Politics
Report Indicates ongoing attempts at distorting outcome of elections
Report Indicates ongoing attempts at distorting outcome of elections
… Classifies 22 states as having high risk of manipulation
By: Michael Mike
The Election Manipulation Risk Index (EMRI) report released on Friday has showed that there are ongoing attempts to distort the outcomes of next month’s general elections.
The report was complied by the International Press Centre, Institute for Media and Society, Partners for Electoral Reform, The Albino Foundation, The Nigerian Women Trust Fund, The Kukah Centre, Enough is Enough Nigeria, Center for Journalism Innovation and Development, SBM Intelligence, Dataphye and Yiaga Africa.
Releasing the report in Abuja, the group alleged that “attempts to distort election outcomes using manipulation strategies are on the rise. Key actors are devising strategies to punctuate electoral preparations and neutralize the impact of laudable reforms aimed at enhancing the integrity of the electoral process.
“The political interference with INEC operations, tampering with the voter register, frivolous litigations and resistance against electoral technology like BVAS and IReV, and administrative lapses are electoral risks that may potentially impugn the integrity of the 2023 elections.”
According to the report, “in response to these risks, civil society organisations designed the Election Manipulation Risk Index (EMRI) to facilitate systematic and coherent monitoring of the insidious nature of election manipulation in the build-up to Nigeria’s 2023 general elections. The central focus of the EMRI is election administration, and it seeks to provide citizens with a clear understanding of what constitutes election manipulation and the role of citizens in risk mitigation. It should be seen as a rapid scanning tool rather than an in-depth solution for threats of election manipulation.”
The report added that: “While other forms of manipulation can take place, the EMRI focuses on six variables for tracking election manipulation. They include; INEC capture, manipulation of the voter register, voter suppression, resistance to the election technology, especially BVAS and IReV, history of election manipulation, and election litigation. Several empirical indicators are then identified for each variable to unravel election manipulation. Election security may compound the analysis and shift the focus from the election administration process, hence its exclusion from the EMRI variables and indicators.”
The report classified 22 states as high-risk states due to the presence of more than three EMRI variables, Imo, Anambra, Enugu, Ebonyi, Abia, Rivers, Akwa Ibom, Lagos, Oyo, Osun, Ekiti, Kwara, Niger, Plateau, Taraba, Kaduna, Bauchi, Adamawa, Kano, Katsina, Sokoto and Jigawa.
Twelve states were classified as having medium election manipulation risks. The states include Borno, Yobe, Nasarawa, Benue, Kogi, Zamfara, Kebbi, Ogun, Edo, Delta, Bayelsa and Cross River.
Three states were classified as low risk. They include Gombe, Ondo, and Federal Capital Territory.
According to the report, the EMRI is a qualitative tool of analysis that relies heavily on observation, content analysis, and expert interviews. Data collected through these methods are triangulated to reflect how they result in election manipulation.
The EMRI highlighted states where election manipulation occurred and introduced a ranking of states based on the prevalence of election manipulation indicators.
The risk indicator ranking is divided into three categories: High Risk (states with three variables and above), Medium Risk (states with two variables), and Low Risk (states with 1 or 0 variables).
The report claimed that most evidence for EMRI were sourced from INEC reports and statements and publications, pre- and post-election observation reports from domestic and international observers, and reports from trusted unbiased media institutions.
While reading the report, the Director of International Press Centre (IPC), Lanre Arogundade, promised that three EMRI iteration reports will be released on the 2023 general election, noting that it is expected that the EMRI will curb election manipulation, facilitate strategic election planning and promote citizens’ oversight of the electoral process.
The report, however advised that to mitigate against the risk, measures should be taken: INEC should deploy trusted, incorruptible, and experienced Administrative Secretaries, Heads of ICT, and Operations to high risks states; Intense scrutiny of applications for ad-hoc personnel recruitment; Applicants should undergo competency tests, and names of successful applicants should be published for public scrutiny; INEC should create a system for submitting objections against partisan and compromised ad-hoc officials.
INEC should intensify oversight and monitoring of its officials in high and medium-risk states. This includes establishing a reporting mechanism that enables citizens to report concerns and complaints against INEC officials; clean-up of the voter register to remove multiple registrants, fictitious names, and underage registrants; greater transparency with the management of claims and objections submitted by citizens to INEC; diligent prosecution of INEC officials responsible for the manipulation of the voter register; enhanced monitoring and oversight of INEC officials managing the PVC collection process to prevent manipulation and deliberate denial from issuing PVCs to certain persons.
Also advised are timely production and distribution of PVCs to all registered voters, resistance to election technology like BVAS and IReV; enhanced security in storage facilities where the BVAS devices are stored; restraint on the part of the judiciary to entertain frivolous litigations against the use of the BVAS and IReV; continuous public sensitization on the capacity of the BVAS and IReV to limit election
manipulation; increase public awareness of mitigation measures in the 2022 Electoral Act against election manipulation, INEC should ensure adequate training of its staff to enforce compliance with the Electoral Act 2022 and INEC Regulations and Guidelines
Election litigation; the judiciary should dismiss cases instituted to undermine the preparations for the general elections; and the Nigerian Bar Association should take disciplinary actions against legal practitioners engaged in election manipulation using the judicial process.
Report Indicates ongoing attempts at distorting outcome of elections
Politics
Edo South 2027: Why Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu Remains a Strong Senatorial Option,
Edo South 2027: Why Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu Remains a Strong Senatorial Option,
By Augustine Osayande, PhD
As Edo South gradually enters the early phase of political alignment ahead of the 2027 senatorial election, it is becoming increasingly evident that the contest will not merely be about personalities, but about the depth of experience, institutional capacity, and the ability to translate political influence into measurable development outcomes.
Among the figures already shaping this emerging conversation is Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu, whose name continues to surface consistently in stakeholder consultations and intra-party engagements across the district.
Whether one views him through a partisan lens or a governance-oriented perspective, his presence in Edo South political discourse is neither incidental nor new—it is the product of sustained political engagement spanning multiple electoral cycles and administrative roles.
From my perspective, Ize-Iyamu represents a category of political actors whose relevance is built not only on ambition, but on long-term institutional exposure and embeddedness within the machinery of state governance. This factor alone places him in a distinct position within any serious evaluation of potential senatorial contenders.
Recent engagements across Edo South, particularly within political structures of the All Progressives Congress (APC), indicate an early but deliberate process of consultation and alignment among key stakeholders.
These meetings—often involving local government party leadership, ward representatives, and aspirants—have focused on representation gaps, development priorities, and internal party cohesion ahead of the next electoral cycle.
In one such engagement, an aspirant formally met with APC chairmen across the seven local government areas in Edo South to declare intent and outline a preliminary vision for legislative representation. Discussions reportedly centred on the need for stronger advocacy at the National Assembly and improved coordination between federal presence and local development needs.
Such consultations are increasingly becoming a defining feature of pre-election politics in Edo South, reflecting both the strategic importance of the senatorial seat and the growing awareness among political actors that legislative representation must go beyond symbolic presence.
A central argument in favour of Osagie Ize-Iyamu is his extensive experience within the executive arm of government in Edo State. His service as Chief of Staff between 1999 and 2003, and subsequently as Secretary to the State Government from 2003 to 2007, placed him in positions that are critical to governance coordination and policy execution.
These roles are not peripheral; they are central to the functioning of government. They involve oversight of administrative systems, coordination between ministries and agencies, and direct interface with the governor on policy implementation. This kind of exposure is particularly relevant to legislative duties at the National Assembly, where success is often determined by an understanding of how executive decisions are formulated, funded, and implemented.
In practical terms, senators are expected to do more than debate legislation—they are also required to influence budgetary outcomes, negotiate constituency projects, and engage in complex intergovernmental advocacy. A background such as Ize-Iyamu’s provides a form of institutional literacy that can be difficult to acquire quickly within the legislative environment.
One of the persistent challenges in Nigeria’s legislative system is the gap between representation and effective delivery of constituency benefits. Many legislators enter the National Assembly without prior experience in governance structures, which often limits their capacity to navigate federal bureaucracy.
In this context, Ize-Iyamu’s administrative background becomes a significant factor. His exposure to executive processes equips him with an understanding of how to engage ministries, departments, and agencies, as well as how to position constituency priorities within national development frameworks.
For Edo South, where issues of infrastructure development, youth unemployment, environmental challenges, and industrial underdevelopment remain central concerns, the ability to effectively interface with federal institutions is not merely desirable—it is essential.
Another dimension of Ize-Iyamu’s political profile is his endurance across Nigeria’s often volatile political terrain. Over the past two decades, he has remained an active participant in Edo State politics, navigating multiple party affiliations, electoral contests, and shifting alliances.
While political opponents sometimes interpret this fluidity differently, it also demonstrates a form of adaptability that is increasingly relevant in Nigeria’s coalition-driven political environment. Legislative politics, particularly at the Senate level, is rarely driven by ideology alone; it is shaped by negotiation, alliance-building, and strategic compromise.
In this respect, political resilience is not merely about survival—it is about maintaining relevance, influence, and access to evolving power structures.
Ize-Iyamu’s political career has also been marked by sustained engagement across party lines and political blocs. This has resulted in a network of relationships that extends beyond immediate partisan boundaries within Edo South.
Such networks are often critical in legislative politics, where influence is exercised not only through formal committee structures but also through informal alliances that shape decision-making, funding priorities, and project allocation.
His repeated participation in high-profile electoral contests has further reinforced his visibility at both state and national levels. In practical terms, visibility translates into political leverage, particularly in negotiations involving federal presence and constituency development projects.
Within Edo South itself, questions of equitable representation have increasingly become part of the political discourse. One recurring observation is that certain local government areas, such as Orhionmwon, have not historically held the senatorial seat since Nigeria’s return to democratic governance in 1999.
While zoning arrangements are often informal and politically negotiated, such historical imbalances tend to influence stakeholder conversations as elections approach. These considerations add another layer to the broader debate on fairness, inclusion, and regional balance within the senatorial district.
Ultimately, the emerging discourse around the 2027 Edo South senatorial race is beginning to crystallise around a familiar but important dichotomy: experience versus experimentation.
On one side are arguments that emphasise the need for seasoned political actors who understand governance systems, legislative procedures, and federal negotiation dynamics. On the other are calls for generational change and new political approaches.
Ize-Iyamu’s supporters clearly position him within the first category. Their argument is that Edo South requires a representative who does not need time to learn the system, but one who can immediately operate within it to deliver results.
Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu remains a significant figure in the evolving Edo South senatorial conversation for 2027, not merely because of political ambition, but because of a combination of institutional experience, political resilience, and established networks of influence.
While the final outcome will ultimately be determined by party decisions, zoning arrangements, and voter preferences, his profile ensures that he remains a central reference point in any serious discussion about Edo South’s representation at the National Assembly.
At its core, the debate is not simply about individuals. It is about the kind of leadership Edo South believes is best suited to navigate the complexities of federal politics and convert representation into tangible development outcomes for the district.
Augustine Osayande contributed this article through austinelande@yahoo.com
Edo South 2027: Why Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu Remains a Strong Senatorial Option,
Politics
Namdas 2027: Why Adamawa Needs a Grassroots Politician to Lead the State After Fintiri
Namdas 2027: Why Adamawa Needs a Grassroots Politician to Lead the State After Fintiri
Dr. James Bwala
Adamawa State stands at a critical crossroads as it approaches the 2027 governorship election. The choice of leadership will not only determine the trajectory of its development but also reflect the aspirations and hopes of its diverse communities. Against this backdrop, there is a compelling argument for why Adamawa needs a grassroots politician to take the helm after Governor Umaru Fintiri—someone who truly understands the lives, challenges, and ambitions of ordinary citizens. Among the few who embody this ideal is Dr. Abdulrazak Namdas, whose political journey exemplifies genuine grassroots leadership. His experiences and proven commitment to the populace make him an exemplary candidate worthy of leading Adamawa into a future defined by inclusive progress and empowerment.
Grassroots leadership is not merely a political slogan; it is a fundamental paradigm that anchors governance in the lived realities of everyday people. Adamawa, with its rich cultural mosaic stretching from Yola town through the townships of Kubur-sho-sho and the far-flung Ganye, requires a leader who does not govern from lofty pedestals but engages directly and empathetically with constituents. This engagement is essential because grassroots leaders possess an intimate understanding of the socio-economic dynamics at the community level. They are attuned to the concerns of market women striving for economic stability, youths seeking opportunities amid widespread unemployment, and community leaders advocating for improved infrastructure and social services. A politician from the grassroots knows that sustainable development starts with listening and responding to these specific needs rather than imposing top-down policies that may miss the mark.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/the-complex-reality-of-healthcare-a-perspective-on-the-university-of-maiduguri-teaching-hospital-and-the-loss-experienced-by-barrister-nuhu-dantani-hamza/
Dr. Abdulrazak Namdas’s career vividly illustrates the qualities necessary for such leadership. Beginning his political journey as a media strategist during the Boni Haruna administration, Namdas developed a nuanced grasp of communication and public engagement—skills vital for transparent and effective governance. Yet, his influence extends beyond mere messaging. By contesting for political office and eventually serving in the National Assembly, representing his constituency, he demonstrated unwavering dedication to public service. His tenure saw him champion policies and initiatives that resonated with the very people who elected him, thereby strengthening the bond between government and governed. The recognition of his name—from bustling markets to quiet villages—attests to his accessibility and visibility amongst the grassroots populace, a testament rarely achieved by many politicians today.
Another critical factor underscoring the need for grassroots leadership in Adamawa is the imperative for inclusive development that bridges the urban-rural divide. Historically, the state has grappled with disparities in resource allocation, healthcare, education, and infrastructure, particularly affecting rural communities. A leader rooted in grassroots politics inherently embodies a commitment to equitable growth. They perceive the entire state as their mandate—not just the urban centers but every location where people reside and contribute to the state’s cultural and economic fabric. Dr. Namdas, through his inclusive approach and connection with diverse constituencies, epitomizes this leadership style. His comprehensive understanding of local challenges enables him to advocate effectively for policies that address inequalities and catalyze holistic development.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/the-complex-reality-of-healthcare-a-perspective-on-the-university-of-maiduguri-teaching-hospital-and-the-loss-experienced-by-barrister-nuhu-dantani-hamza/
Moreover, energy and innovation are needed in Adamawa’s leadership to tackle modern challenges such as youth unemployment, insecurity, and economic diversification. Grassroots politicians, steeped in the daily realities of their communities, are uniquely positioned to devise practical solutions anchored in genuine consultations and collaborations. Dr. Namdas’s rapport with youths and market women alike positions him as a catalyst for harnessing local talents and entrepreneurial spirit. His leadership style fosters empowerment rather than dependency, encouraging communities to be proactive participants in their own development. This bottom-up approach ignites sustainable change that survives beyond electoral cycles.
Beyond policy and governance, leadership imbued with grassroots sensibilities strengthens democratic values. It promotes transparency, accountability, and participatory democracy—the pillars upon which strong, resilient societies are built. Adamawa requires a leader who does not view governance as a privilege but a solemn responsibility to serve. The trust and legitimacy that come from being a true man of the people such as Dr. Namdas generate political stability, mitigate conflicts, and cultivate a culture of mutual respect between government institutions and citizens. This is essential for fostering peace and prosperity in a state marked by ethnic diversity and complex social dynamics.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/the-complex-reality-of-healthcare-a-perspective-on-the-university-of-maiduguri-teaching-hospital-and-the-loss-experienced-by-barrister-nuhu-dantani-hamza/
Skeptics might argue that grassroots politicians lack the extensive experience or resources of more established political figures. However, this perspective overlooks the intrinsic value of lived experience and authentic representation. Indeed, leadership detached from grassroots realities risks disconnect, inefficacy, and public disenchantment. Conversely, Dr. Namdas’s blend of strategic political acumen, parliamentary experience, and community engagement presents an optimal fusion of competence and compassion. His trajectory dispels the myth that grassroots engagement is incompatible with high-level governance. Instead, it underscores that effective leadership arises from a profound understanding of people’s everyday struggles coupled with the ability to navigate institutional frameworks.
As Adamawa looks toward the 2027 governorship election, the stakes could not be higher. The state yearns for a leader who can unify diverse constituencies, elevate marginalized voices, and steer transformative development grounded in local realities. The choice is clear: a grassroots politician like Dr. Abdulrazak Namdas embodies the vision, character, and experience necessary to lead with empathy, efficacy, and integrity. His proven track record and deep-seated connection to the people make him not just a candidate but a beacon of hope for Adamawa’s future.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/the-complex-reality-of-healthcare-a-perspective-on-the-university-of-maiduguri-teaching-hospital-and-the-loss-experienced-by-barrister-nuhu-dantani-hamza/
Indeed, Adamawa’s challenges demand a new breed of leadership—one that rises from the soil of grassroots politics, responsive to the needs of all communities within the state. Dr. Abdulrazak Namdas represents this leadership ethos, having consistently demonstrated his commitment to the welfare of his people across various roles. As the state prepares for its next chapter in 2027, electing a grassroots politician who embodies dedication, inclusiveness, and pragmatic vision will be instrumental in achieving sustainable progress. For Adamawa to thrive, it must entrust its destiny to a leader who stands tall not in titles alone but in the hearts and homes of its people. Dr. Abdulrazak Namdas is precisely that leader Adamawa needs in 2027.
* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.
Namdas 2027: Why Adamawa Needs a Grassroots Politician to Lead the State After Fintiri
Politics
2027: Who owns the ADC presidential ticket?
2027: Who owns the ADC presidential ticket?
By: Dr. James Bwala
The African Democratic Congress (ADC) recently concluded its national convention, culminating in the election of David Mark, a prominent northern political figure, as its National Chairman. This outcome has sparked considerable debate and speculation about the party’s internal zoning strategies, especially regarding the 2027 presidential ticket. Central to this discussion are questions that touch on the very core of Nigerian politics: Will the ADC now zone its presidential nomination to the South, as per the unwritten zoning conventions that have largely guided political power distribution in Nigeria?
If Atiku Abubakar, another influential northern politician, decides to contest the presidency under the ADC banner, which he will as a perpetual candidate, will David Mark step down from his chairmanship to accommodate zoning expectations? The currents of speculation are further fueled by rumors surrounding the ownership of the ADC presidential ticket. Meanwhile, on the opposing side of Nigeria’s political arena, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima stand battle-ready for the 2027 general elections, poised to face any rival.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-of-shettimas-remarks-and-atikus-response/
These unfolding scenarios require astute political navigation by the ADC, which must balance regional dynamics, party cohesion, and electoral competitiveness to meaningfully challenge the well-entrenched political heavyweights. And I asked again, “Who owns the ticket?”
The significance of zoning in Nigerian politics cannot be overstated. The concept of zoning, an informal arrangement designed to maintain a balance of power among Nigeria’s diverse ethnic and regional groups, has traditionally aimed to mitigate feelings of marginalization and foster national unity. Across different political parties, zoning arrangements dictate the rotation of key positions—especially the presidency—between the North and the South. The ADC’s election of David Mark, a northern political stalwart, as National Chairman raises important questions about the party’s commitment to this principle regarding its presidential nomination. Given that the North has produced several recent presidents, including Muhammadu Buhari, many political observers and southern stakeholders expect the next presidential candidate, particularly from opposition parties, to hail from the South. This expectation aligns with broader national calls for fairness and regional inclusivity.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-of-shettimas-remarks-and-atikus-response/
Planning is an important function of management; the ADC can either plan to fail or plan to win in the 2027 political outing. The dilemma now is whether the ADC, by electing a northern chairman, is implicitly signaling a northern hold on the presidential candidacy or whether it intends to adhere to zoning conventions by nominating a southern presidential candidate. The party’s decision in this regard is more than symbolic; it will set the tone for its electoral viability and credibility. Should the ADC nominate another northerner for the presidency, it risks alienating southern voters who may perceive this as an entrenchment of northern dominance.
Conversely, a genuine zoning commitment to the South would enable the party to strengthen its appeal across regional lines, potentially broadening its support base in preparation for the 2027 elections. Indeed, the balancing act is delicate, as internal party interests often complicate straightforward regional accommodation.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-of-shettimas-remarks-and-atikus-response/
Complicating matters further are the speculations surrounding Atiku Abubakar’s potential presidential ambitions within the ADC. Atiku, a former vice president and perennial presidential aspirant, commands significant influence, particularly in the North. Should Atiku choose to run under the ADC platform, this scenario would present an immediate conundrum vis-à-vis zoning and party leadership roles. If the party’s national chairman—David Mark—also from the North, is maintaining both leadership and presidential candidacy in the same region, this might be perceived as a violation of zoning equity, undermining the party’s coherence and public image. In such a circumstance, political logic and party discipline may compel David Mark to resign or temporarily step aside to enable a fair contest and to respect the spirit of zoning. This would demonstrate political maturity and respect for zoning conventions, thereby enhancing the ADC’s stance as a party that values national integration and equitable power-sharing.
However, politics rarely operates in neat, idealistic frameworks. Both David Mark and Atiku wield considerable political clout, and compromises may be difficult to reach. The ADC must therefore engage in strategic policymaking and consensus-building to manage these personalities and expectations effectively. Failure to manage this tension risks internal fractures that could weaken the party’s position ahead of one of Nigeria’s most consequential general elections.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-of-shettimas-remarks-and-atikus-response/
Another layer to this complex narrative is the question: who currently “owns” the ADC presidential ticket? In Nigerian politics, the notion of “owning” a party ticket often transcends official processes, involving informal agreements, internal lobbying, and political bargaining. Rumors abound that influential figures within the ADC have stakes in the presidential candidacy. Disentangling these claims requires transparency and democratic internal mechanisms within the party. A credible and inclusive primary process that allows aspirants to compete fairly is essential to establishing the legitimacy of the eventual candidate. If the party falls into the trap of conceding the ticket to a single individual or faction prematurely, it risks alienating other stakeholders and undermining collective motivation.
Clear communication from the ADC leadership about the timelines, criteria, and processes for selecting its presidential candidate can help dispel rumors and unify the party’s message. Moreover, the ADC must remain mindful that the Nigerian electorate is increasingly discerning, demanding accountability and fairness from political parties. Demonstrating internal democracy will signal to voters that the ADC is different from the status quo political machinery, potentially heightening its competitive edge.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-of-shettimas-remarks-and-atikus-response/
Yet, even with effective internal arrangements, the ADC faces formidable opposition from established political giants. On the other side of the political spectrum, Bola Tinubu and Kashim Shettima are widely seen as front-runners for the ruling party’s presidential and vice-presidential tickets in 2027. Tinubu, a political strategist with deep-rooted networks, and Shettima, a strategic and respected vice president with considerable regional influence, represent an entrenched political coalition with vast resources and an extensive grassroots structure. This reality means the ADC’s efforts to position itself as a viable alternative must go beyond internal zoning debates; it must articulate a compelling vision and program that resonates with Nigerians across ethno-regional divides.
To challenge Tinubu and Shettima, the ADC will need to leverage its unique positioning and capitalize on public dissatisfaction with the incumbent administration. The party must also use the zoning issue strategically to present itself as a champion of national unity and equitable representation. By successfully navigating internal regional complexities, the ADC can portray itself as a model of political inclusion in contrast to the often divisive politics of established parties.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-of-shettimas-remarks-and-atikus-response/
There are cracks everywhere within the ADC. Indeed, the ADC’s recent election of David Mark as National Chairman opens a complex but critical chapter in the party’s evolution. Addressing the zoning question concerning the 2027 presidential ticket will test the party’s commitment to national inclusivity and internal democracy. Should Atiku Abubakar pursue the presidency under the ADC, the party faces the additional challenge of reconciling competing northern interests while maintaining the integrity of zoning conventions. The ownership of the presidential ticket remains contested, underscoring the need for transparent and democratic selection processes.
Ultimately, while Tinubu and Shettima appear ready to dominate the 2027 electoral landscape, the ADC has an opportunity to redefine Nigeria’s political narrative through judicious management of regional dynamics and a unified front. A successful navigation of these challenges will not only enhance the ADC’s electoral prospects but also contribute to strengthening Nigeria’s democratic fabric. It is incumbent upon the ADC leadership and members to act decisively, inclusively, and strategically as they prepare for the political battles ahead. With questions swinging around Peter Obi, Rotimi Amaechi, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, and others in the race for the ticket, there seemed to be a time bomb for the ADC waiting to explode should the party fail to plan.
* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.
2027: Who owns the ADC presidential ticket?
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