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STRUGGLE FOR PALESTINIAN STATEHOOD AS THE DEFINING LIMINAL MOMENT OF OUR TIME

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STRUGGLE FOR PALESTINIAN STATEHOOD AS THE DEFINING LIMINAL MOMENT OF OUR TIME

By: Yusuf Maitama Tuggar

A liminal moment is a time of realization that the way things are is no longer sustainable, yet the way thing will become is yet to happen. In other words, a liminal moment is a period of transition. The quest of Palestinians for statehood and the right to exist is going through a transition period in which the world is awakening to the fact that Israeli occupation of Gaza and the West Bank and the institutionalised system of segregation used to administer the territories is neither tenable nor sustainable. Although the violence and carnage being meted out to the Palestinians appears at first glance to strengthen the hands of the Israeli government and provides opportunity for settlers to expand territorial ambitions, a closer examination reveals it to be a pyrrhic victory. The resolve of the innocent civilians on the receiving end is only getting stronger, determined to avert another Nakba, the term referring to the exodus that followed the 1948 partitioning that created the state of Israel. Many Palestinians lost their homes in the event, never to return again. Families still clutch on to the keys of their houses as mementos of a mistake passed down from one generation to another, that must never be repeated again. The struggle for Palestinian statehood is the liminal moment of our time.

When it comes to standing up against injustice and racial discrimination, Nigeria has maintained an admirable consistency. We deployed resources and energy over three decades towards the liberation of Angola, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Namibia and Apartheid South Africa. Nigeria follows the dictum of International Relations guru Hans Morgenthau of making ethical foreign policy behaviour an integral part of its state objective. President Bola Tinubu continued this tradition when he spoke out equably for an end to the violence in Palestine and Lebanon during the Arab-OIC Extraordinary Summit in Riyadh on 11th of November 2024, calling for the actual implementation of the two-state solution that has been the subject of several UN Resolutions, dating back to Resolutions 242 and 338 of 1967. President Tinubu’s intervention was considered by other countries in attendance as providing the missing mechanism when he suggested the creation of a secretariat to monitor implementation of the Summit’s resolutions and provide regular reports to the leadership, until peace is achieved. This was unanimously adopted as a late addition to the draft resolution and hailed as a departure from previous ones that lacked implementation mechanisms.

President Tinubu has remained deeply concerned by the human suffering in Gaza, especially of children and women. For this reason, Nigeria worked with Red Cross officials and employed its diplomatic channels to facilitate the evacuation of sick and injured children to Egypt, UAE and Jordan. Today three-year-old Alaa Madhon, nine-month-old Salma Chagu of Khan Yunus, another three-month-old baby Alaa and baby Suhail are all alive with the help of Nigeria’s back channel diplomatic efforts. In his speech, President Tinubu reminded the world that the conflict did not begin on October 7th, contrary to media reporting that often gives the impression that the Hamas attack and kidnapping of civilians was the casus belli that justified Israeli aggression and discounting the daily aggression meted out to Palestinians living under the apartheid system in Gaza and the West Bank. He candidly challenged leaders by stating it was not enough to issue empty condemnations and although a countries in a rules-based international order had the right to self-defence, they had to take into account the proportionality of violence they applied, especially on innocent civilians. President Tinubu pointed out that an entire civilian population cannot be dismissed as collateral, in meting out revenge for October 7th. The contradiction of justifying the Israeli aggression against innocent civilians within the context of a rules based international law and order is that the whole point of international law is to rule out revenge. Justice is antithetical to revenge.

Those who attempt to give religious colouration to standing up for what is right and just betray a lack of understanding of the Palestinian quest for statehood. Some of the most prominent figures in that struggle have been Christians; academic Edward Said, PLFP founder George Habash, political activist Hanan Ashrawi are among the recognisable names. And within the state of Israel exist Arabs that are Muslim, Christian and Druze. The Republic of South Africa that instituted a genocide case against Israel in the International Court of Justice is 82% Christian. The nationhood journey of South Africa and the struggle against apartheid make it the most morally appropriate nation to file such a case against Israel where a similar apartheid system confines over 2.2 million people in an open-air prison called Gaza. Like South African Bantustans or homelands, those living within require passes to move around, their fundamental human rights restricted. So South Africans can identify more easily with the plight of the Palestinians as non-citizens on their own land.

But Nigeria can also identify with such a system and share the pain because of our own journey to nationhood. Apartheid was simply an extreme form of indirect rule. The system designed by Lord Lugard and Jan Smuts to answer the native question was to segregate a black majority, creating Sabon Garis and Zangos that restricted movement and mingling among the owners of the land. Black people were not allowed to venture into the Government Reservation Areas (GRAs) of Ikoyi in Lagos and Nasarawa in Kano, else one would be arrested for “wandering”. Late Ibrahim Gusau (who later became a Minister in the first republic) was punished by the colonial authorities for being found in Sabon Gari, with a copy of the West African Pilot, published by anti-colonial agitator Nnamdi Azikiwe. It was therefore not surprising that after gaining independence, Nigeria’s foreign policy maintained a proclivity for standing up against discrimination and injustice. Apart from supporting liberation movements to free others from the colonial choke hold, Nigeria refused to sell oil to Apartheid South Africa and penalised businesses that dealt with racist regimes on the continent. The Balewa government lobbied for the expulsion of South Africa from the Commonwealth and set up the National Committee Against Apartheid across the country, the Gowon government helped strengthen the United Nations Committee Against Apartheid and pushed for recognition of Guinea Bissau and Cape Verde as independent states, the Murtala/Obasanjo administration created the Southern Africa Relief Fund (SAFR) or Mandela tax as it was popularly known, and the Shagari government engineered the Lancaster House Conference that paved the way for Zimbabwe’s independence. President Tinubu continues this noble tradition by standing up for the actualisation of the two-state solution.

Nigeria’s diversity gives it an advantage on the world stage in consensus building through the hard work of conversation and virtues of principled compromise. Though this may be taken for granted at home because it comes naturally to us, it remains an uncommon trait abroad much admired by others. It is a gift that we must continue to tap into in our share political project both at home and abroad.

Yusuf M Tuggar
Minister of Foreign Affairs
Federal Republic of Nigeria

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Interrogating the Russian Model in Africa

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Interrogating the Russian Model in Africa

By Oumarou Sanou

In recent years, Russian influence in Africa has expanded at a striking pace and with strategic precision. From Bamako to Bangui, Niamey to Ouagadougou, Moscow has presented itself as a dependable alternative partner; one that claims no colonial guilt, imposes no lectures on governance, and attaches no democratic conditionalities to cooperation. In a region fatigued by insecurity and disillusioned with Western engagement, that message has resonated.

But beyond the rhetoric of “Saint Russia” and the carefully cultivated image of a geopolitical “Saviour of Africa” -a narrative amplified across social media-a more fundamental question demands attention: what exactly is the Russian model offering Africa, and does it truly align with the continent’s long-term aspirations for democratic governance, economic transformation, and social stability?

Africa’s post-independence experience has been shaped by recurring governance challenges: corruption, authoritarian leadership, fragile institutions, and predatory elites. These weaknesses have stunted the growth of an empowered middle class, undermined entrepreneurship, and limited inclusive development. After decades of experimentation, the lesson is clear: sustainable progress rests on accountable leadership, institutional strength, rule of law, and political alternation.

If governance reform remains Africa’s unfinished project, then the value of any external partnership must be measured against whether it strengthens or weakens that trajectory.

The issue is not Russia as a nation. Every sovereign state has the right to pursue its interests abroad. The concern lies with the regime’s political structure, which is implicitly promoted as a model. Contemporary Russia is characterised by prolonged executive dominance, limited political alternation, and significant concentration of economic power among a narrow elite. President Vladimir Putin has led the country for a quarter of a century. Opposition space is restricted. Independent media operates under heavy constraints. Wealth is concentrated, and outside a few urban centres such as Moscow and St. Petersburg, economic dynamism remains limited.

This is not an emotional or ideological critique; it is a structural observation. A governance system marked by entrenched oligarchic influence and constrained civic space is unlikely to export a blueprint that empowers pluralism, fosters institutional independence, or nurtures a broad-based middle class, precisely the ingredients Africa needs.

In the Sahel, Russia’s expanding footprint has coincided not with democratic revival, but with the consolidation of junta-led regimes. Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, now bound together in the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), have sharply pivoted toward Moscow. Yet these countries rank among those with the highest terrorism-related casualties globally. Despite bold promises, insecurity persists and, in some cases, has worsened. Instability increasingly spills beyond their borders, affecting coastal West African states, including Nigeria.

The central question, therefore, is not whether Russia should engage Africa; it can and should, like any global actor. The real question is whether the nature of that engagement strengthens institutions or merely reinforces regime survival.

Partnerships anchored primarily in security cooperation without parallel institutional reform risk deepening political stagnation. Leaders become insulated from domestic accountability. Civic freedoms shrink. Economic diversification slows. Investors hesitate. Youth populations, already restless, lose faith in systems that offer neither alternation nor upward mobility.

Nigeria offers an instructive contrast. Its democracy is imperfect and often turbulent. Corruption remains a challenge. Electoral processes are contested. Yet Nigeria has witnessed peaceful transfers of power between parties. Civil society is active. The press is vibrant and frequently critical. Courts retain the authority, however unevenly exercised, to check executive excess.

These achievements should not be dismissed. They represent the fragile but essential infrastructure of democratic governance.

It is, therefore, troubling when foreign missions publicly attack Nigerian and African journalists for critical reporting, which is a model Moscow is championing in the AES and seeks to extend to other African countries. A model that seems to suppress critical voices and press freedom. Is that what Africa needs? Media scrutiny is not hostility; it is a cornerstone of democratic accountability.
Reciprocity is the foundation of diplomatic respect. One must ask: would any major power accept a foreign embassy publicly disparaging its journalists on its own soil? The answer is an absolute no, but this is what Russia has done and continues to do across Africa. Nigeria’s democratic gains must not be undermined by external pressure.

Against this backdrop, Africa should resist emotional alignment with any global power, whether East or West. The continent’s future cannot be reduced to proxy rivalries or anti-Western symbolism. Strategic autonomy must be grounded in institutional resilience, not in the romanticisation of external patrons.

If Russia seeks genuine partnership, it must demonstrate respect for sovereignty not only in rhetoric but in substance; by investing in long-term economic value chains rather than narrow extractive concessions; by encouraging transparent governance rather than opaque security arrangements; by engaging societies, not merely regimes.

Africa’s demographic reality makes the stakes even higher. The continent’s youth bulge demands inclusive growth, entrepreneurial opportunity, and institutional trust. Development flourishes where citizens can speak freely, build businesses, and hold leaders accountable. Political systems defined by prolonged executive dominance and limited alternation do not historically generate diversified, innovation-driven economies.

Nigeria stands at a crossroads. It can retreat into political immobility or deepen its democratic experiment. The latter path is imperfect and demanding, but it is the only one capable of building durable institutions. Consider the example of former French President Nicolas Sarkozy, who faced conviction and imprisonment for legal violations. Regardless of one’s assessment of France’s foreign policy, the principle demonstrated was clear: no leader is above the law. Institutional accountability, not personality rule, is the foundation of governance maturity.

Africa’s future will not be secured by replacing one dependency with another, nor by elevating any foreign power to messianic status. True Pan-Africanism is not the echoing of external talking points; it is the deliberate construction of institutions that serve African citizens.

Russia itself is not inherently a threat. But the uncritical adoption of its current governance model, particularly in fragile states with histories of authoritarianism, risks deepening political stagnation and security deterioration.

Nigeria, as Africa’s largest democracy, bears a responsibility, not to antagonise any nation, but to champion democratic resilience across the continent. The real question is not whether Russia can offer Africa a partnership. It is whether Africa is prepared to interrogate the governance model embedded in that partnership.

If Africa’s ambition is prosperity, stability, and dignity for its people, the path forward must begin and end with accountable governance.

Oumarou Sanou is a social critic, Pan-African observer and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, regional stability, and African leadership dynamics. Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com

Interrogating the Russian Model in Africa

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UK Abolishes Visa Stickers for Nigerians, Introduces Mandatory eVisas from Feb 25

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UK Abolishes Visa Stickers for Nigerians, Introduces Mandatory eVisas from Feb 25

By: Michael Mike

The United Kingdom will from 25 February 2026 stop issuing physical visa stickers to Nigerian travellers, replacing them entirely with digital eVisas in what officials describe as a major overhaul of the country’s immigration system.

Announcing the change in Abuja, UK Visas and Immigration (UKVI) said all new Visit visas granted to Nigerian nationals will now be issued electronically, marking a decisive step in the UK’s transition to a fully digital border regime.

Under the new system, successful applicants will no longer receive a vignette pasted into their passport. Instead, they will access proof of their immigration status online through a secure UKVI account.

The British government stressed that the application procedure itself remains unchanged. Nigerian applicants must still complete the standard online process, attend a Visa Application Centre to submit biometric data and meet all existing eligibility requirements. The only adjustment is the format in which the visa is delivered.

Authorities clarified that Nigerians currently holding valid visa stickers will not be affected by the new policy. Their visas will remain valid until expiration and do not require replacement solely because of the transition.

British Deputy High Commissioner in Abuja, Gill Lever, said the move is designed to simplify travel while enhancing security.

“We are committed to making it easier for Nigerians to travel to the UK. This shift to digital visas streamlines a key part of the process, strengthens security and reduces reliance on paper documentation,” she said.

According to UKVI, the eVisa system is expected to shorten processing timelines since passports will no longer need to be retained for visa sticker endorsement. Travellers will also be able to view and manage their immigration status online at any time, from anywhere.

Officials highlighted the added security benefits of the digital format, noting that unlike physical stickers, eVisas cannot be lost, stolen or tampered with. The system is also designed to provide real-time verification of immigration status.

Once a visa is approved, applicants will be required to create a free UKVI account to access and share their eVisa details when necessary.

The policy shift signals a broader modernization of the UK’s border management framework and places Nigerian travellers among the first groups to experience the fully digital visa rollout.

For frequent travellers, students and business visitors, the reform represents a significant procedural change—one that replaces paper documentation with an online immigration record as the new standard for entry clearance into the United Kingdom.

UK Abolishes Visa Stickers for Nigerians, Introduces Mandatory eVisas from Feb 25

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Nigerian seeks repatriation after alleged forced recruitment into Russian military

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Nigerian seeks repatriation after alleged forced recruitment into Russian military

By: Zagazola Makama

A Nigerian citizen, Abubakar Adamu, has appealed to the Nigerian government for urgent repatriation after claiming he was lured to Russia under the pretext of civilian employment and coerced into military service.

Adamu’s legal representatives stated that he traveled to Moscow on a tourist visa issued by the Russian Embassy in Abuja, under the promise of employment as a civilian security guard. However, upon arrival, his travel documents were reportedly confiscated, and he was compelled to sign enlistment papers written entirely in Russian, without the assistance of an interpreter. He later discovered that the documents enrolled him into the Russian Armed Forces.

A formal notice submitted to Nigerian authorities cited several legal positions, including the doctrine of Non Est Factum, which argues that Adamu did not understand the nature of the contract he signed, and fundamental misrepresentation, alleging that he was deceived into military service. His lawyers also highlighted potential violations of international law, including forced military conscription and deprivation of personal freedom.

According to the brief, Adamu remains stranded at a Russian military camp, refusing deployment to combat zones in Ukraine. He is reportedly seeking immediate intervention from the Nigerian government to facilitate his safe return and reunite him with his family.

The allegations come amid broader reports of African nationals being conscripted into the Russian military. A CNN investigation reported that Nigerians, along with citizens from Ghana, Kenya, Uganda, South Africa and other countries, were allegedly recruited under promises of high salaries, signing bonuses, and eventual Russian citizenship.

Upon arrival, many were forced into military service, provided minimal training, and in some cases deployed to combat zones against their will. Reports further indicate racial abuse, inhumane treatment, and coercion.Reports indicate that this is part of a growing pattern in which African nationals are being lured to the frontlines to sustain Russia’s war efforts.

Ukraine’s foreign minister, Andrii Sybiha, disclosed last year that more than 1,400 citizens from 36 African countries are reportedly fighting for Russia in Ukraine, with many being held in Ukrainian camps as prisoners of war. Kenya’s Ministry of Foreign and Diaspora Affairs has similarly reported that over 200 of its nationals may be in Ukraine, having been deceived by online recruitment networks advertising fake jobs.

The human cost of the recruitment drive remains largely unknown. It is unclear how many Nigerians have died while fighting for Russian forces, and Russia has not formally responded to reports of Nigerian casualties.

But speaking at a press conference in Abuja, the Russian Ambassador to Nigeria, Andrey Podyelyshev, denied that the recruitment was state-sponsored. “There is no government-backed programme to recruit Nigerians to fight in Ukraine.

“If illegal organisations or individuals are involved in such activities, they are acting outside the law and without any connection to the Russian state,” he said. Podyelyshev added that Russia would investigate any reported cases if provided with concrete evidence.

Zagazola warned that the case draws attention to the serious risks to Nigerian citizens traveling abroad for employment. Their is a need for stronger government oversight, diplomatic intervention, and public awareness to prevent exploitation and ensure the safety of nationals in foreign jurisdictions.

Adamu’s legal team has formally demanded that Russian authorities immediately cease his military deployment, return his confiscated travel documents, and facilitate his repatriation to Nigeria.

The Nigerian Ministry of Foreign Affairs has yet to comment on Adamu’s appeal, leaving families and civil society groups calling for immediate diplomatic action and repatriation of their citizens caught in what is described as a transnational human rights and labor exploitation crisis.

This incident calls for urgent examination about the protection of Nigerian citizens abroad, the oversight of foreign employment schemes, and the responsibilities of international partners to safeguard human rights. Without decisive government intervention, more Nigerians may fall victim to similar coercive recruitment tactics, potentially placing them in life-threatening situations far from home without any help

Nigerian seeks repatriation after alleged forced recruitment into Russian military

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