Politics
Report Indicates ongoing attempts at distorting outcome of elections

Report Indicates ongoing attempts at distorting outcome of elections
… Classifies 22 states as having high risk of manipulation
By: Michael Mike
The Election Manipulation Risk Index (EMRI) report released on Friday has showed that there are ongoing attempts to distort the outcomes of next month’s general elections.
The report was complied by the International Press Centre, Institute for Media and Society, Partners for Electoral Reform, The Albino Foundation, The Nigerian Women Trust Fund, The Kukah Centre, Enough is Enough Nigeria, Center for Journalism Innovation and Development, SBM Intelligence, Dataphye and Yiaga Africa.
Releasing the report in Abuja, the group alleged that “attempts to distort election outcomes using manipulation strategies are on the rise. Key actors are devising strategies to punctuate electoral preparations and neutralize the impact of laudable reforms aimed at enhancing the integrity of the electoral process.
“The political interference with INEC operations, tampering with the voter register, frivolous litigations and resistance against electoral technology like BVAS and IReV, and administrative lapses are electoral risks that may potentially impugn the integrity of the 2023 elections.”
According to the report, “in response to these risks, civil society organisations designed the Election Manipulation Risk Index (EMRI) to facilitate systematic and coherent monitoring of the insidious nature of election manipulation in the build-up to Nigeria’s 2023 general elections. The central focus of the EMRI is election administration, and it seeks to provide citizens with a clear understanding of what constitutes election manipulation and the role of citizens in risk mitigation. It should be seen as a rapid scanning tool rather than an in-depth solution for threats of election manipulation.”
The report added that: “While other forms of manipulation can take place, the EMRI focuses on six variables for tracking election manipulation. They include; INEC capture, manipulation of the voter register, voter suppression, resistance to the election technology, especially BVAS and IReV, history of election manipulation, and election litigation. Several empirical indicators are then identified for each variable to unravel election manipulation. Election security may compound the analysis and shift the focus from the election administration process, hence its exclusion from the EMRI variables and indicators.”
The report classified 22 states as high-risk states due to the presence of more than three EMRI variables, Imo, Anambra, Enugu, Ebonyi, Abia, Rivers, Akwa Ibom, Lagos, Oyo, Osun, Ekiti, Kwara, Niger, Plateau, Taraba, Kaduna, Bauchi, Adamawa, Kano, Katsina, Sokoto and Jigawa.
Twelve states were classified as having medium election manipulation risks. The states include Borno, Yobe, Nasarawa, Benue, Kogi, Zamfara, Kebbi, Ogun, Edo, Delta, Bayelsa and Cross River.
Three states were classified as low risk. They include Gombe, Ondo, and Federal Capital Territory.
According to the report, the EMRI is a qualitative tool of analysis that relies heavily on observation, content analysis, and expert interviews. Data collected through these methods are triangulated to reflect how they result in election manipulation.
The EMRI highlighted states where election manipulation occurred and introduced a ranking of states based on the prevalence of election manipulation indicators.
The risk indicator ranking is divided into three categories: High Risk (states with three variables and above), Medium Risk (states with two variables), and Low Risk (states with 1 or 0 variables).
The report claimed that most evidence for EMRI were sourced from INEC reports and statements and publications, pre- and post-election observation reports from domestic and international observers, and reports from trusted unbiased media institutions.
While reading the report, the Director of International Press Centre (IPC), Lanre Arogundade, promised that three EMRI iteration reports will be released on the 2023 general election, noting that it is expected that the EMRI will curb election manipulation, facilitate strategic election planning and promote citizens’ oversight of the electoral process.
The report, however advised that to mitigate against the risk, measures should be taken: INEC should deploy trusted, incorruptible, and experienced Administrative Secretaries, Heads of ICT, and Operations to high risks states; Intense scrutiny of applications for ad-hoc personnel recruitment; Applicants should undergo competency tests, and names of successful applicants should be published for public scrutiny; INEC should create a system for submitting objections against partisan and compromised ad-hoc officials.
INEC should intensify oversight and monitoring of its officials in high and medium-risk states. This includes establishing a reporting mechanism that enables citizens to report concerns and complaints against INEC officials; clean-up of the voter register to remove multiple registrants, fictitious names, and underage registrants; greater transparency with the management of claims and objections submitted by citizens to INEC; diligent prosecution of INEC officials responsible for the manipulation of the voter register; enhanced monitoring and oversight of INEC officials managing the PVC collection process to prevent manipulation and deliberate denial from issuing PVCs to certain persons.
Also advised are timely production and distribution of PVCs to all registered voters, resistance to election technology like BVAS and IReV; enhanced security in storage facilities where the BVAS devices are stored; restraint on the part of the judiciary to entertain frivolous litigations against the use of the BVAS and IReV; continuous public sensitization on the capacity of the BVAS and IReV to limit election
manipulation; increase public awareness of mitigation measures in the 2022 Electoral Act against election manipulation, INEC should ensure adequate training of its staff to enforce compliance with the Electoral Act 2022 and INEC Regulations and Guidelines
Election litigation; the judiciary should dismiss cases instituted to undermine the preparations for the general elections; and the Nigerian Bar Association should take disciplinary actions against legal practitioners engaged in election manipulation using the judicial process.
Report Indicates ongoing attempts at distorting outcome of elections
Politics
VP Kashim Shettima: Fate, Faith, and Lessons (2)

VP Kashim Shettima: Fate, Faith, and Lessons (2)
When considering leadership style in Nigeria today, one can confidently agree to the fact that Vice President Kashim Shettima’s approach to leadership, which emphasizes dialogue and strategic collaboration, serves as an antidote to the divisive narratives that have historically plagued the Nigerian political landscape. His leadership, therefore, can be seen as a beacon of hope in a political environment often criticized for its lack of effective direction and accountability. His approach underscores the importance of principled leadership that seeks to dismantle barriers through understanding and mutual respect, setting a precedent for future political discourse in Nigeria.
READ ALSO:https://newsng.ng/2027-despite-fake-news-and-misinformation-tinubu-and-shettima-are-not-deterred-by-the-antics-of-the-coalition/
Shettima’s commitment to these principles is particularly significant in a nation where political decisions are often overshadowed by religious and ethnic tensions. Shettima’s advocacy for equitable representation, even when faced with controversy, demonstrates his commitment to fostering a political environment where all voices are heard and respected. By advocating for a Southern Christian Senate President, even amidst potential backlash, Shettima exemplifies his willingness to prioritize national unity over partisan interests. His efforts reflect a conscious departure from the status quo, as he seeks to build a political culture that values fairness and inclusivity over entrenched biases. In this light, Shettima’s leadership style not only challenges the status quo but also provides a framework for how political decisions can transcend traditional divides to foster a more united and progressive Nigeria.
In doing so, Shettima not only acknowledges the complex layers of Nigeria’s socio-political fabric but also actively engages in reshaping it to reflect a more harmonious and integrated national identity. Shettima’s actions resonate with the need for a political paradigm that embraces diversity as a strength rather than a challenge, urging other leaders to adopt similar stances in pursuit of national cohesion. This approach not only challenges existing norms but also sets a powerful example for future leaders to follow in bridging divides and promoting a more unified national agenda.
This commitment to bridging divides and fostering inclusivity is particularly significant in a nation where historical grievances often fuel distrust and division. By emphasizing the importance of equitable representation across Nigeria’s diverse regions and faiths, Shettima’s stance offers a pathway to mitigate religious tensions that have historically plagued the nation’s political landscape. By prioritizing inclusivity and equitable representation, Shettima charts a course that not only addresses immediate political challenges but also lays the groundwork for enduring peace and stability.
This vision is not only timely but also essential, as it calls for a re-evaluation of political alliances and strategies to ensure that they are inclusive and reflective of the nation’s diverse populace. By advocating for a Southern Christian Senate President, as discussed in recent debates, Shettima exemplifies his commitment to fostering an inclusive political environment that transcends religious and ethnic lines. By advocating for this inclusive approach, he not only addresses the immediate concerns of political representation but also paves the way for a more harmonious future by acknowledging and respecting the diverse fabric of Nigerian society.
This approach aligns with the broader need for political strategies that prioritize unity over division, ensuring that the governance of Nigeria is more representative and just. By fostering a political environment that values diversity and inclusivity, Shettima’s leadership could serve as a catalyst for transforming Nigeria’s governance into one that truly reflects the nation’s rich tapestry of identities. By fostering a political environment that values diversity and inclusivity, Shettima’s leadership could serve as a catalyst for transforming Nigeria’s governance into one that truly reflects the nation’s rich tapestry of identities.
Moreover, by prioritizing a governance model that embraces diversity and inclusivity, Shettima not only champions equitable representation but also sets a precedent for addressing the deep-seated challenges of religious and ethnic bigotry in Nigerian politics. By emphasizing the importance of equitable political representation, Shettima’s vision challenges the status quo and encourages a shift towards governance that upholds justice and equality for all Nigerians, irrespective of their religious or ethnic backgrounds.
This vision of governance, deeply rooted in the principles of justice and equality, challenges the entrenched systems that have historically marginalized certain groups and seeks to create a more equitable political landscape for future generations. By fostering a political environment that values diversity and inclusivity, Shettima’s leadership could serve as a catalyst for transforming Nigeria’s governance into one that truly reflects the nation’s rich tapestry of identities. Shettima’s approach, therefore, is not just a political strategy but a moral imperative to foster unity and mitigate the divisive forces of religious intolerance.
Such a commitment to inclusivity and balance is crucial in a nation where historical religious tensions have often fueled discord and division. In this context, Shettima’s advocacy for a governance model that prioritizes balance and inclusivity, even when it involves difficult decisions like supporting a Southern Christian Senate President over a potentially more qualified Northern Muslim candidate, reflects his commitment to fostering national harmony. This approach, as highlighted in recent discussions, underscores the necessity for political strategies that transcend mere electoral gains and instead focus on reinforcing the social fabric through genuine representation and inclusivity.
This nuanced perspective on governance, emphasizing the importance of equitable representation, resonates with the broader discourse on political inclusivity in Nigeria.
James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.
VP Kashim Shettima: Fate, Faith, and Lessons (2)
News
Defunct CPC’s Forum of State Chairmen: We owe a duty to Support Tinubu, Leadership of APC

Defunct CPC’s Forum of State Chairmen: We owe a duty to Support Tinubu, Leadership of APC
By: Michael Mike
The Forum of State Chairmen of the defunct Congress for Progressives’ Change (CPC) has declared their support for President Bola Tinubu, stating that the breakaway members from the All Progressives Congress (APC) have merely exercised their democratic rights.
The group in a statement signed by the National Secretary, Sulaiman Oyaremi, and representatives of each of the zones, Lekan Obolo, Mike Agbe, Enyinnaya Ibiam Nnachi, Isah Ramatu Saidu, Ahmad Dawayo and Musa Abubakar Damaliki said: “We believe that we owe ourselves a duty to support the current leader of the party, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, and contribute to the transformation of APC into an inclusive institution where all stakeholders would have a sense of belonging and ownership.”
The statement read: “We, members of the Forum of State Chairmen of the defunct Congress for Progressives’ Change (CPC), have observed with discomfort the way the CPC bloc in the ruling All Progressives’ Congress (APC) has become a subject of political controversy in recent times.
“Unfortunately, with several camps speaking for the defunct CPC, the situation has exposed a lack of coherent leadership within the bloc. We are further concerned that this development signposts a lack of inclusiveness in the leadership of APC and the government it birthed.
“It is a self-evident reality that members of the defunct CPC, especially former State Chairmen of the legacy party, have not been treated fairly either through government appointments or party apparatus both at the national and state levels, their contributions to the electoral successes of the party notwithstanding.
“Against the conflicting statements concerning the position of the CPC bloc within the APC, we believe that those who chose to either leave or remain in APC have merely exercised their democratic rights
“On our part, as members of the Forum for State Chairmen of the defunct CPC, while we do not begrudge those who have decided to quit APC, we wish to state without any ambiguity that, except for a few of us, we are unanimous in our decision to remain in the party with our principal, former President Muhammadu Buhari.
“We also want to use this medium to call the attention of the President to the multifarious challenges that Nigerians face. The high level of insecurity and economic hardship are becoming existential threats to many citizens.
“It is, therefore, important that the President, APC governments at all levels and the leadership of the party give these challenges the desired attention. These issues of governance, rather than the 2027 elections, should constitute our priority as we move closer to the second anniversary of the current government.”
Defunct CPC’s Forum of State Chairmen: We owe a duty to Support Tinubu, Leadership of APC
Politics
2027: The Coalition, the resistance North, and the APC’s Path to Victory

2027: The Coalition, the resistance North, and the APC’s Path to Victory
By: Dr. James Bwala
The political landscape in Nigeria ahead of the 2027 elections suggests an imminent collapse of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and Labour Party (LP), while the Social Democratic Party (SDP) may emerge as the primary opposition, but it will ultimately lose to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) by a wider margin. The PDP’s internal divisions and resistance to coalition-building, particularly its governors’ rejection of alliances with LP and SDP, significantly weaken its viability as a competitive force. This fragmentation undermines any effective challenge against APC’s entrenched dominance.
Despite attempts by figures like former Vice President Atiku Abubakar to unite opposition forces, the lack of cohesion within PDP and between opposition parties inhibits a strong front against APC. Analysts emphasize that without strategic coalitions, no single party can match APC’s electoral machinery or political influence. Even if SDP consolidates opposition votes, its structural weaknesses and limited reach foreshadow a defeat by an even larger margin than previous contests.
Indeed, with growing complexities accompanying the political landscape, Nigeria’s multiparty system faces realignment where PDP and LP risk extinction due to disunity, while SDP’s isolated struggle against APC is unlikely to alter electoral outcomes significantly. The evidence underscores that only a united opposition coalition could potentially reduce APC’s dominance; however, current dynamics indicate this remains improbable before 2027.
As the political landscape continues to evolve, the potential for a unified opposition remains hindered by entrenched party loyalties and strategic misalignments, further solidifying APC’s path to a more decisive victory. The entrenched influence of APC’s political machinery and its strategic alliances, such as the strengthening of the Tinubu-Shettima partnership, further complicate any opposition efforts to mount a significant challenge in 2027.
Many political pundits have agreed that the All Progressives Congress (APC) is strategically positioned to dismantle opposition forces ahead of the 2027 Nigerian elections by capitalizing on the fragmented nature of its adversaries. The opposition currently consists of disparate groups: former presidential contenders who reject APC’s governance, disaffected ex-APC members seeking influence, and erstwhile party leaders now opposing the APC. This lack of cohesion undermines any effective coalition-building efforts, a critical weakness given Nigeria’s history, where opposition alliances frequently collapse due to internal strife and competing ambitions.
For now, the APC is leveraging its narrative of competent governance, contrasting with the perceived failures of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), which it accuses of prolonged misrule and internal discord. By emphasizing PDP’s factionalism and incompetence, APC consolidates public trust while portraying itself as Nigeria’s stable alternative. This discourse not only weakens PDP’s credibility but also sows doubt about any potential opposition coalition.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/police-charge-rooms-a-minting-press/
In essence, through exploiting opposition fragmentation and promoting its governance record against a divided PDP, loosely LP, and undecided SDP, the APC is poised to reduce opposition to rubble in 2027. The inability of opposition factions to unify effectively ensures that APC’s dominance remains largely unchallenged in forthcoming electoral contests.
Angry leaders from the north are falling over themselves to raise regional political forces. But this too is no match for the readiness expected of the region. Despite the North’s considerable demographic and electoral influence, many Northerners feel marginalized due to perceived neglect in appointments and resource distribution, fueling a sense of betrayal. This dissatisfaction is compounded by internal divisions rooted in insecurity, poverty, and inter-communal conflicts that undermine the North’s collective political strength. As a result, these fractures could weaken the region’s capacity to negotiate effectively within national politics or present a unified opposition to Tinubu and Kashim Shettima, the APC’s dominance.
Demands from key sub-regions such as North-Central illustrate emerging fissures within Northern political interests. Stakeholders from this area insist on the presidency for 2027 and have conditioned their support for Tinubu’s reelection on replacing his vice president with a candidate from their region. Such demands underscore the potential for intensified competition among Northern factions rather than solidarity. This internal contestation risks diluting the North’s overall influence if not carefully managed. To this effect, unless Northern leaders address these internal challenges and reconcile divergent regional aspirations, political disunity may jeopardize their strategic position in 2027.
The combination of grassroots grievances and elite rivalries is indeed opening ways for APC to exploit these divisions through tactical maneuvering, thereby diminishing Northern Nigeria’s historical leverage in Nigerian politics. It is imperative that cohesive strategies are developed to unify Northern voices if they are to maintain relevance in forthcoming elections.
* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.
2027: The Coalition, the resistance North, and the APC’s Path to Victory
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