC should intensify oversight and monitoring of its officials in high and medium-risk states. This includes establishing a reporting mechanism that enables citizens to report concerns and complaints against INEC officials; clean-up of the voter register to remove multiple registrants, fictitious names, and underage registrants; greater transparency with the management of claims and objections submitted by citizens to INEC; diligent prosecution of INEC officials responsible for the manipulation of the voter register; enhanced monitoring and oversight of INEC officials managing the PVC collection process to prevent manipulation and deliberate denial from issuing PVCs to certain persons.

Also advised are timely production and distribution of PVCs to all registered voters, resistance to election technology like BVAS and IReV; enhanced security in storage facilities where the BVAS devices are stored; restraint on the part of the judiciary to entertain frivolous litigations against the use of the BVAS and IReV; continuous public sensitization on the capacity of the BVAS and IReV to limit election
manipulation; increase public awareness of mitigation measures in the 2022 Electoral Act against election manipulation, INEC should ensure adequate training of its staff to enforce compliance with the Electoral Act 2022 and INEC Regulations and Guidelines
Election litigation; the judiciary should dismiss cases instituted to undermine the preparations for the general elections; and the Nigerian Bar Association should take disciplinary actions against legal practitioners engaged in election manipulation using the judicial process.

Report Indicates ongoing attempts at distorting outcome of elections

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Forum condemns abusive language on Atiku

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Forum condemns abusive language on Atiku

North-East Elders and Youth Forum, Adamawa Chapter has strongly rejected and condemned the abusive language attributed to the former Vice President Atiku Abubakar by the former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Mr Babachir Lawal.

Hamza Sa’ad Dasin, the National Leader of the forum stated this during a press briefing in Yola that Lawal accused Atiku Abubakar of manipulating the recent ADC primary election results while describing him as a religious and tribal bigot.

“Well, that’s not the problem, because leaving or staying with the party remains his absolute right; the most alarming and worrisome approach by the former SGF was his utterances against the Former Vice President.

“Accusing him of being religious and tribal bigot, and even went further to calling him KACHALLA, which connotes direct linkage with banditry”, he said.

He said, Atiku Abubakar, socially and politically remains the symbol of unity Nigeria as he married from South West, South-East and North-East “So he is symbolically democratic even in his own house”.

Dasin further said that Atiku has a very large heart that accommodates all irrespective of religious, tribal or sectional inclinations.

“This can be ascertained by looking at the people surrounding him. He is a believer of cultural multiplicity.

“When Boko Haram entered Mubi in Adamawa State, Atiku used his personal resources to bring in hunters and traditional fighters from different parts of northern Nigeria to come and assist.

“And they eventually succeeded in driving them away, killing a large number of them. This is to tell you that Atiku has never, can never and will never be a supporter of banditry, so count him out of being a KACHALLA”, he said.

He further explained that Atiku is a well recognized Political Guru, not only in Nigeria but in the world.

“He is considered one of the best politicians in Africa and the world”, he said.

Forum condemns abusive language on Atiku

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Kashim Shettima: Understanding Farooq Kperogi’s arguments on Tinubu’s 2027 ticket

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Vice President Kashim Shettima


Kashim Shettima: Understanding Farooq Kperogi’s arguments on Tinubu’s 2027 ticket

By: Dr. James Bwala

The interplay of identity, symbolism, and electoral coalitions remains a defining feature of political calculations. Prof. Farooq Kperogi’s article, “The Shettima Danger for Tinubu,” brings to the fore a nuanced analysis of the 2023 Tinubu-Shettima political alliance and its implications for the upcoming 2027 elections. At first glance, one might dismiss Kperogi’s arguments as overblown or reductionist, interpreting the situation purely through a lens of personal relationships or conventional political maneuvers. However, a deeper examination reveals that Kperogi’s article is a persuasive and compelling warning about how ignoring the complex dynamics of identity blocs and political symbolism could imperil Tinubu’s ambitions. Kperogi’s insights, therefore, must be taken seriously by political actors, analysts, and stakeholders as they unravel the political future of Nigeria’s ruling party.

Kperogi’s central contentions revolve around what he terms “emotional cartography”—the phenomenon where voting behavior in Nigeria is strongly influenced by identity-based sentimental loyalty to ethnic, regional, and religious affiliations. The Tinubu–Shettima ticket of 2023 is not merely an example of a Muslim-Muslim alliance as popularly debated but rather a strategic partnership representing a powerful Yoruba–Northern Muslim electoral coalition. Tinubu, as a Yoruba political titan, symbolized the southwestern, populous, and politically vibrant Yoruba bloc, while Shettima represented the Northern Muslim electorate, a significant demographic force that has historically influenced election outcomes. This alliance functioned not just on religious credentials but on broader identity representation that allowed different groups to feel politically validated and included in governance.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-when-tinubus-endorsement-of-vice-president-kashim-shettimas-unwavering-support-speaks-volumes/

To understand the stakes, one must appreciate how Nigerian electoral politics operate under this framework. Identity politics, though often criticized for perpetuating division, remains a primary mechanism through which large sections of the population interpret their political interests and participation. For many Nigerians, political representation is not only about policies or ideology but also about whether they see their group’s history, values, and concerns visibly acknowledged and safeguarded. Kperogi emphasizes that emotional cartography generates an implicit contract: when a political ticket includes representatives from major ethnic and religious blocks, it reassures those constituencies that their place in the power structure is secure. Conversely, when this balance shifts or is disrupted, it risks alienating those blocs, triggering voter apathy, backlash, or realignment.

This dynamic makes the prospect of removing Shettima from the 2027 Tinubu ticket particularly perilous. According to Kperogi, Shettima’s presence was foundational to the 2023 electoral success because he symbolically anchored Northern Muslim support. The North is not monolithic, but the Northern Muslim constituency comprises a notable voting bloc that contributed significantly to Tinubu’s victory. Removing Shettima signals more than just a personnel change; it potentially conveys to Northern Muslims that their symbolic representation within the ruling coalition is being diminished or erased. Such a perception, Kperogi warns, would likely fracture existing alliances and result in a loss of critical votes during the next election cycle.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-when-tinubus-endorsement-of-vice-president-kashim-shettimas-unwavering-support-speaks-volumes/

Also, Kperogi critiques the assumption that replacing Shettima with a Northern Christian candidate would simply substitute one identity for another and thus maintain coalition stability. This overlooks key realities about the shifting affiliations and political histories of Northern Christians. Many Northern Christian voters have already gravitated toward alternatives such as Peter Obi, making them a less reliable base for Tinubu’s coalition vis-à-vis Northern Muslims. Hence, swapping Shettima for a Northern Christian does not guarantee a straightforward transfer of votes; instead, it risks weakening the Northern bloc’s overall cohesion in favor of less predictable political outcomes. In Kperogi’s assessment, this maneuver could cause Tinubu to lose more ground than he gains.

Beyond electoral arithmetic, Kperogi’s argument also extends into the broader realm of political sociology and conflict studies within Nigeria. Throughout history, Northern political elites have often leveraged religious identity—particularly Muslim solidarity—to mobilize voters and address perceived marginalization or exclusion in the national power matrix. Displacing Shettima, who embodies this Northern Muslim representation, could rekindle grievances and exacerbate fault lines that have periodically erupted into tension or violence. Thus, the “Shettima danger” not only encapsulates electoral risks but also potential destabilization of Nigeria’s delicate interethnic and interreligious equilibrium.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-when-tinubus-endorsement-of-vice-president-kashim-shettimas-unwavering-support-speaks-volumes/

Critically, Kperogi’s analysis does not endorse or glorify identity politics; rather, it pragmatically acknowledges it as an existing reality that shapes Nigerian political behavior. His contribution lies in highlighting that political actors who ignore these identity perceptions do so at their own peril. The idea that electoral success can be achieved solely through policy platforms or technocratic governance is, in Nigeria’s context, incomplete without considering the symbolism of inclusion and representation among diverse communities. Tinubu’s political fortunes, therefore, hinge upon maintaining a coalition that respects and reflects the ethnic and religious mosaic of Nigeria’s electorate.

Opponents of Kperogi’s view might argue that emphasizing identity risks perpetuating sectarianism and undermining efforts toward national integration. They may advocate for transcendence beyond primordial affiliations toward programmatic politics focusing on issues like economic development, security, and social justice. While such aspirations are noble and necessary for Nigeria’s long-term progress, the immediate political reality remains that identity-based emotional loyalty strongly influences voter behavior and political legitimacy. Dismissing this factor risks alienating vital constituencies and undermining political stability—a cost that Nigerian leaders cannot afford in the volatile current climate.

READ ALSO https://newsng.ng/2027-when-tinubus-endorsement-of-vice-president-kashim-shettimas-unwavering-support-speaks-volumes/

Indeed, Kperogi’s concept of emotional cartography offers a useful analytic framework to bridge the divide between identity politics critics and proponents. It encourages recognizing identity as a sociopolitical phenomenon shaped by history, culture, and lived experience rather than a mere obstacle to democracy. Through this lens, politicians like Tinubu must navigate identity sensibilities skillfully, balancing inclusivity and national unity without erasing distinct group identities. The Shettima matter exemplifies this challenge: it requires sensitivity to how symbolic representation operates alongside substantive governance to sustain broad-based political coalitions.

The assessment of the “Shettima danger” for Tinubu’s 2027 ticket should be regarded as a persuasive cautionary tale grounded in Nigeria’s political realities. Far from an academic abstraction, his insights illuminate why removing Shettima risks fracturing a crucial electoral coalition based on Yoruba and Northern Muslim alliances, thereby jeopardizing Tinubu’s political prospects. More importantly, it underscores how identity, symbolism, and emotional cartography continue to shape Nigerian politics in profound ways. For Tinubu and his party, success depends not only on policy effectiveness but also on adeptly managing the complex mosaic of representation and inclusion that defines Nigeria’s democratic landscape. To ignore Kperogi’s warnings is to court a political miscalculation with potentially far-reaching consequences for Nigeria’s fragile unity and democratic stability.

* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.

Kashim Shettima: Understanding Farooq Kperogi’s arguments on Tinubu’s 2027 ticket

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APC Bauchi: Counting the Losses

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APC Bauchi: Counting the Losses

By: Michael Olukayode

The All Progressives Congress (APC) in Bauchi State is gradually entering one of the most critical moments in its political history. What should have been a period of consolidation, unity, and strategic preparation has instead turned into growing confusion, internal resentment, massive defections, and the dangerous creation of unnecessary political enemies within the party.

Sadly, many loyal supporters believe this crisis was avoidable.

The root of the problem lies in the failure of the party to manage its internal affairs with fairness, openness, and genuine consultation. What many party members expected to be a transparent political process instead appeared to become a carefully controlled arrangement driven by personal interests and future political calculations.

Today, APC Bauchi is paying the price.

Unfortunately, many loyal supporters do not believe that M.A. Abubakar currently possesses the political strength, energy, or widespread acceptance needed to successfully confront the opposition in the present political climate. Rather than generating excitement and renewed confidence within the party, his emergence has instead deepened internal divisions, increased frustration among supporters, and accelerated defections across different political structures.

The political sidelining of some prominent aspirants such as Amb. Yusuf Maitama Tuggar remains one of the most painful developments for many supporters across the state. To thousands of APC loyalists, Tuggar represented not just another aspirant, but a modern political force capable of rebuilding confidence in the party and attracting broader public support.

He brought national visibility, diplomatic experience, youth appeal, intellectual strength, and growing grassroots acceptance. More importantly, he represented hope for a new generation of APC politics in Bauchi State.0

Unfortunately, many supporters now feel that merit, popularity, and acceptability were sacrificed for personal political arrangements.

What makes the situation even more dangerous is the perception that the entire strategy was designed around short-term interests rather than the long-term survival of the party. Many believe the arrangement was structured to return a former governor for a single remaining term while preparing the ground for another political ambition afterward.

This perception has become very obvious that the political damages caused is undeniable.

Today, APC Bauchi is no longer only losing members but it is creating more enemies.

And in politics, there is a major difference between losing supporters and creating opponents motivated by disappointment, anger, and exclusion.

Across the state:

  • Influential stakeholders are defecting.
  • Grassroots coordinators are withdrawing their loyalty.
  • Youth supporters are becoming frustrated.
  • Local party structures are weakening.
  • Silent resentment is spreading across many political camps.

Some of the individuals leaving the party are not ordinary members. They are people with political structures, loyal followership, electoral value, and influence within their communities. Every defection weakens the confidence of remaining supporters and strengthens rival political platforms.

The most dangerous part is that many of these crises are self-inflicted.

A political party cannot continue to sideline committed stakeholders, ignore growing dissatisfaction, and expect unity to survive automatically. Politics requires inclusion, consultation, and respect for those who contribute to building the party.

Unfortunately, APC Bauchi is beginning to appear divided between those protecting the future of the party and those protecting personal political interests.

This is creating bitterness that may take years to repair.

Many supporters who once defended the party passionately are now questioning their place within the system. Others have already moved on politically, while many more remain silent observers waiting for the next opportunity to make their decisions.

The reality is simple:
No political party grows stronger by humiliating its strongest assets.

No political structure survives for long while continuously creating internal enemies.

And no party with a weak candidate can successfully challenge opposition.

Therefore, this is a sincere call for urgent intervention before the situation becomes irreversible

The leadership of our great party APC, at both state and national levels, must act immediately.

Most importantly, the party must recognize the strategic political value of leaders like Amb. Yusuf Maitama Tuggar, whose influence, acceptance, and credibility remain important for the future strength of APC in Bauchi State.

Time is running out.
The warning signs are already visible.

The defections are increasing.

The frustration is growing.

And the losses are becoming impossible to ignore.

APC Bauchi must decide quickly whether it wants to build a united future or continue counting the losses.

Michael Olukayode is a seasoned journalist and public analyst

APC Bauchi: Counting the Losses

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